FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER 
THE  FLAG 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS 
UNDER  THE  FLAG 


BY 

WINFIELD  SCOTT  SCHLEY 

KEAR  ADMIRAL,  U.  S.  N. 


ILLUSTRATED 


library  of  PRiMCETON 

JAN  1 1 2D03 


THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


NEW  YORK 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 
MCMIV 


COPTRIGHT,  1904,  BY 

D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY 


Published  September,  190U 


PREFACE 


In  preparing  this  history  of  forty-five  years  of  service  un- 
der the  flag  of  the  United  States,  the  writer  has  felt  that  it 
was  his  duty,  while  still  in  vigorous  health,  to  record  the  inci- 
dents and  activities  of  a career  that  has  covered  many  impor- 
tant years  in  the  nation’s  progress.  This  service  has  included, 
in  times  of  peace,  all  quarters  of  the  globe.  It  has  imposed 
responsibilities  and  afforded  experiences  that  do  not  usually 
come  to  naval  men,  and  at  the  same  time  it  has  given  oppor- 
tunities to  observe  other  civilizations  and  to  visit  other  coun- 
tries. In  time  of  war  it  has  included  the  Civil  War,  the 
storming  of  the  Korean  fortifications  on  Kang  Hoa  Island  and 
participation  in  the  war  with  Spain  that  ended  in  the  total 
destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  and  the  capture  of  Admiral  Cer- 
vera,  his  officers  and  men,  on  July  3,  1898,  off  Santiago  de  Cuba. 
In  a description  of  these  incidents  and  activities  it  has  not 
been  possible  to  cover,  in  the  preliminary  chapters,  everything 
that  happened  in  the  times  there  referred  to. 

The  main  purpose  has  been  to  adhere  to  a simple  recital 
of  experiences  in  the  order  of  their  sequence,  and  to  keep  in 
view  the  fact  that  others  who  served  with  the  writer  shared 
with  him  in  all  that  these  pages  relate.  In  the  chapters  which 
relate  to  the  operations  against  Cervera’s  fleet  the  purpose  has 
been  to  record  the  events  from  the  writer’s  own  view-point,  to 
criticize  in  a spirit  of  fairness,  but  without  malice,  bearing 
in  mind  that  wherever  it  has  been  necessary  to  refer  to  appar^ 


VI 


PREFACE 


ent  inconsistencies  in  the  statements  of  others,  the  author  has 
endeavored  always  to  avoid  unnecessary  harshness.  Through 
the  courtesy  of  Secretary  Moody  recourse  has  been  had  to  offi- 
cial papers  which  were  not  available  before  his  accession  to 
office.  The  writer  has  been  pleased  to  find  that  his  memory 
of  many  circumstances  was  verified  almost  to  the  day  and  hour, 
so  ineradicably  were  events  impressed  upon  him  at  the  time 
of  their  occuiTence. 

Whether  the  many  incidents  of  this  service  have  been  use- 
ful, whether  they  effected  much  or  little  for  the  good  of  the 
country,  it  is  onLy  fair  to  say  that,  in  times  of  danger  and 
duty,  the  writer  endeavored  to  do  the  work  set  before  him  with- 
out fear  of  personal  consequences.  With  this  thought  in  mind, 
he  has  felt  moved,  as  a duty  to  his  wife,  his  children  and  his 
name,  to  leave  a record  of  his  long  professional  life,  which  has 
not  been  without  some  prestige,  at  leasts  for  the  flag  he  has  loved 
and  under  which  he  has  served. 

Washington,  July  20,  1904.  W.  S.  S. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 
1839-1860 

Birthplace,  School-days  and  Annapolis  . 

CHAPTER  II 
1860-1861 

To  Japan  with  the  Embassy 


CHAPTER  III 
1861-1862 

With  Farragut  in  the  Gulf — Ordered  to  Vera  Cruz 


CHAPTER  IV 
1862-1863 

Mexico,  Mobile  and  Port  Hudson  . 


CHAPTER  V 
1863 

Siege  and  Capitulation  of  Port  Hudson — Farragut  again  . 


CHAPTER  VI 
1864-1866 


PAGB 

1 


11 


. 24 


33 


. 43 


In  South  and  Central  America 


Vll 


52 


Vlll 


CONTEXTS 


CHAPTER  VII 
1866-1870 

Service  under  Porter  and  a Cruise  to  China 


PAGE 

. 63 


CHAPTER  VIII 
1870-1871 

Troublesome  Times  in  the  Far  East 73 


CHAPTER  IX 
1871 

Opening  Communication  with  Korea 83 


CHAPTER  X 
1871-1872 

Up  the  Yang-tse-Kiang  and  in  the  Philippines 97 


CHAPTER  XI 
1872-1877 

The  Naval  Academy,  Mexico  and  Africa 106 


CHAPTER  XII 
1877-1878 

To  THE  Congo  River  and  South  America 117 


CHAPTER  XIII 
1878-1879 

Another  Year  in  the  South  Atlantic 125 


CHAPTER  XIV 
1880-1883 


As  a Lighthouse  Inspector;  Years  of  Home  Duty 


136 


CONTENTS 


IX 


CHAPTER  XV 
1884 

The  Greely  Relief  Expedition 


PAGE 

146 


CHAPTER  XVI 
1884 

The  Rescue  of  Greely  and  Six  Companions 158 


CHAPTER  XVII 
1884 

The  Return  of  the  Expedition 


170 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
1885-1889 

Chief  of  Bureau  in  Washington 182 


CHAPTER  XIX 
1890 

Ericsson’s  Body  taken  to  Stockholm 193 


Revolution  in  Chile 


CHAPTER  XX 
1891 


206 


CHAPTER  XXI 
1892 

Adjustment  of  the  Chilean  Difficulty 219 


CHAPTER  XXII 
1892-1894 


The  Inquiry  at  Mare  Island  and  Shore  Duty 


232 


X 


CONTENTS 


Sea  Duty  and  Promotion 

CHAPTER  XXIII 
1895-1897 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  XXIV 

1898 

The  Flying  Squadron  Sails  for  Cuban  Waters 256 


Arrival  at  Santiago  . 

CHAPTER  XXV 
1898 

CHAPTER  XXVI 
1898 

The  Bombardment  of  Defenses  at  Santiago 286 


The  Battle  of  Santiago 

CHAPTER  XXVIl 
July  3,  1898 

After  the  Battle 

CHAPTER  XXVIII 
1898 

Reports  of  the  Battle 

CHAPTER  XXIX 
1898 

322 

CHAPTER  XXX 
1898 

Surrender  of  the  Spanish  Forces  and  the  Arrival  in  New  York  . 332 


CONTENTS 


XI 


CHAPTER  XXXI 
1898 

Commissioner  to  Porto  Rico  . . . . 


PAGE 

343 


The  Navigators’  Chart 


CHAPTER  XXXII 
1898 


353 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 
1898 

Promotion  and  Advancement  .... 


367 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 
1899-1901 

Command  South  Atlantic  Squadron 395 


The  Court  of  Inquiry 


CHAPTER  XXXV 
1901 


408 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 
1901 

The  Appeal  from  the  Report  of  the  Majority 419 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 
1902-1903 

Visits  to  the  West,  South  and  East 420 


Index 


435 


LIST  OF  ILLIISTKATIOFTS 


FACING 

PAGE 

Winfield  Scott  Schley Frontispiece 

The  birthplace  of  Admiral  Schley,  Richfields,  Maryland  ...  2 

The  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis,  1856  6 

The  Niagara 12 

The  Monongahela 44 

The  Richmond 48 

Korea,  showing  forts  and  batteries  engaged  by  the  U.  S.  Asiatic 

fleet,  June,  1871 88 

Fort  Monocacy 91 

Interior  view  of  Fort  du  Conde,  after  the  hand-to-hand  conflict  . 94 

Dom  Pedro,  the  Empress,  and  their  daughter  and  son-in-law  . . 127 

Cape  Town  and  Table  Mountain 131 

The  Thetis 165 

The  Baltimore , . , 194 

The  Broohlyn,  Admiral  Schley’s  flagship 260 

Chart  of  the  battle  of  July  3,  1898  302 

The  Brooklyn  in  the  battle  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  3,  1898  . 305 

Sketch  showing  injuries  sustained  by  the  Brooklyn  ....  307 

Commission  to  arrange  the  evacuation  of  Porto  Rico  . . . 348 

xiii 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER 
THE  FLAG 


CHAPTER  I 

BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL-DAYS  AND  ANNAPOLIS 
1839-18G0 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1839  the  subject  of  these  memoirs 
was  born  at  Richfields,  Frederick  County,  Maryland,  the  home 
of  his  parents,  John  Thomas  Schley  and  Georgianna  Virginia 
Schley. 

On  his  paternal  grandparents’  side  the  descent  was  Ger- 
man and  Huguenot  and  on  the  maternal  Scotch-Irish.  John 
Schley,  an  eminent  citizen  of  Frederick  in  the  last  century, 
was  descended  from  John  Thomas  Schley,  one  of  two  brothers 
who  emigrated  to  America  in  1739,  from  Phalsburg,  Bavaria, 
took  up  a residence  in  Frederick  County,  and  named  it  after  Fred- 
erick of  Prussia,  surnamed  “The  Great.”  John  Schley’s  wife, 
Mary  Ferree  Shriver,  was  descended  from  Louis  du  Bois,  a 
Huguenot,  who  emigrated  to  America  and  founded  the  colony 
of  Huguenots  at  New  Paltz,  in  Ulster  County,  New  York,  in  the 
year  1660,  Like  all  the  settlers  of  America  in  those  older  days, 
these  pioneers  preferred  the  dangers  lurking  in  the  wilderness 
of  America,  and  even  the  privations  therein,  to  the  militarism, 
the  discriminations  and  distinctions  of  caste  and  class,  and  the 
intolerant  religious  bigotry  of  their  day  in  the  older  countries 
of  Europe. 

John  McClure  and  Mary  Ann  Thornburg  McClure,  the 
maternal  grandparents,  were  Scotch-Irish.  They  removed 
from  Ireland  to  Baltimore  before  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  and 


1 


2 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


lived  in  that  city  until  their  death.  John  McClure  was  captain 
of  a company  of  riflemen  in  the  Maryland  defenders  in  the  War 
of  1812.  His  accounts,  scrupulously  kept,  are  still  in  existence, 
and  show  him  to  have  been  methodical  and  exact  in  dealings 
and  in  details  in  matters  of  money.  John  McClure  was  iden- 
tifled  with  the  development  of  Baltimore.  Like  the  older  Schleys, 
he  was  an  excellent  citizen,  who  had  connected  himself  with  the 
earlier  settlers  of  the  State,  and  helped  in  gathering  together 
family  societies,  which  improved  the  laws,  gave  greater  security 
to  settlements,  and  in  the  end  more  stability  to  the  State.  His 
ideals  were  high. 

Richfields,  the  home  of  the  family,  lay  about  three  miles 
north  of  Frederick,  on  the  Emmettsburg  Turnpike,  just  north 
of  the  Tuscarora  Creek.  It  embraced  about  300  acres  of  culti- 
vated, well-watered,  fertile  soil,  lying  on  the  bottom-land  of  the 
river  east  of  the  turnpike.  Its  rich  fields  yielded  abundant 
crops  of  wheat,  rye,  corn,  oats  and  hay.  Its  climate  in  summer 
was  tempered  by  the  cool  breezes  which  came  down  from  the 
mountain,  distant  some  two  miles  to  the  westward.  During  the 
winter  months  these  mountains  served  as  a protecting  barrier 
against  the  cutting  northwest  winds,  which  at  that  season 
brought  bitter  cold.  The  scenery  of  mountain  and  plain  was 
indeed  picturesque.  The  soil,  always  under  careful  cultivation 
in  the  early  spring  and  summer  months,  presented  a picture 
from  the  cleared  mountain  tops  resembling  the  cultivated  valleys 
of  Europe. 

In  these  surroundings  the  earlier  years  of  the  'writer’s  life 
were  passed.  The  primary  school  at  Harmony  Grove,  a mile 
from  the  home,  was  where  the  preliminary  education  was  begun 
and  continued  until  he  had  reached  his  eighth  year.  With 
three  older  brothers  he  walked  daily  to  school  in  all  but  the 
ver’^’'  worst  weather,  and  during  holidays  fished  with  them  in 
the  Monocacy  River,  or  trudged  with  them  over  the  fields  in 
the  season,  shooting  varieties  of  game  which  at  that  time  was 
abundant  wdierever  there  was  covering. 

It  was  in  this  outdoor  life  during  school-days  that  the  phy- 
sique of  after-life  was  cultivated,  and  the  endurance  necessary 
in  the  profession  chosen  was  built  up.  As  the  service  after- 
ward embraced  every  variety  of  climate  from  the  tropics  to  the 


THE  mirniPLACE  of  admiral  SCHLEY,  RICHFIELDS,  MARYLAND. 


BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL-DAYS  AND  ANNAPOLIS  3 


pole,  the  influence  of  outdoor  life  was  important.  Early  to  bed 
and  early  to  rise  became  a rule,  along  with  simpler  and  more 
wholesome  ways  of  living,  and  thus  were  laid  sure  foundations 
for  that  health  so  necessary  to  a life  which  was  to  be  full  of 
activity  and  exposure  afterward. 

Early  in  life  a cloud  of  sorrow  and  bereavement  overshad- 
owed the  beautiful  home  in  the  death  of  a loving  and  beauti- 
ful mother  at  a moment  when  her  care  and  guidance  were  most 
needed  by  the  helpless  family  of  little  ones,  the  oldest  being 
only  thirteen  years  and  the  youngest  only  eleven  months.  This 
sad  calamity  had  been  preceded  about  a year  by  the  loss  of  a 
younger  brother  and  was  followed  a year  later  by  that  of  the 
oldest  brother,  a promising  lad  of  thirteen  years.  These  sor- 
rows in  the  father’s  life  promoted  the  belief  that  the  loc^ity 
lacked  healthfulness  and  decided  him  to  dispose  of  the  old 
home  where  his  nine  children  had  been  born.  “Richfields” 
was  therefore  sold,  and  the  new  life  of  the  family  was  begun 
in  Frederick  some  time  in  the  year  1848;  but  the  beauty  and 
reposeful  quiet  of  that  country  home  near  the  mountains  of 
western  Maryland  and  on  the  banks  of  the  picturesque  Mon- 
ocacy  where  the  author  spent  his  earliest  years  have  survived 
among  the  sweetest  memories  of  his  life,  fllled  as  that  life  has 
been  with  much  that  has  been  eventful  and  historic.  From 
1848  to  1856  this  newer  life  and  its  experiences  were  passed 
in  Frederick.  In  the  halcyon  days  of  school  life  many  were 
the  visits  paid  to  the  home  of  Barbara  Frietchie,  whose  fond- 
ness for  children  was  always  evident  in  her  many  kindnesses 
to  them.  Living  near  her  home  and  seeing  her  almost  daily, 
the  writer  had  many  opportunities  to  get  from  her  hands  the 
ginger  cakes  she  always  had  in  store  for  the  boys.  She  was  a 
living  personality,  but  she  seemed  then  to  our  boyish  notions 
almost  as  old  as  it  was  possible  to  be. 

The  remembrance  of  school-days  at  Hammond’s  and  Cas- 
sidy’s primary  schools,  at  the  Frederick  Academy  under  the 
tutelage  of  Nathaniel  Vernon  and  Jesse  Bonsai,  and  at  St. 
John’s  College  under  the  instruction  of  Fathers  Macatee,  Cham- 
pion, Miller  and  Carroll,  with  the  friends  then  made,  has  lived 
ever  since  among  the  cherished  recollections  of  life.  In  those 
days  of  the  long  ago  the  patience  of  those  teachers  must  have 
2 


4 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


been  sorely  tried  by  the  boys,  who  held  pleasure  and  holidays 
in  higher  esteem  than  plodding  study,  which  was  more  interest- 
ing in  some  such  ratio  as  the  square  of  the  distance  separating 
us  from  books. 

About  the  year  1855  a number  of  comparatively  new  books, 
such  as  Midshipman  Easy,  Peter  Simple,  Jacoh  Faithfid  and 
Frank  Mildmay,  written  by  that  inimitable  author  of  sea  fic- 
tion, Captain  Marryat,  came  into  the  writer’s  reach  and  so  fas- 
cinated his  young  mind  as  to  determine  an  almost  uncon- 
querable desire  for  a sea  life.  Under  this  infiuence,  joined  to  the 
fact  that  his  great  namesake  and  sponsor.  General  Winfield 
Scott — a conspicuous  figure  in  the  war  of  1812  and  that  of 
Mexico  in  1847  and  1848 — ^had  encouraged  the  idea  of  a mil- 
itary life,  and  had  promised  his  influence  to  this  end  when  the 
writer  had  reached  the  proper  age,  a military  career  with  its 
ambitions  and  hopes  seemed  to  exclude  thoughts  of  all  others. 
Nothing  was  known  of  the  limitations  to  a military  life  in 
that  time,  and  no  thought  of  its  requirements,  its  sacrifices,  its 
exposures  or  its  responsibilities  could  enter  a mind  filled  with 
dreams  and  hopes  that  the  time  would  come  in  later  life  when 
there  might  be  such  opportunities  as  others  had  had  to  do 
some  lasting  benefit  to  their  home  and  country. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1855  events  took  such  shape 
in  the  political  outlook  of  the  Fifth  Congressional  District  of 
Maryland,  where  the  author’s  family  resided,  that  the  Hon. 
H.  W.  Hoffman  was  elected  to  Congress.  It  so  happened  that 
during  the  contest,  which  was  a spirited  one,  the  author’s  rel- 
atives became  influential  in  carrying  the  District  by  a hand- 
some majority  for  Mr.  Hoffman,  who  in  turn  acknowledged 
their  services  by  nominating  the  writer  for  appointment  as 
acting  midshipman  in  the  Navy  early  in  the  year  1856. 

General  Winfield  Scott  at  that  time  was  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  armies  of  the  United  States,  but  owing  to  some  misun- 
derstanding with  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  Secretary  of  War  under 
President  Pierce,  he  had  removed  to  New  York  City  and 
was  without  influence  to  help  in  carrying  out  his  expressed 
wishes  and  desires  as  to  the  writer’s  appointment,  although  he 
showed  an  active  interest  by  means  of  letters  and  good  advice 
ever  afterward  while  he  lived. 


BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL-DAYS  AND  ANNAPOLIS  5 

After  the  writer’s  appointment,  the  Navy  Department,  then 
under  Secretary  Dobbin,  sent  him  two  pamphlets  setting  forth 
the  mental  and  physical  requirements  of  candidates  for  admis- 
sion to  the  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis,  Md.  In  looking 
them  over  attentively,  some  apprehension  was  aroused  that 
among  the  many  defects  from  which  the  candidate  must  be 
free  physically  in  order  to  secure  admission,  there  might  be 
some  of  which  the  candidate  was  not  aware.  Although  the 
writer  was  in  robust  health  from  the  outdoor  life  he  had  led 
and  was  fairly  well  advanced  in  study,  he  was  unaware  of  any 
physical  impediment;  yet  the  anxiety  in  the  interval  of  wait- 
ing was  only  relieved  when  the  Board  of  Surgeons  and  the 
Academic  Board  of  the  academy,  after  careful  examination, 
on  the  20th  day  of  September,  1856,  pronounced  him  qualified 
for  admission. 

His  life  work  only  commenced  with  his  admission  to  the 
academy.  The  course  of  study  embraced  a period  of  four  years 
and  was  mainly  technical.  It  was  so  arranged  as  to  lead  the 
student  gradually  and  methodically  over  the  various  courses 
of  instruction  in  mathematics,  pure  and  applied;  astronomy, 
theoretic  and  practical;  navigation  in  all  branches,  including 
land  and  maritime  surveying,  physical  geography,  physics, 
chemistry,  ordnance  and  gunnery,  steam,  shipbuilding,  naval 
architecture,  infantry  and  artillery  tactics,  history  and  Eng- 
lish composition,  international  law,  fleet  tactics  and  maneuvers, 
French  and  Spanish. 

The  course  of  study  was  so  arranged  as  to  include  two  ex- 
aminations each  year — the  first  in  February,  the  second  in  June 
— after  which  a practice  cruise  during  the  summer  months  was 
made  in  one  of  the  old  sailing  ships  of  war,  the  Preble  or  Plym- 
outh. In  those  days  the  cruise  extended  generally  to  the  ports  of 
western  Europe,  such  as  Plymouth,  Cherbourg  or  Brest ; thence 
to  Lisbon  or  Cadiz,  touching  finally  on  the  homeward  bound 
voyage  at  the  beautiful  island  of  Madeira,  the  aim  in  view  be- 
ing so  to  regulate  the  cruise  as  to  arrive  home  again  in  the 
Chesapeake  Bay  about  the  18th  or  20th  of  September,  in  order 
to  be  sure  to  reach  Annapolis  in  time  to  begin  the  following 
year’s  course  on  October  1st,  when  the  academic  year  began. 

During  the  writer’s  probation  at  the  academy  two  such 


6 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


cruises  were  made,  the  first  in  the  year  1857  in  the  old  Preble, 
under  command  of  Commander  Joseph  F.  Green,  Command- 
ant of  Midshipmen  at  the  academy,  and  an  able  and  skilful 
seaman.  Owing  to  some  delay  in  making  repairs  needed,  the 
Preble  did  not  reach  the  academy  in  time  to  begin  the  cruise  at 
the  usual  time.  It  was  extended  therefore  to  the  Azores  or 
Western  Islands,  where  only  a few  days  could  be  spent,  due 
consideration  being  given  to  the  necessity  for  reaching  the 
Chesapeake  Bay  in  ample  season  to  be  in  Annapolis  before 
October  1st. 

On  the  12th  of  September,  1857,  a violent  hurricane  swept 
along  the  American  coast,  during  which  the  Central  America, 
a passenger  steamer,  commanded  by  Commander  Herndon  of  the 
Navy,  foundered  with  nearly  all  on  board,  including  the  gal- 
lant Herndon  himself.  The  Preble,  being  to  the  eastward  of 
its  track,  escaped  the  heaviest  of  the  storm,  but  a few  days 
afterward  passed  through  a vast  amount  of  wreckage,  which 
told  the  story  of  some  great  calamity,  the  extent  of  which,  with 
all  the  harrowing  circumstances,  were  heard  later  from  the  pilot 
on  arrival  off  Cape  Henry.  As  the  Preble  was  known  to  be 
homeward  bound,  due  to  arrive  at  any  time  after  the  middle 
of  September,  great  anxiety  was  felt  lest  she  had  encountered 
the  same  gale  and  some  misfortune  had  overtaken  her.  For- 
tunately her  arrival  some  days  later  dispelled  all  misgivings. 
She  reached  Annapolis  in  good  season  for  the  opening  of  the 
academic  year  on  October  1st,  having  passed  almost  the  entire 
three  months  at  sea. 

It  would  be  a novel  sensation  for  the  midshipmen  of  these 
days  to  have  to  undergo  the  same  hardships  and  experiences 
as  George  Dewey,  or  Thomas  0.  Selfridge,  or  John  C.  Wat- 
son, or  Silas  Casey,  or  many  others  who  received  their  early 
training  in  this  school — ^the  work  aloft  in  bad  weather  “reef- 
ing or  furling  sails,’’  or  on  deck  at  “the  wheel”  in  all  kinds 
of  weather,  or  in  the  chains  “heaving  the  lead,”  or  in  boats; 
huddled  together  in  quarters  badly  ventilated  and  crowded, 
but  worse  lighted,  with  hammocks  to  sleep  in  that  the  young- 
sters had  to  “lash  and  carry”  to  be  stowed;  living  upon  ra- 
tions which  at  that  day  consisted  of  hard  tack,  salt  junk,  pork 
and  beans,  weevily  rice,  wormy  cheese,  rancid  butter,  the  com- 


THE  NAVAL  ACADEMY  AT  ANNAPOLIS,  185(3. 


BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL-DAYS  AND  ANNAPOLIS  7 


monest  varieties  of  tea,  coffee  and  sugar.  All  that,  however, 
was  before  the  days  when  canned  goods  were  Imown  and  when 
pies  of  dried  apples  were  luxuries.  An  allowance  of  one  gal- 
lon of  water  per  day  for  all  purposes — washing,  cooking  and 
drinking — was  regarded  as  an  abundance. 

It  was  through  these  hardships  and  privations  that  the  older 
officers  of  the  Navy,  such  as  Decatur,  Perry,  Bainbridge,  Hull, 
Farragut,  Porter  and  Dewey,  grew  into  manhood  and  reached 
the  fame  of  their  careers  in  the  after  years. 

In  the  summer  months  of  1858  the  writer  was  given  the 
customary  leave  of  absence  after  two  years  of  study.  Those 
months  were  enjoyed  to  the  full  at  his  home  near  the  moun- 
tain's of  his  native  State  among  the  friends  of  his  boyhood, 
and  it  was  with  much  regret  that  he  saw  the  time  approach 
to  return  once  more  to  study  and  the  exacting  discipline  of 
the  academy,  this  time  for  a “full  due/’  as  the  course  of  study 
for  the  next  two  years  was  to  include  another  cruise  in  the 
summer  of  1859,  ending  in  his  graduation  in  June,  1860. 

The  cruise  of  1859  was  made  in  the  old  sloop-of-war 
Plymouth^  under  command  of  that  splendid  sailor  Commander 
Thomas  T.  Craven,  who  had  succeeded  Commander  Green  as 
Commandant  of  Midshipmen.  It  began  about  the  first  week  of 
June  and  embraced  a visit  to  Plymouth,  Brest,  Cadiz,  and  the 
beautiful  island  of  Madeira  on  the  homeward  bound  voyage. 
On  this  cruise  the  writer  was  a first  classman  and  with  the  other 
members  of  the  class  was  given  charge  of  the  deck  in  turns 
during  the  daytime  in  order  to  inculcate  habits  of  command, 
confidence  and  observation.  The  class  was  required  to  navi- 
gate the  vessel  from  observations  made  by  themselves.  The 
honor  of  plotting  the  ship’s  position  each  day  fell  to  that  mid- 
shipman whose  observations  were  nearest  to  the  mean  of  all 
taken  by  the  members  of  the  class.  During  the  night  quarter 
watches  were  kept  in  the  tops,  as  the  custom  in  those  days  was 
to  keep  such  watch  aloft  when  the  light  sails  were  set.  The 
recollection  of  many  nights  with  a wet  jacket  on  the  upper 
yards  in  “reefing”  or  in  “furling  sails”  is  still  vivid,  and 
impressed  a lesson  in  devotion  to  the  work  and  hardy  life  of  the 
sailor.  It  did  more,  it  taught  that  sympathy  with  the  life  and 
endless  work  of  the  sailor  which  was  a distinguishing  feature 


8 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FUtVG 


of  the  camaraderie  of  the  older  officers  and  men  and  which 
bound  them  together  in  loyal  attachment  to  country  and  to  each 
other. 

This  last  practice  cruise  ended  with  the  Plymouth's  arrival 
about  the  third  w^eek  of  September,  1859.  Reaching  the  Sev- 
ern, off  the  academy,  the  midshipmen  were  landed  and  then  took 
up  the  quarters  assigned  them  in  time  to  be  shaken  well  down 
by  October  1st,  when  the  studies  of  the  last  year  of  the  four 
years’  course  were  to  be  undertaken. 

The  first  meal  taken  after  getting  on  shore  was  supper. 
Colonel  Richard  Swann  was  our  commissary  in  those  days,  and 
nobody  understood  better  what  our  young  and  lusty  appetites 
required  after  living  for  three  months  on  the  ship’s  rations 
of  those  days.  For  the  first  two  or  three  days  after  landing 
his  provisions  were  most  abundant,  and  the  appetites  of  the 
youngsters  wffio  had  learned  that  great  lesson  of  the  profession 
of  arms — to  feast  when  there  was  plenty  and  loyally  to  fast 
when  there  was  nothing — did  full  justice  to  the  clean,  tooth- 
some, wholesome  and  plain  fare  the  commissary  had  provided. 
It  is  to  be  doubted  if  there  is  any  one  of  those  who  served  un- 
der the  administration  of  this  good  man  and  kind  friend  who 
does  not  recall  affectionately  many  instances  of  his  association 
with  him  at  the  academy. 

June  of  1860  came  at  last  and  with  it  the  happy  hours  of 
commencement  exercises,  the  examinations  and  the  graduation. 
The  four  years  of  the  writer’s  life  at  the  academy  were  ended, 
and  he  with  his  classmates  had  successfully  met  the  trying  or- 
deal of  the  curriculum  and  its  discipline.  Like  the  fledglings 
of  some  mother  eagle,  they  were  now  to  be  poised  in  mid-air 
to  test  the  strength  of  their  pinions.  They  were  to  part  at  last 
for  service  on  all  the  naval  stations  into  which  the  globe  had 
been  divided,  to  meet  again  in  two  years  for  the  final  examina- 
tion which  was  to  fix  their  status  as  officers  of  the  Navy. 

Although  most  of  the  time  passed  at  the  academy  had  to 
be  given  to  study,  we  had  opportunities  to  glance  at  the  news- 
papers which  told  what  was  taking  place  in  the  world  outside. 

There  were  mutterings  of  ominous  discontent  in  the  polit- 
ical world  which  drifted  in  to  us,  such  as  the  Brooks-Sumner 
assault,  the  John  Brown  raid  into  Virginia  at  Harper’s  Ferry, 


BIRTHPLACE,  SCHOOL-DAYS  AND  ANNAPOLIS 


9 


the  Dred  Scott  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court,  the  repeal  of 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  the  border  ruffian  disturbances,  the 
fiery  debates  in  the  halls  of  Congress  relating  to  the  extension 
of  slavery  in  the  new  States.  All  these  subjects  were  dis- 
cussed by  us  youngsters.  We  took  sides,  naturally,  and  the 
State  from  which  the  youngster  came  determined  his  attitude 
toward  a subject. 

Among  one  or  two  of  the  midshipmen  from  the  Southern 
States  were  heard  unsuppressed  mutterings  of  a Southern  Con- 
federacy arising,  with  Jefferson  Davis  as  its  President,  but  none 
dreamed  then  that  this  suggestion  was  more  than  a “bluff”  to 
induce  greater  concessions  from  the  North.  It  was  believed 
by  the  more  conservative  that  some  common  ground  could  and 
would  be  found  upon  which  both  sections  could  stand  on  the 
disturbing  issues  of  that  day.  Nobody  imagined  that  war  be- 
tween the  States  was  possible,  or  that  any  of  the  issues  under 
consideration  could  make  such  a result  possible  in  a land  where 
love  of  home  and  the  traditions  of  Washington’s  career  burned 
so  brightly  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen. 

Our  diplomas  of  graduation  releasing  us  from  the  control 
and  discipline  of  the  academy  were  given  to  us  on  the  10th 
of  June,  1860.  These  were  supplemented  by  a warrant  as  mid- 
shipman in  the  Navy  bearing  the  signature  of  James  Buchanan, 
and  these  again  were  soon  followed  by  orders  to  sea  from  Isaac 
Toucey,  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  The  moment  to  which  all  of 
us  had  looked  forward  so  longingly  had  come.  We  were  to 
separate  on  service  which  was  to  carry  us  to  the  four  quar- 
ters of  the  globe. 

Recollections  of  the  happy  days  spent  at  our  alma  mater 
and  its  warm  friendships  which  had  ripened  after  an  associa- 
tion of  four  years  of  study,  drill  and  work,  brightened  many 
hours  afterv^ard  which  the  monotony  of  our  life  at  sea  would 
have  made  irksome  as  we  drifted  further  and  further  apart 
on  our  way  to  the  various  fields  of  service  assigned,  to  stand 
guard  on  the  frontiers  of  civilization  over  the  interests  of  our 
countrymen,  domiciled  in  those  far-off  parts  of  the  world  under 
treaty  rights. 

The  writer  has  always  recalled  with  sincere  pleasure  the 
teachings  and  example  given  in  the  instruction  in  those  days 


10 


rORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


at  the  academy,  embracing  such  honored  names  as  L.  M.  Golds- 
borough,  Geo.  S.  Blake,  Jos.  F.  Green,  T.  T.  Craven,  Samuel 
Marcy,  W.  H.  Wilcox,  Wm.  P.  Buckner,  J.  J.  Waddell,  John 
Taylor  Wood,  Chas.  H.  Cushman,  Chas.  W.  Flusser,  Professors 
Chauvenet,  Coffin,  Lockwood,  Roget,  Girault,  Hopkins  and  many 
others.  The  careful  training,  the  sense  of  honor,  the  high  prin- 
ciples of  fidelity  and  loyalty  to  country  which  were  impressed 
on  us  by  them  from  day  to  day  at  a time  of  life  wffien  youth 
is  most  impressionable  could  never  be  forgotten. 

It  was  such  associations  with  noble  ideals  at  this  great  mili- 
tary school  that  set  the  pace  in  life  and  cultivated  a chivalry 
which  would  be  necessary  in  the  officer’s  career  afterward. 


CHAPTER  II 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 
1860-1861 

The  writer’s  orders  were  to  U.  S.  steam  frigate  Niagara, 
then  fitting  out  at  New  York  for  a cruise  to  China  and  Japan 
under  command  of  noble  old  Captain  W.  W.  McKean.* 

During  the  year  1859  an  embassy  from  the  Hermit  Empire 
of  Japan  had  visited  the  United  States  in  return  for  the  visit 
made  to  their  country  by  Commodore  M.  C.  Perry  some  years 
before.  This  embassy  was  composed  of  three  princes  of  high 
rank  and  a large  number  of  secretaries,  attendants  and  inter- 
preters. And  better  remembered,  perhaps,  than  most  others  was 
Tommy,  so  called  for  want  of  a nearer  synonym  of  his  Jap- 


* Following  are  the  officers  of  the  Niagara: 


Capt.,  W.  W.  McKean,  Commanding. 
Lieut.,  I.  N.  Brown, Executive  Officer, 
Lieut.,  John  Guest,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  W.  F.  Spicer,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  J.  C.  P.  De  Kraft,  Watch  Offi- 
cer. 

Lieut.,  D.  P.  McCorkle, Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  E.  E.  Potter,  Watch  Officer. 


Lieut.,  R.  L.  May,  Watch  Officer. 
Midshipman,  J.  D.  Marvin. 
Midshipman,  Jas.  O’Kane. 
Midshipman,  H.  B.  Robeson. 
Midshipman,  Silas  Casey. 
Midshipman,  T.  L.  Swann. 
Midshipman,  W.  S.  Schley. 
Midshipman,  E.  G.  Read. 


Surgeon,  Robert  Woodworth. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  D.  B.  Conrad. 
Asst.  Surgeon,  Jas.  McMaster. 
Paymaster,  Thos.  R.  Ware. 
Chaplain,  Chas.  Stewart. 

1st  Lieut.,  Israel  Green,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
2d  Lieut.,  Geo.  Butler,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
Chief  Eng.,  W.  P.  Williamson. 

1st  Asst.  Eng.,  D.  B.  McComb. 

1st  Asst.  Eng.,  H.  A.  Ramsay. 
Lieut.-Col.  Ripley,  U.  S.  A., 

Lieut.  H.  A.  Wise,  U.S.  N., 


STAFF  OFFICERS 

2d  Asst.  Eng.,  C.  B.  Kid. 

2d  Asst.  Eng.,  E.  A.  C.  DuPlaine. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  L.  R.  Green. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  A.  H.  Fisher. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  R.  H.  Gunnell. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  Robert  Potts. 
Boatswain,  A.  M.  Pomeroy. 

Gunner,  R.  H.  Hill. 

Carpenter,  H.  P.  Leslie. 

Sailmaker,  Stephen  Seaman. 

) Passengers  in  charge  of  Government  presents 
f to  Japan. 


11 


12 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


anese  name,  who  spoke  English  fairly  well.  He  was  intelli- 
gent, bright  and  always  ready  for  a “lark”  with  anyone. 

When  the  Niagara  was  joined  on  June  19,  1860,  we  found 
extensive  additions  were  being  made  on  the  upper  or  spar  deck 
abaft,  as  quarters  in  which  to  accommodate  the  large  num- 
ber of  persons  comprising  the  staff  of  this  embassy,  who  were 
to  return  to  Japan  in  that  vessel.  These  alterations  completed, 
the  Niagara,  which  was  the  largest  steam  frigate  in  the  wmrld 
at  that  day,  dropped  down  to  an  anchorage  off  Bedloe’s  Isl- 
and, whereon  now  stands  the  beautiful  and  imposing  statue  of 
“Liberty  Enlightening  the  World.”  A few  days  afterward 
the  Japanese  embassy,  with  the  retinue,  including  a Mr.  Port- 
man,  who  served  as  Dutch  interpreter,  came  on  board.  The 
embassy  had  been  welcomed  and  entertained  in  a great  many 
cities  of  the  country  with  a series  of  festivities  that  culminated 
in  a grand  banquet,  reception  and  dance  in  New  York. 

With  them  came  a New  York  Herald  reporter  named  Hol- 
lenback  who  was  to  be  a passenger  to  China.  He  wore  a silk 
hat,  known  in  the  sea  vernacular  as  a “nail  keg,”  and  was 
assigned  to  quarters  in  the  midshipmen’s  steerage.  He  had 
never  been  to  sea  before,  and  a sorry  time. he  had  with  his 
new  messmates.  Liberties  were  taken  with  his  hat.  His  ap- 
pearance in  the  steerage  w^here  he  was  to  be  a messmate  was  the 
signal  for  general  inquiries  from  some  half-dozen  midshipmen 
calling  out  in  falsetto  voice:  “What  are  you  doing  in  that  hat, 
young  fellow P’  and  “Now,  come,  get  out  of  that  nail  keg.” 
Thus  saluted  by  youngsters  whom  he  had  never  seen  or  known 
before,  he  removed  his  hat  with  the  inquiry:  “What’s  the  mat- 
ter with  that  hat,  anyway?”  Nothing  more  was  needed  to 
start  a general  attack.  After  a few  minutes  the  hat  became  a 
shapeless  mass,  full  of  sword  slits.  Hollenback  took  this  good- 
naturedly,  knowing  in  a moment  that  it  was  the  youngsters  ’ way 
of  taking  the  measure  of  his  foot.  A suitable  cap  was  given 
to  him  afterward.  We  found  him  a good  fellow  and  a pleas- 
ant shipmate  all  through  the  cruise  afterward,  and  ready  at 
all  times  to  share  our  scanty  fare  of  “hard  tack”  and  take  the 
softest  side  of  a board  to  sleep  on. 

The  ship  being  in  all  respects  ready  for  her  cruise,  sailed 
on  June  29th,  having  waited  for  the  highest  water  of  that  day’s 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


13 


tide  to  cross  the  Sandy  Hook  bar,  as  the  Great  Eastern,  the 
largest  ship  afloat,  had  done  the  same  day  in  coming  to  New 
York  on  her  first  visit  to  the  United  States.  On  that  day, 
therefore,  the  two  largest  vessels  afloat  were  together  in  New 
York  harbor.  Both  attracted  no  end  of  attention. 

The  Niagara  had  been  built  and  designed  by  George  Steers, 
whose  genius  produced  the  yacht  America,  now  so  noted  in  the 
yachting  history  of  this  country,  and  was  known  in  the  classi- 
fication of  that  day  as  an  auxiliary  steam  frigate — that  is,  a 
vessel  with  full  power  to  sail,  but  with  auxiliary  engine  power. 
She  was  of  the  class  of  the  Minnesota  and  Merrimac.  Her 
model  was  superb  and  her  appearance  in  the  water  as  grace- 
ful as  a swan’s.  Her  battery  of  14  shell  guns  of  eleven  inches 
caliber,  was  the  heaviest  carried  in  our  Navy  at  that  day.  The 
weight  of  the  metal  she  was  able  to  throw  in  one  broadside 
amounted  to  nearly  one  ton,  which  was  enormous  for  that  time. 

For  some  reason  there  was  much  feeling  among  older  naval 
constructors  of  that  day  distinctly  unfavorable  to  the  Niagara. 
The  gossip  of  the  time  attributed  this  feeling  to  the  fact  that 
it  was  believed  that  George  Steers  had  refined  her  model  to  such 
a degree  as  to  endanger  her  stability  at  sea ; that  by  placing  her 
enormously  heavy  battery  at  too  great  height  above  the  line  of 
flotation,  the  moment  of  rolling  would  favor  capsizing.  This 
was  wholly  without  foundation.  The  weights  had  been  so  nicely 
calculated  that  the  performance  at  sea  showed  her  a marvel 
of  steadiness  and  speed.  In  her  run  outward  to  Japan  and 
then  homeward,  mostly  under  canvas,  there  was  no  moment 
when  she  was  even  uncomfortable,  and  no  instance  where  she 
was  ever  overtaken  by  the  fast  clipper  ships  of  that  period. 
On  the  contrary,  she  overtook  and  passed  everything  both  ways. 

On  her  way  outward  the  first  stop  after  a cruise  of  about 
a fortnight  was  St.  Vincent,  one  of  the  Cape  de  Verde  group, 
for  coal  preliminary  to  a long  stretch  through  the  re^gions  of 
light  winds  and  calms  off  the  west  coast  of  Africa  to  St.  Paul 
de  Loanda,  .then  as  at  this  day  a colony  of  Portugal. 

The  African  station  at  that  time  was  commanded  by  Flag 
Officer  Wm.  F.  Inman,  and  St.  Paul  de  Loanda  was  headquar- 
ters— ^that  is,  the  point  chosen  for  the  storehouse,  usual  in  those 
days,  or  to  have  all  mail  addressed.  The  flagship  of  the  Com- 


14 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


mander-in- Chief  was  the  Constellation,  a crack  ship  in  her  day, 
and  which,  with  a number  of  other  ships  on  the  station,  was 
met  at  this  port. 

All  mail  matter  and  all  needed  supplies  of  coal  or  provisions 
were  sent  to  this  rendezvous  or  station  headquarters.  The  Ni- 
agara, direct  from  home,  had  brought  a few  letters  for  vessels 
on  the  station,  but  the  bulk  of  letters  and  papers  had  to 
come  by  the  monthly  steam  packets  of  those  early  times  from 
England,  which  landed  at  all  points  along  the  route.  Letters 
were  always  several  months  in  reaching  those  who  were  sta- 
tioned on  this  God-forsaken,  uninteresting,  unhealthy  coast. 
The  main  hope  of  officers  stationed  there  lay  in  the  chance  of 
capturing  some  slave  ship,  and  their  chief  dream  was  that  they 
might  be  selected  as  prize-master  to  take  her  to  the  United 
States,  where  such  vessels  were  adjudged  by  the  courts.  It 
was  the  only  way,  except  a medical  survey,  to  shorten  the  cruise 
on  this  uninviting  and  forbidding  coast.  The  prize  or  head 
money,  decreed  by  law  for  each  slave  captured,  was  one  of  the 
inducements  which  attracted  officers  to  this  service.  If  lucky, 
their  small  pay  was  thus  increased,  but  they  were  luckier  still 
if  they  escaped  with  unbroken  health. 

On  the  way  to  St.  Paul  de  Loanda,  which  was  reached  on 
August  6,  1860,  the  ship  crossed  the  Equator,  and  our  Japanese 
friends  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives  looked  on  the  waters  of 
the  great  southern  ocean.  Their  curiosity  had  increased  as 
they  approached  the  Equator.  Little  Tommy,  who  found  most 
genial  companionship  in  the  steerage  among  those  of  his  own 
age,  propounded  many  questions  to  the  midshipmen  which  were 
not  hard  to  answer,  but  in  which  he  exhibited  total  ignorance 
of  the  form  of  the  globe,  and  the  nature  of  the  heat  about  the 
Equator.  He  volunteered  the  information  that  in  his  country 
there  was  a legend  or  story  that  when  a person  reached  this 
part  of  the  earth’s  surface  he  was  burned  to  death  by  the  sun’s 
rays,  and  he  wondered  if  this  was  to  be  their  fate.  It  per- 
plexed him  and  all  the  embassy  much  to  understand  how  we 
found  our  way  over  the  ocean,  or  how  we  fixed  our  positions 
each  day  so  as  to  know  where  to  go  the  next  and  how  to  get 
back  again.  His  English  was  defective,  and  this  made  the 
matter  of  explanation  rather  more  difficult;  but  with  it  all  we 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


15 


succeeded  in  elucidating  some  things  and  in  picturing  others  to 
Tommy’s  mind,  so  that  most  of  the  Japanese  on  hoard  stayed 
up  the  greater  part  of  the  twenty-four  hours  the  ship  was  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Equator  in  order  to  observe  what  would 
occur  when  she  would  cross  it. 

Remaining  about  twelve  days  in  St.  Paul  de  Loanda  to  re- 
plenish our  coal  and  other  supplies,  and  then  bidding  adieu 
to  friends,  the  Niagara  got  under  way  on  August  19th  for  the 
long  cruise  around  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  across  the  great 
Indian  Ocean  to  the  Straits  of  Sunda,  and  arrived  at  Anger 
Point  on  September  28th.  Although  the  ship  had  remained  a 
week  and  more  in  Loanda,  yet  when  the  sailing  day  came,  the 
wash  clothes  of  many  officers  had  not  been  returned  by  the 
washerwomen.  To  the  midshipman  with  his  stipend  of  $350 
per  annum  and  one  ration  this  was  a serious  loss,  for  his  ward- 
robe was  as  limited  as  his  pay.  Some  comfort  was  found  in  the 
thought  that  the  ship  was  bound  to  a station  where  things  were 
cheap. 

Passing  the  Cape  and  getting  well  into  the  “brave  west 
wind”  regions,  the  Niagara  proved  herself  a model  of  comfort 
and  speed,  for  she  passed  with  ease  every  sail  we  met  en  route, 
while  in  the  high  winds  and  heavy  seas  that  roll  unceasingly 
entirely  around  the  globe  in  those  southern  latitudes,  she  was 
swift  as  an  arrow  and  as  comfortable  as  that  conventional  old 
shoe  of  story.  Off  the  Cape  and  through  this  great  Indian 
Ocean  we  had  our  experiences  with  the  albatross,  which  was 
caught  in  numbers,  but  only  to  be  tagged  with  small  copper 
strips,  bearing  the  name  of  the  ship,  the  date,  latitude  and  lon- 
gitude where  caught,  and  then  set  free  again.  From  among  the 
older  sailors  on  board  came  ominous  warnings  about  injuring 
sea  birds.  They  believed  in  the  legend  of  the  Plying  Dutchman 
still  and  were  sure  that  each  albatross  bore  the  soul  of  some 
old  captain  or  mate  who  had  been  lost  there  and  condemned  to 
roam  over  the  waters  where  he  had  practised  tyrannies  upon 
seamen  in  other  days.  They  declared  that  injury  to  these  birds 
meant  sure  disaster  to  a ship  at  some  later  time  in  the  cruise; 
so  none  of  the  birds  were  killed,  out  of  reverential  regard  for 
the  sailors’  superstition. 

After  a pleasant  cruise  of  some  thirty  days  from  the  pitch 


16 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


of  the  Cape  we  reached  Anger  Point,  in  the  Straits  of  Sun- 
da,  and  from  there  proceeded  around  to  Batavia,  only  a day’s 
steaming.  At  that  day  Batavia  was,  as  it  still  is,  the  commer- 
cial metropolis  of  the  island  of  Java,  an  important  colony  be- 
longing to  Holland.  As  the  Japanese  princes  spoke  Dutch, 
they  were  more  at  home  in  Batavia  than  at  any  point  visited 
outward-bound.  Most  of  their  time  during  the  day  was  passed 
on  shore  at  comfortable  hotels.  Batavia  is  an  ideal  tropical 
city,  where  work  and  rest  have  been  perfectly  adjusted  to  suit 
high  temperatures.  Creature  comforts  in  matters  of  dress  and 
living,  or  in  social  observances,  were  better  arranged  than  in 
most  other  tropical  cities  visited  afterward. 

This  pleasant  visit  of  a week  or  more  being  ended,  the  Ni- 
agara bade  farewell  to  fair  Batavia,  bound  to  Hong  Kong,  where 
we  arrived  on  October  22d.  Thence  we  sailed  for  a stretch 
eastward  through  the  Bashee  passage,  south  of  Formosa,  for 
Japan,  and  arrived  on  November  8th.  The  season  of  the  pas- 
sage of  the  China  Sea  was  that  of  the  change  of  monsoons,  but 
the  winds  were  light  and  steam  was  always  used  during  light 
weather  or  baffling  winds. 

MHiile  at  Anger  Point  some  member  of  the  embassy  pur- 
chased a large  monkey.  This  animal  was  taken  care  of  by  one 
of  the  Japanese  cooks  in  the  temporary  galley  erected  on  the 
forecastle  and  was  an  ugly  brute,  uncleanly  in  habits  and 
unattractive.  His  curiosity  was  so  developed  that  no  dish, 
kettle,  or  saucepan  could  be  left  for  a moment  about  the  galley- 
house  and  escape  examination.  Picking  from  them  what  he 
wanted  to  eat,  his  habit  was  to  capsize  what  remained  over 
the  clean,  white  deck.  The  profane  expressions  of  the  cap- 
tain of  the  forecastle  and  his  men,  who  had  these  messes  to 
clean  up,  were  grotesque.  No  end  of  schemes  were  planned 
to  stop  these  tricks.  One  which  finally  succeeded  was  devised 
one  morning  when  the  ship  was  running  before  a fair  breeze. 

Whenever  anyone  tried  to  punish  the  animal,  it  was  ob- 
served that  he  sprang  into  the  rigging,  out  of  reach  of  the 
pursuer,  and  taking  a turn  with  his  tail,  hanging  head  down, 
would  gibber  and  grin.  The  monkey’s  tail  was  greased.  After 
the  deck  had  been  washed  down  and  dried  the  monkey  one 
morning  promptly  capsized  some  greasy  mess  over  the  beauti- 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


17 


ful,  clean  deck.  The  moment  had  come.  McNaught,  captain 
of  the  forecastle,  seized  a rope’s  end  and  started  for  the  mon- 
key, who  took  to  the  rigging.  In  some  way,  as  expected,  the 
tail-hold  slipped,  the  simian  lost  his  balance  and  overboard  he 
went.  This  unfortunate  circumstance  was  reported  to  Mr. 
Portman  and  by  him  to  the  Japanese  themselves,  and  in  turn 
it  reached  the  captain.  The  writer  having  been  ^ on  watch  for- 
ward the  morning  of  the  occurrence,  was  expected  to  know  all 
about  it.  In  the  confusion  of  interpreting  from  Japanese  to 
Dutch  and  from  Dutch  to  Japanese  and  then  from  Japanese  to 
English,  the  impression  was  left  on  the  captain’s  mind  that 
the  writer  had  really  caused  the  death  of  the  monkey. 

In  the  investigation  afterward  the  writer  stated  his  connec- 
tion with  the  matter,  but  as  the  monkey  had  been  careless  in 
holding  on,  the  suggestion  was  made  that  he  had  committed  sui- 
cide, and  for  this  the  writer  ought  not  to  be  held  responsible. 
The  explanation  was  accepted  as  sufficient  and  closed  that  inter- 
national incident  in  diplomacy.  The  princes  were  satisfied  that 
the  monkey  had  died  by  his  own  hands.  There  were  a great 
many  snakes  in  the  water  into  which  the  monkey  fell.  Whether 
they  gave  him  any  trouble  in  ‘‘Davy  Jones’s  locker”  was  left 
to  speculation,  as  the  Niagara  cruised  on  through  the  Palawan 
passage,  where  the  sea  was  filled  with  snakes  lolling  on  its  sur- 
face in  knotted  groups,  past  the  Philippine  Islands  to  Hong 
Kong. 

The  current  of  the  Kuro  Siwo,  or  the  gulf  stream  of  the 
Pacific,  flowing  northeast,  touches  the  coast  of  Japan  and  aided 
the  Niagara  in  making  the  passage  to  the  mouth  of  Yeddo 
Bay,  where  she  arrived  early  in  November.  There  were  no 
aids  to  navigation  in  these  waters  in  those  days  to  mark  hid- 
den dangers;  no  lighthouses  to  mark  entrances  to  ports.  On 
one  side  of  the  entrance  lay  a dangerous  ledge  of  rocks,  on 
the  other  a bluff  upon  which  a wood  fire  was  built  as  a beacon- 
light.  For  some  unknown  reason  this  beacon-light  had  been 
shifted  from  the  upper  to  the  lower  point  of  this  bluff  a day 
or  two  before  the  Niagara's  arrival.  It  happened,  therefore, 
that  the  ship  ran  aground  and  hung  there  until  the  next  tide, 
though  without  injury  on  account  of  the  slow  speed  she  was 
under  in  feeling  her  way  in. 


18 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


It  was  now  the  writer’s  watch  again,  and  there  were  some 
misgivings  among  the  old  sailors.  One  of  them  named  Taylor, 
an  excellent  fellow,  came  up  in  the  darkness  and  volunteered 
in  confidence  the  explanation  that  the  accident  had  happened 
because  a number  of  albatross  had  been  caught  off  the  Cape. 
He  avowed  that  in  all  his  experience  at  sea  he  had  never  known 
a ship  where  the  captain  allowing  them  to  be  caught  had  escaped 
some  mishap.  With  a good  deal  of  solemnity,  he  declared  that 
the  accident  was  only  to  remind  us  that  the  souls  of  old  cap- 
tains living  in  those  albatross,  always  put  a mark  of  bad  luck 
on  ships  which  allowed  the  birds  to  be  caught.  But  he  vouch- 
safed the  comforting  thought  that  as  none  of  the  birds  had 
been  killed  when  caught,  he  hoped  nothing  serious  would  come 
of  the  grounding. 

When  daylight  came  it  brought  good  weather  and  higher 
water,  so  that  the  Niagara  was  freed  from  the  rocks  uninjured. 
She  steamed  up  the  bay,  first  to  Kanagawa  and  later  to  an 
anchorage  off  the  city  of  Yeddo,  now  known  as  Tokio,  where 
she  arrived  on  November  8th,  completing  the  voyage  from  New 
York  in  four  months  and  nine  days. 

The  following  day  the  embassy  were  landed  in  good  health. 
After  arrangements  had  been  made  with  the  authorities,  the 
various  presents  from  our  Government  to  that  of  Japan  were 
landed.  Colonel  Kipley  of  the  Army  and  Lieutenant  Henry  A. 
Wise  of  the  Navy  were  the  representatives  of  the  two  services 
of  our  Government,  sent  out  in  charge  of  the  several  ordnance 
machines  then  used  for  making  and  preparing  percussion  caps, 
Minie  rifle  bullets,  etc.  Both  were  admirable  shipmates  and  did 
much  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  those  weary  days  in  the  old 
time  at  sea. 

Official  visits  and  the  entertainment  of  the  commanding  offi- 
cer by  the  Government  authorities  on  shore  followed,  and  these 
in  turn  were  supplemented  by  courtesies  to  the  officers  of  the 
ship  from  high  officials  of  the  empire.  One  of  the  temples 
of  Yeddo,  called  Siogee,  which  had  been  occupied  by  Lord  El- 
gin in  1858,  was  fitted  up  as  a lodging  place,  where  the  officers 
were  entertained  in  groups  and  carefully  guarded  by  the  sol- 
diery and  police  of  the  city.  The  city  was  divided  into  several 
districts,  and  one  of  these  was  visited  by  the  officers  each  day 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


19 


under  escort.  The  routes  along  which  these  daily  processions 
moved  were  densely  crowded  with  the  people  of  the  city,  who 
were  anxious  to  catch  a glimpse  of  the  white  strangers,  the 
like  of  whom  very  few  had  seen  before.  As  the  procession 
marched  through  narrow  and  densely  packed  streets  on  horse- 
back, frequent  halts  were  necessary  in  order  to  clear  a passage. 
This  was  done  by  a single  policeman  at  the  head  of  the  pro- 
cession, who  carried  a long  staff,  on  the  top  of  which  were  sev- 
eral small  bells.  Striking  the  lower  end  upon  the  street  pave- 
ment usually  attracted  sufficient  attention  from  the  people 
crowding  the  way  to  open  up  a passage  at  once.  During  these 
halts  opportunities  occurred  for  young  lassies  to  approach  the 
riders  with  extended  hands  and  smiling  faces,  importuning 
for  a brass  button.  Many  were  successful  in  securing  them, 
and  on  the  next  day’s  route  could  be  seen  with  these  buttons 
arranged  tastefully  on  ribbons  around  their  necks.  Doubtless 
there  are  many  matrons  still  living  in  Japan  who  remember  this 
first  visit  of  the  white  strangers  from  a land  toward  the  rising 
sun,  which  was  then  known  to  them  only  in  legend. 

During  our  stay  on  shore  there  were  exhibitions  of  falconry, 
kite-flying,  juggling,  top-spinning,  wrestling  and  other  original 
acrobatic  and  athletic  sports,  all  of  which  were  novel  to  us 
and  we  thought  most  interesting  and  wonderful.  The  entire 
city  and  the  tea-gardens  that  are  found  around  it  were  visited 
and  enjoyed  by  us  all.  The  people  everywhere  were  amiable, 
hospitable  and  polite.  No  instance  is  recalled  where  a single 
case  of  rudeness  occurred  to  anyone.  When  it  is  remembered 
that  this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  majority  of  this 
isolated  people  in  Yeddo  had  ever  seen  a white  foreigner,  it  is 
a wonder  that  they  should  have  borne  themselves  with  such  no- 
ticeable courtesy  and  consideration. 

The  Niagara's  mission  being  ended  after  a most  delightful 
and  memorable  stay  of  twelve  days  in  Yeddo,  she  dropped  down 
to  Yokohama,  then  hardly  more  than  a fishing  village,  where 
the  crew  were  accorded  liberty  for  a run  on  shore.  During 
the  stay  of  some  ten  days  at  Yokohama,  the  flagship  Hartford, 
bearing  the  flag  of  Flag  Officer  C.  K.  Stribling,  arrived.  A 
few  days  were  passed  in  her  company  when  the  beautiful  Ni- 
agara sailed  for  Hong  Kong,  where  she  arrived  on  December 
3 


20 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


5th.  At  Hong  Kong  our  Minister  to  China,  Hon.  John  E. 
Ward,  came  on  board  for  passage  to  Aden,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Red  Sea,  and  thence  to  Europe  and  the  United  States.  The 
passage  through  the  China  Sea  to  Singapore  was  made  rapidly 
before  the  strong  northeast  monsoon.  In  the  Straits  of  Ma- 
lacca the  steam  sloop  Dacotah,  Commander  Radford,  was  met 
and  communicated  with.  The  voyage  outward  through  the 
Bay  of  Bengal,  past  Hindostan  to  Aden,  was  pleasant.  That 
through  the  Mozambique  Channel  to  Cape  Town,  where  the 
Niagara  arrived  on  February  22d^  included  some  bad  weather. 
The  Niagara's  presence  in  Table  Bay  attracted  much  attention, 
and  during  her  stay  she  was  visited  by  several  thousand 
people,  who  inspected  her  minutely.  The  exquisite  order  of 
the  ship  was  universally  admired.  Her  powerful  battery  of 
eleven-inch  guns  impressed  her  visitors  wonderfully. 

With  a voyage  home  of  8,000  miles  ahead,  the  officers  and 
men  were  indulged  with  shore  liberty  preliminary  to  depart- 
ure. They  were  received  with  the  greatest  cordiality  and  kind- 
ness by  the  English  and  Dutch  inhabitants  of  that  remote  cor- 
ner of  the  world.  For  be  it  remembered  in  those  days  news 
of  the  world  beyond  one’s  horizon  traveled  slowly.  There  w^re 
no  submarine  cables  as  now  belting  the  globe  to  flash  the  news 
of  each  day  to  the  world  at  large  to  be  read  at  the  breakfast 
table  the  next  morning.  In  those  days  news  traveled  by  steam 
packets  or  sailing  ships,  so  that  the  arrival  of  ships  in  those 
far-off  ports  attracted  more  interest  than  now,  except  in  the  mat- 
ter of  personal  mails. 

Above  all  else  to  the  Niagara's  officers  and  men,  there  was 
a desire  to  know  what  had  taken  place  in  our  own  blessed  coun- 
try. It  was  known  before  sailing  from  New  York  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  been  nominated  for  the  Presidency,  and  when  the 
day  of  election  came  a vote  was  taken  away  off  in  the  waters 
of  the  East,  with  the  result  that  l\Ir.  Lincoln  was  elected  on 
board  the  Niagara.  That  this  election  was  a presage  of  the 
news  to  be  learned  a few  months  later  from  the  pilot  off  Bos- 
ton was  not  dreamed  of  at  that  time. 

Beyond  a letter  received  by  the  chaplain,  Charles  Stewart, 
from  his  personal  friend.  Emperor  Napoleon  III,  while  at  Aden, 
nothing  was  known  of  the  result  at  home.  This  letter,  as  now 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


21 


recalled,  spoke  only  of  growing  excitement  over  Mr.  Lincoln’s 
nomination,  and  a hope  was  expressed  that  this  incident  would 
lead  to  nothing  more  serious  in  the  affairs  of  our  Republic. 
But  to  those  who  knew  the  deep  feeling  at  home  there  were 
anxious  hours  to  wait. 

The  voyage  home  from  Cape  Town  was  begun  in  March, 
1861.  The  beautiful  weather  and  smooth  seas  of  the  trade-wind 
regions  of  the  southern  and  northern  hemispheres  for  a vessel 
of  the  Niagara's  size  and  tonnage  were  anticipated  with  pleas- 
ure, for  under  such  circumstances  a quick  trip  was  possible. 
We  made  good  headway  each  day  throughout  the  passage.  Ap- 
proaching our  own  waters,  however,  there  was  a noticeable  ab- 
sence of  ships  where  formerly  they  were  to  be  met  with  in  great 
numbers.  This  occasioned  much  speculation  among  officers  and 
men  where  the  cleavage  of  sentiment  was  distinct  on  the  issues 
of  those  days.  But  there  was  no  soul  on  board  that  great  ship 
whose  heart  did  not  devoutly  hope  that  some  common  ground 
had  been  found  upon  which  both  sections  could  and  would 
stand  on  the  paramount  issues  of  those  dark  days  in  our 
history. 

Boston  was  reached  in  early  May,  and  Cape  Cod,  as  usual, 
was  veiled  in  fog  through  which  the  ship  proceeded  at  slow 
speed.  Our  aim  had  been  to  reach  Boston  Bay  on  Sunday,  for 
the  reason  that  the  sailors  of  that  period  believed  there  was 
generally  a southerly  wind  in  Boston  Bay  on  Sunda}^  With 
the  wearing  on  of  the  day  the  fog  lifted,  and  the  welcome  sight 
of  a pilot-boat  gladdened  our  hearts.  It  was  not  long  before 
the  pilot  came  on  board  with  the  pockets  of  his  pea-jacket 
stuffed  with  papers.  Dolliver  was  his  name.  In  view  of  the 
conversation  which  followed  his  arrival  on  board,  neither  his 
name  nor  the  news  he  brought  to  our  anxious  ship’s  company 
could  ever  be  forgotten. 

As  Dolliver  approached  the  ship  the  officers  and  men,  hungry 
for  news,  instinctively  moved  toward  the  gangway.  There  was 
an  impressive  silence.  As  he  stepped  over  the  side  the  cap- 
tain’s anxiety  was  so  great  that  he,  too,  was  drawn  toward  this 
gangway,  which  was  very  unusual  in  those  days.  His  first  in- 
quiry was: 

“Pilot,  what  is  the  news?” 


22 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


For  a moment  Dolliver  seemed  astonished,  and  certainly 
looked  so.  He  asked  before  replying: 

‘'Captain,  where  have  you  come  from?” 

The  captain  answered,  “From  Hong  Kong.” 

Dolliver  queried  again  before  answering : 

“And  you  ain’t  heard  anything  at  all?” 

“No,”  said  the  captain,  “not  a word,  pilot.” 

Dolliver ’s  answer  to  this  was  in  terms  so  memorable  and 
so  dramatic  that  its  bluntness  in  words  can  be  excused.  He 
was  telling  to  us  as  “news”  things  that  were  old  to  him,  when 
he  said: 

“Why,  captain,  the  country  is  all  busted  to  hell!” 

It  is  not  easy  at  this  time  to  describe  the  emotions  of  those 
to  whom  this  portentous  news  came  for  the  first  time.  There 
was  hardly  a dry  eye  in  that  thrilled  multitude.  Old  Glory 
was  flying  at  the  peak,  and  almost  every  head  was  uncovered 
and  bowed  in  homage  to  the  symbol  of  our  free  land  and  sweet 
home.  Resolves  were  immediately  made  by  all  who  had  heard 
Dolliver ’s  thunderbolt.  As  the  ship  sped  on  to  Boston  the  dread- 
ful news  of  what  had  taken  place  at  Fort  Pickens,  at  Fort 
Sumter,  at  the  Norfolk  Navy- Yard,  the  firing  on  the  Sixth  Mas- 
sachusetts in  Baltimore,  the  call  for  75,000  men  and  other  ex- 
citing incidents  had  been  culled  from  the  papers  Dolliver 
brought. 

As  is  usual  in  times  of  great  excitement,  rumor  had  pre- 
ceded the  Niagara's  arrival.  It  was  said  and  believed  that  the 
Southern  officers  on  board  intended  to  seize  the  vessel  and  carry 
her  into  one  of  the  Southern  ports.  On  shore  the  excitement 
was  intense,  so  that  it  was  with  some  peril  that  people  attempted 
to  ascertain  what  had  happened  in  the  year  of  absence  to  those 
near  and  dear  to  them  in  other  parts  of  our  country.  Prep- 
arations had  been  made  by  some  irresponsible  people  looking 
to  the  sinking  of  schooners  in  the  channel  near  Nix’s  Mate  to 
prevent  supposed  threats  by  Southern  officers  being  carried  out. 
Nobody  had  once  considered  how  perilous  to  the  city  the  pres- 
ence of  the  Niagara  in  the  harbor  was,  or  how  readily  she 
could  have  destroyed  Boston  had  the  rumor  of  the  disaffection 
of  her  officers  been  true. 

The  Government  at  AYashington,  however,  in  order  to  know 


TO  JAPAN  WITH  THE  EMBASSY 


23 


who  was  on  its  side,  had  decided  as  each  ship  arrived  from  abroad 
and  was  recalled  from  foreign  service,  to  apply  the  test  of  a 
new  oath  of  allegiance.  This  was  done  with  the  Niagara's  offi- 
cers and  men  in  Boston  Harbor.  Some  eight  or  nine  officers 
and  several  men  refused  to  renew  their  fealty  to  the  old  flag 
and  were  dismissed  from  the  Navy. 

The  writer  was  from  Maryland.  Before  subscribing  to  the 
paper  which  was  to  record  anew  his  fealty  to  the  flag,  sufficient 
time  was  asked  to  read  the  document  carefully.  This  done, 
there  was  no  hesitation  in  renewing  his  adhesion  to  the  old  flag. 
When  this  decision  was  announced  to  Commodore  McKean  in 
his  cabin,  the  writer  by  chance  looked  up  through  a windsail 
hatchway  leading  to  the  deck  above,  and  there  the  folds  of  Old 
Glory  were  seen  in  the  sunlight  gracefully  unfolding  its  beauty 
to  a soft  and  gentle  breeze.  The  writer  was  standing  directly 
under  it,  declaring  the  most  sacred  decision  of  his  life  to  his 
Commander. 

The  writer  did  not  go  on  shore  for  any  purpose  at  Boston, 
nor  did  he  know  until  the  ship  reached  New  York,  a few  days 
afterward,  anything  of  his  family.  The  telegraph  lines  had 
been  cut  south  of  Philadelphia,  the  railroad  bridges  burned 
and  other  interruptions  to  travel  and  transportation  had  oc- 
curred. As  soon  as  these  were  repaired  and  communication 
was  again  established,  letters  came  from  home  and  from  friends, 
relatives  and  sweethearts.  One  from  the  writer’s  dear  old  father 
comforted  him  much,  for  it  counseled  him  to  take  the  step  he 
had  already  done,  and  to  devote  his  life  to  the  country  that 
Washington  had  given  the  best  years  of  his  life  to  win  and 
sanctify  for  his  countrymen. 


CHAPTER  III 


WITH  FARRAGUT  IN  THE  GULF ORDERED  TO  VERA  CRUZ 

1861-1862 

The  Niagara  was  ordered  to  New  York,  where  stores,  coal 
and  ammunition  were  taken  to  her  full  capacity  and  a few 
needed  repairs  made  to  boilers,  engines  and  pumps.  The  orders 
received  there  at  first  contemplated  the  defence  of  the  gateway 
to  the  capital  by  placing  the  Niagara  off  Annapolis.  One  or 
two  members  of  the  famous  Seventh  Regiment  of  New  York, 
left  behind  when  that  excellent  regiment  had  gone  to  the  front, 
came  on  board  for  passage.  But  the  necessity  of  establishing 
the  blockade  of  Charleston  under  the  President’s  proclamation 
being  regarded  as  paramount,  the  Niagara  proceeded  off 
Charleston,  and  on  May  12th  established  the  blockade  of  that 
port. 

In  the  old  days  of  sail  Charleston  was  a great  cotton  port, 
and  the  offing  was  filled  with  vessels  bound  in  and  out.  Under 
the  law  of  blockade,  the  Niagara's  duty  on  arriving  before  the 
port  was  to  board  all  vessels  bound  in  and  to  indorse  the  fact 
of  the  blockade  of  the  port  on  the  ship’s  papers  and  to  warn 
them  off  the  coast.  A very  busy  day  was  spent  in  doing  this 
duty  on  arrival,  as  the  Niagara  was  the  only  ship  on  the  sta- 
tion. The  great  desire  of  some  of  the  masters  bound  inward  to 
communicate  by  signal  their  arrival  to  agents  in  Charleston  em- 
boldened some  to  attempt  to  do  this  after  having  been  boarded 
and  warned  off ; or,  when  the  Niagara  had  steamed  some  dis- 
tance north  or  south  to  overhaul  others  bound  in,  occasional 
attempts  were  made  by  others  to  gain  entrance,  although  they 
had  been  already  warned.  A shell  across  their  bows  generally 
reminded  such  masters  that  it  was  dangerous  to  continue. 

One  vessel,  however,  the  General  Parkhill,  whose  master  was 
a skilful  navigator,  and  a courageous  Marylander,  persisted. 


24 


WITH  FARRAGUT  IN  THE  GULF 


25 


after  being  warned,  in  the  attempt  to  run  the  blockade  any- 
how, and  but  for  the  fact  that  the  wind  was  light  he  might 
have  succeeded.  One  or  two  shots  were  fired  across  his  bow 
and  one  over  his  vessel.  It  was  realized  that  his  ship  was  in 
great  danger,  so  he  concluded  to  haul  his  wind  and  head  off 
shore,  but  it  cost  him  the  capture  of  his  ship.  The  writer,  then 
a young  midshipman,  was  detailed,  with  a prize  crew  of  twelve 
men,  to  take  the  General  Parhhill  to  Philadelphia.  The  master, 
the  first  and  second  mates,  as  well  as  the  crew,  were  left  on 
board.  After  taking  charge  of  the  ParJchill  a thorough  search 
of  the  ship  was  made  for  arms  or  explosives  without  result. 
The  first  search  made  had  secured  everything  with  which  injury 
might  be  done  to  themselves  or  to  others. 

The  fact  was  discovered,  however,  that  the  vessel  was  with- 
out American  colors  and  that  her  master  had  determined  to 
force  the  blockade  if  he  found  that  to  be  possible  on  reaching 
the  offing  of  the  port.  A large  Confederate  flag,  found  on 
board,  indicated  the  master’s  sympathy  with  the  Confederacy 
and  explained  his  determined  action  in  attempting  to  ^gain  the 
harbor  entrance  before  his  vessel  should  be  overtaken. 

It  was  decided  from  the  outset  of  the  voyage  to  Philadel- 
phia to  employ  the  prize  crew,  armed,  on  deck  at  the  wheel 
and  in  handling  the  rigging  and  as  guards  and  sentries,  and 
to  employ  the  ship’s  crew  aloft  and  in  handling  the  sails.  This 
arrangement  safeguarded  the  ship  from  recapture,  which  was 
further  provided  against  by  confining  the  officers  to  their  rooms 
under  armed  guard.  Against  this  latter  expedient  the  master 
protested,  though  ineffectually,  until  after  the  ship  had  reached 
Delaware  Bay  and  was  taken  in  tow  by  the  tug  America,  bound 
for  Philadelphia,  where  she  arrived  about  the  last  week  in  May 
and  dropped  anchor  off  the  old  Navy  Yard,  then  commanded 
by  Captain  S.  F.  Dupont,  to  whom  the  orders  given  to  the 
writer  had  directed  him  to  report.* 

* Herewith  are  the  orders  under  which  the  writer  had  undertaken  this 
work: 

U.  S.  Steam  Frigate  Niagara, 

Off  Charleston,  May  12,  1861. 

Midshipman  W.  Scott  Schley. 

Sir:  You  will  take  charge  of  the  ship,  General  Parkhill,  this  day  captured 
as  the  property  of  the  citizens  of  South  Carolina,  and  proceed  with  her,  under 


26 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


This  vessel  was  the  first  square-rigged  prize  captured  during 
the  Civil  War.  There  was,  at  this  early  period  of  operations, 
some  confusion  and  uncertainty  about  the  forms  of  law  govern- 
ing prize  cases  and  the  legal  methods  of  dealing  with  vessels 
so  indicted.  Feeling  ran  high  with  the  tap  of  drums,  the  tramp 
of  troops  moving  to  the  front,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  loyal  at- 
tachment to  the  Union,  all  of  which  suggested  the  thought,  at 
times  expressed  in  the  press,  that  masters  and  crews  of  such 
vessels  ought  to  be  classed  as  pirates.  This  idea,  however,  soon 
vanished  as  the  number  of  captures  increased  and  the  dockets 
of  the  courts  of  admiralty  were  filled  with  cases.  It  caused 
a number  of  uncomfortable  hours  to  those  whom  the  laws  of 
war  had  brought  before  the  courts,  and  some  anxiety  to  those 
who  had  to  search  the  records  of  our  earlier  wars  for  prece- 
dents. It  ended,  however,  in  releasing  the  crews  after  taking 
their  evidence  and  examining  the  log-books  or  other  papers  of 
the  ship,  and  in  holding  the  ship  and  cargo  only  under  con- 
demnation and  sale. 

These  forms  having  been  observed  by  Marshal  Millward  of 
the  District  of  Pennsylvania,  to  whom  the  ship  had  been  de- 
livered in  due  process  of  law  and  precedent,  the  writer  was 
detached  and  ordered  to  the  Keystone  State,  Captain  Gustavus 
Scott  commanding.  Before  she  could  be  fitted  out  orders  de- 
taching the  writer  were  received,  and  a short  leave  of  absence 
was  allowed.  This  time  was  passed  in  Frederick  with  his  fam- 
ily and  friends.  In  July  following  the  writer  was  promoted 
to  the  grade  of  Acting  Master  and  ordered  to  the  frigate  Poto- 
mac* as  navigating  officer.  On  August  31,  1861,  he  was  pro- 

your  command,  to  Philadelphia.  You  will  be  very  vigilant  to  prevent  any 
attempt  at  recapture,  and  to  that  end  keep  your  own  men  on  deck  and  employ 
the  others  aloft.  On  your  arrival  you  will  deliver  the  ship  to  the  Marshal  of 
the  United  States  together  with  the  papers  and  two  Palmetto  flags,  found  on 
board,  which  are  now  put  in  your  charge  for  that  purpose. 

You  will  report  your  arrival  to  the  commanding  naval  officer. 

Wishing  you  a happy  voyage  and  safe  arrival,  I am.  Respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Wm.  W.  McKean,  Cap/ain. 


* Officers  of  the  Potomac,  1861 : 
Captain,  L.  M.  Powell, 
lieutenant,  Sami.  Marcy. 
Lieutenant,  L.  A.  Kimberly. 


Lieutenant,  George  Law. 
Lieutenant,  A.  V.  Reid. 
Master,  W.  S.  Schley. 


WITH  FARRAGUT  IN  THE  GULF 


27 


moted  to  master  in  the  line  of  promotion.  The  Potomac  was 
fitting  out  in  New  York.  The  captain  was  an  officer  of  high 
character  and  a valiant  Virginian,  Levin  M.  Powell.  The  needs 
occasioned  by  a large  increase  of  ships,  officers  and  men  were 
met  by  purchasing  everything  in  the  open  market  that  could  turn 
a wheel  or  hoist  a sail.  The  need  of  officers  and  men  was  sup- 
plied from  the  large  number  of  those  in  the  merchant  service 
that  were  thrown  out  of  employment. 

As  the  white  wings  of  our  commerce  in  those  days  were 
seen  on  every  sea,  the  nation  availed  itself  of  this  resource  from 
which  to  draw  many  skilled  officers  and  men  to  its  service;  and 
it  can  be  said  that  scores  of  these  good  sailors  rendered  incal- 
culable service  to  the  Navy  in  its  great  work  for  the  country 
during  four  long,  weary  years  of  blockading  the  coasts  and 
reducing  the  fortified  places  on  them,  from  Cape  Hatteras  to 
the  Rio  Grande.  The  history  of  this  meritorious  service,  with 
its  experiences,  its  hardships,  its  privations  and  its  unceasing 
perils,  will  live  forever  in  the  song  and  verse  of  a grateful 
people. 

A number  of  these  gentlemen  were  appointed  to  the  Potomac. 
They  were  good  and  experienced  sailors  and  ready  in  learning 
the  drills,  discipline  and  routine  of  the  Navy.  They  served 
with  merit  and  distincton  until  the  war  ended,  when  they  re- 
turned to  their  former  calling  in  the  merchant  service. 

The  Potomac,  with  an  excellent  crew  of  officers  and  men, 
sailed  in  August,  1861,  bound  for  the  Western  Gulf  blockad- 
ing squadron,  then  commanded  by  Commodore  McKean.  Soon 
after  her  arrival  Flag  Officer  D.  G.  Farragut  was  assigned  to 
this  important  command.  It  was  surprising  in  those  days  to 


Master,  W.  T.  Sampson. 

Acting  Master,  W.  N.  Wood. 
Acting  Master,  Jerry  Smith. 
Acting  Master,  E.  D.  Bruner. 
Acting  Master,  David  Magune. 
Acting  Master,  George  Wiggins. 
Midshipman,  Merrill  Miller. 
Midshipman,  C.  H.  Humphrey, 
Midshipman,  D.  D.  Wemple, 
Master’s  Mate,  Kane. 

Master’s  Mate,  Cressy. 


Surgeon,  T.  D.  Miller. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  G.  R.  Brush. 

A.  A.  Surgeon,  A.  O.  Leavitt. 
Paymaster,  J.  D.  Murray. 

Captain,  G.  W.  Collier,  LT.  S.  M.  C. 
Boatswain,  C.  A.  Bragdon. 

Gunner,  W.  H.  French. 

Carpenter,  O.  F.  Stimson. 
Sailmaker,  Geo.  Thomas. 
Captain’s  Clerk,  Bradley. 


28 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


observe  how  accurately  the  men  knew  and  gauged  their  officers. 
It  often  happened  in  the  long  hours  of  a watch  that  the  deck 
officer  would  consult  with  the  quartermasters,  always  old  and 
experienced  seamen,  about  the  weather  or  matters  touching  the 
qualities  of  the  ship,  etc.  In  one  of  these  confidences  James 
Barney,  an  old  and  competent  quartermaster,  said  that  “the 
men  for’d  had  heard  that  the  commodore  (McKean)  was  ill  and 
had  to  be  sent  home.”  Almost  immediately  he  volunteered 
the  suggestion  that  if  he  had  anything  to  do  about  it,  he 
“would  pick  out  Cap’n  Davy  Farragut”  to  take  his  place.  He 
added  that  if  “Davy  Farragut”  came  down  there,  “it  wouldn’t 
be  long  till  the  fur  was  a-flying,”  Captain  Farragut  did  come 
down  to  relieve  Commodore  McKean,  and  Barney’s  predic- 
tions w^ere  verified  in  a short  time  afterward,  for  Farragut 
showed  himself,  in  all  that  followed,  to  be  one  of  the  greatest 
and  grandest  of  American  captains. 

The  Potomac,  on  reaching  the  station,  was  assigned  to  the 
blockade  of  Pensacola,  and  was  present  on  the  occasion  of  an 
attack  upon  Colonel  “Billy  Wilson’s”  regiment  in  camp  out- 
side Fort  Pickens  by  a force  of  Confederates  landed  during  the 
night  on  Santa  Kosa  Island.  A piece  of  artillery  and  a com- 
pany of  blue  jackets  from  the  Potomac  were  landed,  under  the 
writer’s  command,  to  the  eastward  of  the  Confederates  to  cut 
them  off.  This  hastened  the  abandonment  of  the  island  by  the 
Confederates,  who  had  been  roughly  handled  by  Fort  Pickens 
and  Wilson’s  regiment  combined. 

When  Flag  Officer  Farragut  joined  his  command  in  the 
Gulf,  the  Potomac  had  been  attached  to  the  blockade  off  Mobile. 
Her  position  was  in  the  main  channel,  about  four  miles  from 
Sand  Island  Lighthouse,  where  she  lay  at  anchor  for  several 
months.  It  was  wondered  often,  as  she  lay  helpless  in  calms, 
why  the  Confederate  steamers  did  not  venture  out  for  a shot 
or  two  with  their  longer  range  artillery.  It  was  a fact  at  that 
time  that  the  Potomac's  battery  consisted  of  long  32s  and  8-inch 
smooth-bore  shell  guns,  with  two  20-pound  Parrott  rifies.  But 
as  this  fact  was  not  knowm  to  the  Confederates,  the  Potomac  lay 
undisturbed  or  unchallenged,  except  by  winds  and  waves,  which 
now  and  then  gave  the  old  ship  many  an  uncomfortable  night 
during  this  long  vigil. 


WITH  FARRAGUT  IN  THE  GULF 


29 


From  time  to  time  the  monotony  of  blockade  duty  was 
broken  by  some  vessel  attempting  to  elude  the  squadron’s  vig- 
ilance. The  excitement  of  chasing  or  that  of  advancing  to  at- 
tack any  unfortunate  vessel  that  had  run  aground  under  the 
guns  of  Fort  Morgan,  relieved  some  of  the  tedious  hours  of 
this  wearing  duty. 

As  the  war  grew  apace,  vessel  after  vessel  arrived  to  rein- 
force those  guarding  the  entrance  to  Mobile  Bay  until  the  fleet 
contained  from  twelve  to  fifteen  vessels,  the  larger  proportion 
being  steamers.  The  custom  was  to  mask  all  lights  at  night 
and  to  take  up  the  night  position  after  sundown  nearer  the 
beach  or  closer  in  to  the  channels,  and  just  before  daylight  to 
drop  off  shore  out  of  range.  Many  unsuspecting  blockade  run- 
ners ran  into  the  web  thus  woven. 

On  the  night  of  December  26,  1861,  a schooner  bound  out 
before  a fine  northerly  wind  was  forced  ashore  under  the  guns 
of  Fort  Morgan  and  was  discovered  at  daylight.  Signal  was 
made  at  once  to  the  Water  Witch,  Commander  A.  K.  Hughes,  com- 
manding, to  go  in  and  destroy  her,  if  possible.  The  writer  asked 
authority  to  go  in  the  Water  Witch  with  two  boats  for  any  duty 
Commander  Hughes  might  require.  As  the  Water  Witch  closed 
in  on  this  schooner,  using  her  rifled  gun,  the  guns  of  Fort 
Morgan  took  up  the  gauge  and  returned  the  fire  with  a long 
range  gun,  assisted  by  another  gun  east  of  the  fort.  Though 
many  projectiles  struck  near  the  boats  and  the  Water  Witch, 
many  others  passing  over  and  beyond  them,  neither  was  struck. 
When  a point  had  been  reached  where  the  shoal  water  pre- 
vented the  Water  Witch  from  approaching  nearer  to  the  schooner, 
the  boats  were  manned  and  a dash  made  for  the  vessel,  but 
before  they  could  reach  her  neighborhood  her  crew  set  fire  to 
and  abandoned  her  near  Fort  Morgan.  The  Water  Witch,  as 
well  as  the  boats,  remained  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  schooner 
under  fire  for  quite  near  an  hour,  until  she  was  completely  de- 
stroyed. A number  of  shells  landed  very  near  the  boats,  but 
none  was  accurately  enough  aimed  to  strike. 

The  object  of  the  commanding  officer  having  been  fully  ac- 
complished, the  Water  Witch  and  boats  withdrew.  This  was 
the  first  instance  in  which  the  writer  had  ever  been  under  fire. 
The  sound  of  projectiles  whistling  over  the  vessel  or  boats  was 


30 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


an  entirely  novel  sensation.  The  jets  of  water  thrown  into  the 
air  as  the  shells  struck  the  surface  might  have  been  more  beau- 
tiful under  other  circumstances,  but  the  greater  danger  as  they 
came  nearer  and  nearer  suggested  that  the  boats  turned  bows 
on  to  the  fort  presented  a smaller  target,  and  thus  minimized 
the  chances  of  hits ; and  so  this  experience  proved  of  value  then. 

In  the  month  of  January  following  (1862),  a brig  was  dis- 
covered by  the  steamer  R.  R.  Cuyler,  Commander  Francis 
AVinslow,  near  the  beach,  some  twelve  miles  to  the  eastward. 
Not  long  after  the  Cuyler  had  reached  this  brig’s  locality,  heavy 
firing  of  guns  was  heard.  The  senior  officer  present  in  com- 
mand called  the  Huntsville,  within  hail,  to  direct  her  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  Cuyler^ s assistance,  as  that  vessel  was  some  miles 
away  and  out  of  signal  distance.  The  writer  requested  per- 
mission to  accompany  the  Huntsville  with  two  boats  armed  for 
near  service.  It  proved  later  that  these  boats  were  of  much 
service  to  the  Cuyler’’ s commander.  On  nearing  the  Cuyler  she 
was  found  lying  stern  to  the  beach,  distant  some  250  yards, 
disabled  by  the  parting  of  a hawser  which  her  own  boats  had 
carried  to  the  brig  to  pull  her  off  the  beach.  In  parting,  the 
end  of  the  hawser  whipped  back,  was  then  taken  up  by  her 
propeller,  and  a number  of  turns  were  taken  around  its  hub, 
between  the  propeller  and  stern-post,  completely  bringing  her 
engines  up.  At  the  same  time  her  two  boats  were  broadside 
on  to  the  beach  in  a light  surf,  with  all  hands  in  them  wounded 
save  one  or  two  by  the  rifle  fire  of  the  coast  guard. 

As  the  assisting  boats  approached  the  Cuyler  to  report  for 
orders,  her  gallant  commander  hailed  the  officer  in  charge,  stat- 
ing that  he  would  not  order  anyone  in  under  such  a fire,  as  all 
hands  in  his  o^vn  boats  were  probably  killed ; but  if  the  boat  offi- 
cer would  secure  the  boats  from  the  surf  near  the  beach  he  would 
perform  an  eminently  important  public  service.  A dash  was 
made  at  once  through  this  fire  from  the  coast  guard  defend- 
ing the  prize,  though  not  without  some  loss,  a sergeant  of  ma- 
rines, the  coxswain  and  one  or  two  men  in  the  assisting  boats 
being  wounded.  The  Cuyler’ s boats  were  rescued  with  their 
dead  and  wounded,  and,  though  riddled  with  bullets,  were 
towed  back  to  the  Cuyler,  much  to  the  gratification  of  her  noble 
commander,  who  complimented  the  service  highly. 


WITH  FARRAGUT  IN  THE  GULF 


31 


Reaching  the  deck,  Commander  Winslow  was  found  on  the 
quarter-deck,  and  though  under  heavy  musketry  fire  from  the 
riflemen  on  the  beach,  received  the  report  of  the  rescue  of  his 
boats.  He  remained  until  the  officers  of  his  ship  had  cleared 
the  propeller  by  using  a cutting  spade  from  a boat  under  the 
Cuyler’s  stern,  this  boat  being  protected  by  the  boats  from  the 
Potomac  and  the  battery  of  the  Huntsville,  Commander  Cicero 
Price.  The  second  hawser  from  the  Cuyler  was  carried  to  the 
prize  by  the  Potomac's  boats,  and  toward  sundown  the  prize 
was  pulled  off  the  beach  and  captured.  The  assisting  boats, 
with  the  Cuyler  and  Huntsville,  returned  to  the  blockade  off 
Mobile  about  8 p.  m.,  and  the  woimded  men  of  the  Potomac's  boats 
were  cared  for  most  tenderly.  The  prize  proved  to  be  the  brig 
Wilder. 

In  the  decree  of  the  prize  court  afterward,  at  New  York, 
through  some  error  made  on  board  the  Potomac  or  in  transmit- 
ting the  prize  list,  the  writer’s  name  and  those  of  the  assisting 
crews  were  omitted,  so  that  although  this  capture  had  been  made 
possible  by  the  work  of  the  Potomac's  boats,  they  did  not  par- 
ticipate in  the  proceeds  of  the  prize. 

For  some  weeks  this  dreary  and  wearisome  blockade  was 
maintained.  The  lack  of  exercise  and  nutritious  food  was  felt 
by  officer  and  man,  and  scurvy,  that  dreaded  pest  of  ship-life 
in  the  olden  times,  was  only  avoided  by  the  occasional  relief 
which  came  to  them  afterward  from  the  steamers  bringing  sup- 
plies of  fresh  meats  and  vegetables  in  amounts  about  enough 
for  two  or  three  days.  The  diet  for  the  rest  of  the  month  was 
composed  mainly  of  salted  meats,  cheese,  hard  bread,  bad  butter, 
inferior  coffee  and  positively  bad  tea.  It  is  indeed  a wonder 
that  the  efficiency  of  the  personnel  was  maintained  at  all  under 
such  conditions. 

In  the  early  part  of  1862  news  reached  the  squadrons  block- 
ading our  coasts  that  a large  fleet,  consisting  of  English,  French 
and  Spanish  war  vessels,  with  a division  of  the  French  army, 
had  descended  upon  Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  with  the  ostensible  pur- 
pose of  collecting  debts  due  to  the  subjects  of  each  of  those  coun- 
tries from  Mexican  merchants.  The  Potomac  was  selected  to 
proceed  to  Vera  Cruz  to  ascertain  the  purpose  of  this  expedition, 
as  far  as  that  might  be  possible,  on  the  spot. 


32 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


On  her  way  to  Vera  Cruz  the  Potomac  looked  in  at  Pass  a 
POutre,  one  of  the  several  mouths  of  the  Mississippi  River,  to 
inquire  from  the  Vincennes  the  circumstances  of  the  death  of 
Lieutenant  Samuel  Marcy,  who  had  recently  been  transferred 
from  the  Potomac  to  the  command  of  the  Vincennes.  Marcy  had 
been  killed  some  days  before  in  a boat  attack  upon  a vessel  at- 
tempting to  force  the  blockade.  After  this  information  had  been 
obtained,  the  Potomac  proceeded  on  to  South-West  Pass  to  fill 
her  tanks  with  water.  While  doing  this,  she  was  attacked  by  a 
river  steamer,  which  was  driven  off  after  firing  about  a half- 
hour. 

Vera  Cruz  was  reached  early  in  February.  A large  fleet  of 
English,  French  and  Spanish  war  vessels  was  found  anchored 
in  the  harbor.  Among  them  were  such  vessels  as  the  line-of- 
battle  ship  Donegal,  Imperieuse,  Guerriere,  and  many  others  of 
smaller  class.  The  combined  forces  were  commanded  by  such 
distinguished  officers  as  Commodore  Dunlop,  Admiral  Graviere, 
Marshal  Prim  and  General  Lorenzes.  Preliminary  to  the  in- 
quiry into  the  purposes  of  such  a fleet  in  adjacent  waters,  the 
customary  salutes  and  courtesies  were  exchanged  with  the  several 
commanders. 


CHAPTER  IV 


MEXICO,  MOBILE  AND  PORT  HUDSON 

18G2-18G3 


As  Captain  Powell’s  instructions  were  to  ascertain  tlie  pur- 
poses of  such  an  overwhelming  fleet  so  near  our  coasts,  frequent 
visits  were  made  by  him  to  the  several  chiefs  in  command.  At 
some  of  these  consultations  the  writer  was  present,  and  he  recalls 
distinctly  the  appearance  and  bearing  of  Lorenzes,  Graviere, 
Dunlop,  and  particularly  that  of  Marshal  Prim.  Commodore 
Dunlop  and  Marshal  Prim  were  frank  in  assurances  of  the  pur- 
poses of  their  Governments.  The  latter  was  explicit  in  stating 
that  his  Government  had  no  intention  to  occupy  the  territory 
of  Mexico  with  any  ulterior  purpose.  He  declared,  with  em- 
phasis, that  if  his  Government  had  had  other  purposes  it  would 
not  have  selected  him,  who  was  known  to  be  hostile  to  such  occu- 
pation from  every  point  of  view.  These  assurances  were  faith- 
fully and  honorably  kept,  for  as  soon  as  the  English  and  Spanish 
commanders  received  official  assurances  that  all  claims  due  from 
Mexico  to  the  subjects  of  their  respective  countries  would  be 
paid,  the  forces  of  these  two  countries  were  withdrawn  from 
Mexico. 

Commander  Dunlop  expressed  pleasure  that  the  Potomac  had 
come  to  Vera  Cruz.  He  admitted,  however,  that  he  had  con- 
fidently expected,  in  ten  days  after  his  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  to 
have  had  his  squadron  in  operation  against  ours ; but  he  frankly 
stated  that  his  Government  had  no  other  intention  than  to  en- 
force the  collection  of  honorable  debts  in  Mexico,  and  when  that 
had  been  accomplished  the  English  would  withdraw,  as  they 
did  soon  after  this  assurance  was  given. 


33 


34 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  French  officers,  however,  could  give  no  definite  assur- 
ances, as  they  professed  to  be  unfamiliar  with  the  purposes  of 
their  Emperor  after  a satisfactory  arrangement  of  the  debt  ques- 
tion had  been  reached.  They  were  invariably  courteous  at  every 
interview.  The  ultimate  action  of  the  French  Government  is 
known,  but,  as  it  forms  no  part  of  these  memoirs,  will  not  be  dis- 
cussed. 

During  the  month  of  February  yellow  fever  made  its  appear- 
ance at  Vera  Cruz  and  among  the  allied  forces,  several  cases 
occurring  on  board  their  ships.  Permission  was  asked  by  the 
allies  and  granted  by  the  Mexican  authorities  to  move  their 
forces  beyond  the  first  line  of  defence  as  far  as  the  high  land 
about  Orizaba,  to  avoid  the  disastrous  spread  and  ravages  of  this 
dread  disease.  Toward  the  last  of  February  the  French  forces 
moved  toward  Orizaba,  and  were  followed  in  turn  by  the  Eng- 
lish and  Spanish.  The  city  of  Vera  Cruz  was  then  guarded  by 
the  sailors  from  the  fleet,  although  the  Mexican  flag  was  hoisted 
over  San  Juan  d’Ulloa  and  the  city  itself. 

The  history  of  events  subsequently  culminating  in  the  estab- 
lishment of  Maximilian  as  Emperor,  his  overthrow,  capture  and 
execution  by  the  Mexican  Government  in  1866,  closed  an  inci- 
dent that  had  been  full  of  menace  to  this  country  and  must 
otherwise  have  involved  it  in  war  beyond  all  doubt  or  perad- 
venture  sooner  or  later. 

During  the  month  of  May  the  Potomac  had  returned  to  Pen- 
sacola, via  Key  West.  The  old  ship,  after  an  ordinary  lifetime 
of  service  on  the  coasts  of  most  of  the  countries  of  the  world, 
had  succumbed  to  the  battle  of  wind  and  wave.  Strain  and 
work  in  heavy  seas,  under  the  weight  of  heavy  batteries,  had 
weakened  her  fastenings,  and  she  was  “laid  up”  as  a store- 
ship  in  Pensacola  Harbor,  which  had  fallen  into  our  hands  a few 
months  before. 

The  various  officers  were  detached,  as  well  as  the  greater  part 
of  the  crew,  for  service  in  the  different  vessels  of  the  West  Gulf 
Squadron,  then  commanded  by  the  indomitable  David  Glasgow 
Farragut,  whose  name  will  live  in  history  among  the  greatest 
captains. 

In  'July,  1862,  the  writer  was  promoted  to  the  grade  of  lieu- 
tenant, and  later  was  detached  from  the  Potomac  and  ordered 


MEXICO,  MOBILE  AND  PORT  HUDSON 


35 


to  the  steam  gunboat  Winona  as  executive  officer.*  Being  then 
in  his  twenty-third  year,  the  Avriter  was  filled  with  the  new  re- 
sponsibilities of  this  higher  position,  and  they  were  assumed  with 
much  misgiving  lest  he  might  fall  short  of  its  requirements. 

It  was  not  long  after  reporting  on  board  the  Winona  that 
official  action  had  to  be  taken  against  the  commanding  officer.  It 
was  a most  painful  experience,  but  the  circumstances  were  such 
that  it  was  unavoidable,  and  all  the  more  disagreeable  as  it 
concerned  a commanding  officer  whom  he  admired  and  esteemed 
for  his  many  excellent  qualities  of  heart  and  mind  as  w^ell  as 
for  his  high  manhood  and  courage. 

This  occurred  in  the  manner  to  be  described.  For  a week  be- 
fore the  new  executive  officer  had  joined  the  Winona,  her  gallant 
commander  had  gone  in  several  times  and  opened  fire  with  her 
heaviest  guns  on  the  sea  face  of  Fort  IMorgan.  After  the  Avriter 
had  joined  the  ship,  the  same  operation  being  once  or  twice  re- 
peated, a respectful  complaint  was  made  to  the  executive  officer 
by  one  or  two  of  the  other  officers,  to  the  effect  that  while  the 
crew  were  ready  at  all  times  to  fight,  they  did  not  think  their 
lives  ought  to  be  jeopardized  AA’hen  no  advantage  could  accrue 
therefrom.  As  the  fort  was  hardly  within  reach  of  the  Wino?ia^s 
guns,  AA’hile  she  was  well  within  the  range  of  one  or  two  of  the 
rifle  guns  of  the  fort,  the  position  taken  appeared  reasonable  and 
was  referred  to  the  commanding  officer  only  to  discover  that  he 
was  on  the  verge  of  delirium.  The  surgeon  of  the  ship  was  di- 
rected to  examine  him  and  report  in  writing  his  opinion  of  his 
condition.  His  report  confirmed  the  executive  officer’s  opinion. 

For  a day  or  two  about  this  time  the  Aveather  Avas  boisterous, 
so  that  communication  between  the  ships  was  not  possible  by 
boat.  On  the  night  of  the  23d  the  heavy  sea  tested  the  Winona 


* Officers  of  the  Gunboat  Winona : 
Lieut.  Com.  James  S.  Thornton,  com- 
manding. 

Lieut.  W.  S.  Schley,  Ex.  Officer. 

Actg.  Master  Chas.  Hallett,  Watch 
Officer. 

Actg.  Master  Felix  McCurley,  Watch 
Officer. 

Master’s  Mate  Frank  H.  Beers,  Watch 
Officer. 


Master’s  Mate  David  Vincent,  W^atch 
Officer. 

Master’s  Mate  A.  H.  Staigg,  Watch 
Officer. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  Arthur  Mathewson, 
Actg.  Paymaster,  Sami.  F.  Train. 

2d  Asst.  Eng,,  E.  S.  Boynton. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  Edward  Gay. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  R.  C.  Wamaling. 


4 


3G  FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 

severely.  On  the  24th  the  wind  and  sea  abated  sufficiently  for 
the  executive  officer  to  proceed  to  the  senior  officer’s  ship  to  re- 
port all  the  facts.  Commander  Alden  relieved  the  Whiona's 
commanding  officer  in  the  order  which  follows: 

U.  S.  Steamer,  Richmond, 

Off  Mobile,  September  24,  1862. 

Sir:  From  your  report,  as  well  as  that  of  Asst.  Surgeon  Mathewson,  it  is 
clearly  established  that  your  Commanding  Officer,  Lt.  Commander  Thornton, 
is  laboring  under  a fit  of  “delirium  tremens,”  and  is  thereby  rendered  unfit 
for  duty. 

You  will,  therefore,  assume  command  of  the  Winona,  and  place  him  under 
such  restraint  as  may  be  necessary  to  prevent  him  injuring  himself  or  others. 

Respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 
James  Alden, 

Commander  and  Sen.  Officer,  Prest. 

Lt.  W.  Scott  Schley, 

Lt.  and  Executive  Officer, 

U.  S.  Gunboat  Winona. 

Oral  orders  were  received  at  the  same  time,  owing  to  injuries 
sustained  during  the  gale,  to  proceed  to  Pensacola  to  report  the 
ship’s  condition  to  Admiral  Farragut.  This  incident  led  to  the 
court-martial  of  the  commanding  officer,  whom  Alden  had  re- 
lieved in  the  order  quoted  above,  which  culminated  in  dismissing 
this  officer  from  the  squadron.  It  was  a great  blow  to  a gallant 
fellow,  and  removed  him  from  opportunities  to  distinguish  him- 
self for  a time  at  least;  but,  notwithstanding  this,  before  taking 
his  departure  from  the  Winona  to  go  north,  he  was  generous 
enough  to  tell  the  writer  he  had  done  his  whole  duty  in  the  mat- 
ter, and  that  if  he  had  done  less  he  (the  commanding  officer) 
could  have  had  no  respect  for  him. 

There  was  no  feeling  but  of  regret  and  respect  in  the  part- 
ing. In  the  Kearsarge,  two  years  later,  this  splendid  officer  won 
imperishable  glory  for  his  country  and  his  name.  ^ ‘ Peace  to  his 
memory”  is  the  tribute  of  one  who  honored,  respected  and  ad- 
mired him,  but  who  pitied  the  occasional  infirmity  which  brought 
him  a moment  of  sorrow. 

It  was  believed  that  service  in  the  IMississippi  River,  where 
the  Winona  would  not  be  exposed  to  the  heavy  strains  of  roll- 
ing as  in  blockading  outside,  would  lessen  her  leak,  there  being 
no  dock  available  south  of  Norfolk  for  repairs.  She  was  ordered. 


MEXICO,  MOBILE  AND  PORT  HUDSON 


37 


therefore,  into  the  river  for  patrol  duty  between  Port  Hudson 
and  Donaldsonville,  early  in  December,  1862,  where  she  re- 
mained, with  varying  incidents,  for  more  than  a year. 

Not  long  after  her  arrival  on  this  service  rumors  reached  the 
admiral  that  the  Confederates  were  fortifying  the  heights  about 
Port  Hudson  with  heavy  cannon.  An  expedition  to  reconnoiter 
this  position,  composed  of  the  iron-clad  steamer  Essex  and  the 
^Vinona,  set  out  up  the  river  from  Baton  Rouge  in  December. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  ships  were  without  charts  of 
the  river,  and  had  to  depend  upon  Colton’s  Atlas  and  the  river 
pilots,  whose  loyalty  at  that  early  day  was  a debatable  question. 
Running  the  river,  therefore,  was  limited  to  daylight,  when  its 
bends  could  be  followed  and  its  points  avoided.  During  the 
night  anchorage  was  sought.  The  rule  generally  adopted  was  to 
anchor  about  sundown  and,  after  dark,  to  shift  position  some 
half  mile.  The  vessels  were  painted  an  indefinable  gray  color, 
the  tint  being  such  that  it  was  not  easy  to  distinguish  them  after 
nightfall.  This  had  to  be  done  to  avoid  the  harassing  fire  of 
rifiemen  or  at  times  of  field  guns. 

The  new  commander,  who  had  been  ordered  to  take  the  place 
of  the  old  commander,  did  not  observe  all  these  precautions  in 
ihaking  a reconnaissance  of  the  fortifications  reported  to  be  in 
course  of  erection  at  Port  Hudson.  In  company  with  the  iron- 
clad steamer  Essex,  the  Winona  came  to  anchor  abreast  of  the 
north  end  of  Profit  Island,  about  three  miles  below  Port  Hud- 
son, about  sundown  of  December  15th.  After  dark  it  was  sug- 
gested to  the  commander  to  shift  berth  further  up  the  river,  but 
for  some  reason  unknown  this  precaution  was  disregarded.  The 
writer,  who  was  executive  officer,  in  turning  in  for  the  night, 
gave  orders  to  be  called  at  the  first  streak  of  daylight,  and,  in 
undressing,  placed  his  clothes  so  that,  in  jumping  from  his  bunk, 
he  would  almost  literally  jump  into  his  clothes. 

The  Confederates  had  crossed  the  river  from  Port  Hudson 
during  the  night  with  a battery  of  artillery  and  a supporting 
company  of  infantry,  and  had  taken  up  position  behind  the 
levee,  out  of  sight  and  hearing,  abreast  of  the  Winona.  At 
the  first  streak  of  dawn  of  the  day  following,  these  forces  opened 
a furious  fire  with  artillery  and  infantry  upon  the  Wino?ia,  dis- 
tant about  250  yards  from  the  levee.  It  was  the  noise  of  this 


38 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


firing  that  awoke  the  writer,  who  was  on  deck  in  much  less 
time  than  it  takes  to  narrate  the  incident.  The  ship  was,  cus- 
tomarily, always  cleared  for  action,  with  guns  loaded,  cable 
ready  for  slipping,  steam  at  sufficient  pressure  to  respond  to 
signals  for  movement  from  the  officer  of  the  deck,  and  a watch 
on  deck  at  the  guns.  The  lapse  of  time  from  the  first  shot 
from  the  levee  and  that  from  the  Winona^ s battery  was  scarcely 
to  be  estimated  in  seconds,  the  fire  was  so  rapidly  replied  to. 

In  order  to  be  entirely  free  to  choose  the  most  advantageous 
position  to  attack  these  forces,  the  cable  was  slipped  at  once.  Ap- 
prehending the  danger  of  running  aground,  the  writer  jumped 
to  the  gangway,  got  a cast  of  the  lead,  and  was  in  the  act  of  get- 
ting another  when  Master’s  Mate  David  Vincent  approached, 
saying : 

“You  have  more  important  work  to  attend  to,  and  I will  take 
the  lead,  sir,  until  the  pilot  comes  on  deck.” 

Scarcely  had  the  writer  stepped  aside  to  hand  the  lead  to  Mr. 
Vincent  in  order  to  take  charge  of  the  deck  to  direct  the  fighting, 
when  Mr.  Vincent  fell  at  his  side,  mortally  wounded  by  an  artil- 
lery shell.  Aid  was  called  to  carry  his  body  below  to  the  sur- 
geon, and  quick  directions  were  given  to  the  helmsman.  A few 
moments  afterward  the  ship  touched  and  hung  for  some  mo- 
ments upon  a bar  which,  the  pilot  declared,  had  formed  quite 
recently  off  the  northwest  side  of  Profit  Island. 

Unfortunately,  in  her  position  only  one  gun  could  bear  upon 
the  enemy’s  battery,  and  for  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  this  disad- 
vantage continued,  while  a storm  of  projectiles  from  artillery 
and  musketry  swept  the  ship.  The  chief  engineer  was  di- 
rected to  let  steam  run  up  to  the  highest  safe  pressure  and 
then  to  open' her  engines  wide  astern.  After  a few  moments  the 
Winona  glided  off  into  deeper  water.  She  then  steamed  ahead 
to  straighten  up  with  head  to  the  current.  She  took  her  posi- 
tion abreast  the  battery  and  for  an  hour  poured  her  heaviest  fire 
into  the  enemy’s  position,  driving  his  forces  from  the  field  with 
considerable  loss,  notwithstanding  they  were  behind  the  levee. 
Several  of  the  larger  eleven-inch  shells  pierced  the  levee  a few 
feet  below  the  top  and  exploded  among  the  artillery,  causing 
much  consternation  and  loss. 

This  action  continued  spirited  and  fierce  for  an  hour  and  a 


MEXICO,  MOBILE  AND  PORT  HUDSON 


39 


half  at  a range  of  less  than  300  yards.  The  casualties  on  our 
side  were  few,  and  when  the  advantage  in  the  enemy ’s  favor  for 
at  least  fifteen  minutes  is  considered,  this  was  astonishing.  As 
a rule,  the  Southern  gunners  were  good  shots,  and  in  many  in- 
stances were  trained  in  the  same  school  and  had  grown  up  under 
the  same  discipline  and  fellowship  with  ourselves  in  ante-bellum 
days. 

The  Winona  was  damaged  seriously  enough,  however,  to  make 
necessary  a trip  to  New  Orleans  for  repairs.  When  these  were 
completed  she  resumed  her  patrol  up  the  river,  where  she  was 
almost  daily  exposed  to  attack  from  guerrillas  or  other  irregular 
bands  of  soldiers  at  several  points.  It  was  in  this  river  service 
that  the  importance  of  the  military  top  of  modern  war-ships 
was  first  made  apparent.  During  the  season  of  low  water  it  was 
possible  to  command  a view  over  the  levees  only  from  the  top 
aloft,  and  to  do  this  a lookout  was  stationed  there  to  give  infor- 
mation of  the  presence  or  movement  of  men  behind  them.  To 
protect  these  lookouts  from  rifle  fire  at  those  points  of  the  river 
where  the  channel  obliged  the  ships  to  approach  within  a hun- 
dred feet  or  so  of  the  bank,  resort  was  had  to  plates  of  boiler  iron 
so  shaped  that  the  lookout  in  the  top  was  completely  protected. 
Very  often  the  first  intimation  the  vessels  had  that  danger  was 
near  was  the  bullet  sound  striking  these  crude  military  tops  and 
the  lookout’s  reply  from  his  own  rifle,  always  loaded  and  ready 
for  such  contingencies. 

A point  of  menace  was  the  bend  at  Manchac,  below  Baton 
Rouge,  and  it  was  rare  to  pass  it  day  or  night,  before  the  cap- 
ture of  Baton  Rouge,  without  being  fired  on  by  what  we  learned 
to  call  the  river  guerrillas.  Another  point  lower  down  the  river 
and  below  Donaldson ville,  known  to  us  as  Winchester,  was  the 
scene  of  many  attacks  of  greater  or  less  formidability  and  some- 
times of  most  stubborn  attacks  from  infantry  and  artillery  com- 
bined. Indeed  there  was  hardly  a day,  from  the  capture  of  New 
Orleans  to  the  fall  of  Port  Hudson,  on  July  9,  1863,  when  the 
Mississippi  River,  from  its  confluence  with  the  Ohio  to  the  sea, 
was  not  the  scene  at  some  point  of  stubborn  fights  between  the 
various  ships  in  this  patrol  service  and  batteries  of  artillery,  with 
infantry  guards,  or  with  both  combined,  in  contesting  the  right 
to  its  sovereignty.  At  this  distance  of  time  it  is  not  easy  to  re- 


40 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


call  the  indifference  which  prevailed  in  the  minds  of  all  day 
after  day,  as  they  grew  in  experience  and  broadened  under 
danger,  when  one  never  knew,  from  sunrise  to  sunset,  whether 
his  turn  might  not  come  to  take  his  place  alongside  the  great 
hosts  who  had  already  fallen  that  this  nation  of  the  free  might 
live;  but  it  was  a strain  and  trial  to  the  yoimg  man  which  was 
to  fit  him  into  the  heroic  mold  of  those  great  captains  whose  ex- 
amples w^ere  to  be  imitated  in  the  future  struggles  of  this  great 
Republic. 

During  the  months  of  J anuary  and  February  of  1863  rumors 
in  one  shape  or  another  reached  the  patrol  squadron  that  Ad- 
miral Farragut  contemplated  a movement  against  Port  Hud- 
son, Louisiana,  as  the  strong  fortifications  at  that  place  had  in- 
terrupted access  to  points  beyond  as  far  as  Vicksburg.  Whatever 
repairs  to  engines  or  boilers  or  their  appurtenances  could  be 
effected  by  the  force  on  board  were  undertaken,  for  in  those  days 
of  war  a ship’s  efficiency  for  every  emergency  was  determined 
by  the  skill  of  her  engine  and  fire  room  forces. 

So  far  as  spars  and  sails  were  concerned,  these  had  been 
landed  before  beginning  the  river  campaign,  as  it  was  easily  rec- 
ognized then  that  such  things  were  impedimenta,  useful  in  work- 
ing a passage  to  far-off  stations  when  the  vessels  had  to  pass 
through  regions  where  the  winds  were  of  regular  direction  and 
force,  but  absolutely  useless  in  war,  where  the  likelihood  of  in- 
jury from  shot  and  shell  would  make  them  a positive  menace. 
It  was  recognized  at  that  time  that  this  necessary  expedient  in 
war  w^as  only  the  preliminary  step  to  the  mastless  and  sailless 
ship  of  this  day.  Every  precaution  then  employed  to  minimize 
the  danger  from  falling  spars  or  the  chances  of  disabling  en- 
gines through  fouling  propellers  from  rigging  shot  away  in 
action  and  trailing  astern,  was  an  argument  for  the  supremacy 
of  steam  alone  in  the  actions  of  the  future.  Out  of  these  con- 
ditions grew  the  battle-ship  and  armored  cruiser  of  this  day, 
wherein  spars  are  reduced  in  size  and  number  and  retained  only 
as  a means  of  signaling  or  for  torpedo  guns,  but  stripped  of  all 
unnecessary  rigging.  The  close  actions  of  those  days  empha- 
sized, likewise,  the  employment  of  breech-loading  guns,  and  out 
of  this  experience  the  modern  high-power  breech-loading  artil- 
lery was  evolved,  together  with  the  rapid-fire  guns  of  smaller 


MEXICO,  MOBILE  AND  PORT  HUDSON  41 

caliber  so  destructive  to  the  personnel  at  the  superstructure 
guns. 

During  the  months  of  January,  February  and  a part  of 
March,  1863,  the  Winona  was  doing  patrol  and  convoy  duty  from 
Donaldsonville  to  Port  Hudson.  Many  vessels  carrying  troops 
and  supplies  to  various  points  on  the  river  required  the  protec- 
tion of  the  gunboats  against  attacks  along  its  banks.  A com- 
pany of  our  cavalry,  about  this  time,  under  the  intrepid  Captain 
Perkins,  operated  on  both  baiiks  of  the  river,  and  was  a terror 
to  all  irregular  troops  using  the  levees  as  protection  in  their 
attacks.  His  movements  from  side  to  side  were  so  swift  and  his 
crossings  being  made  usually  under  cover  of  darkness,  the  enemy 
could  not  know  his  whereabouts  until  he  was  actually  upon  them. 
The  effect  of  these  operations  after  a while  tended  to  clear  the 
river  banks  of  danger. 

In  the  early  part  of  March,  while  lying  off  Plaquamine  mak- 
ing imperative  repairs  to  the  condenser,  which  leaked  so  badly 
as  to  increase  the  coal  consumption  greatly  as  well  as  to  en- 
danger feed  pumps  and  the  engines  themselves,  the  fleet,  under 
Admiral  Farragut,  passed  up  the  river  with  the  purpose  of  at- 
tacking the  works  at  Port  Hudson,  which  at  this  time  had  been 
strongly  fortified.  Orders,  on  March  12th,  from  Admiral  Far- 
ragut, detaching  the  writer  from  the  Winona  to  report  for  further 
orders,  were  received  on  the  afternoon  of  the  14th.  The  only 
opportunity  to  obey  these  orders  occurred  on  the  morning  of 
March  15th,  when  the  coal  brig  Horace  Boies,  in  tow,  passed  up 
the  river.  The  squadron  was  reached  off  Port  Hudson  that  same 
afternoon. 

The  same  day  the  writer  was  ordered  to  assume  command  of 
the  Monongaliela,  as  the  relief  of  Captain  McKinstry,  who  had 
been  severely  wounded.  The  same  afternoon  an  attack  was  made 
by  the  Monongaliela  upon  the  citadel  battery  at  1,000  yards  range 
for  more  than  an  hour  with  the  splendid  effect  of  completely 
silencing  guns  and  driving  gunners  from  them.  But  during  the 
night  the  main  work  was  repaired,  and  the  Monongaliela  was 
directed  to  take  position  once  more  near  this  battery.  On  this 
occasion  her  150-pound  Parrott  rifles  were  fired  deliberately  and 
with  great  precision  against  this  fortification  until  its  guns  were 
silenced.  A river  steamer,  lying  at  the  time  at  a wharf  further 


42 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


up  in  the  bend  of  the  river,  was  driven  to  shelter  out  of  range 
behind  the  point.  Many  of  the  enemy’s  shot  and  shell  passed 
well  over  and  beyond  the  ship  and  many  fell  short.  The  accu- 
racy of  the  Monongahela's  gunners  evidently  had  disturbed  the 
usual  precision  of  the  Confederate  guns. 

These  attacks  upon  earthworks  by  ships  only  proved  that  it 
was  hardly  possible  to  injure  them  beyond  what  could  be  re- 
paired in  a few  hours. 


I 


CHAPTER  V 


SIEGE  AND  CAPITULATION  OF  PORT  HUDSON — FARRAGUT 

AGAIN 


1863 


On  March  19th  Major-General  Banks,  commander  of  the 
Nineteenth  Army  Corps,  came  up  the  river  with  a few  troops, 
and  with  Commander  Alden  of  the  Richmond  went  on  board  the 
Monongahela  to  reconnoiter  the  batteries  along^  the  river  front. 
On  this  occasion  another  river  steamer  was  lying  at  the  wharf 
in  the  bend  of  the  river  discharging  provisions  and  other  sup- 
plies, but  fled  a few  moments  after  the  firing  began.  The  Mo- 
nongaliela  took  a position  that  afforded  the  best  examination  of 
these  works,  though  it  was  not  without  challenge  from  the  Con- 
federates. In  those  days  it  was  the  custom,  as  soon  as  the  ships 
got  within  range  of  their  guns,  for  the  batteries  to  open  fire 
upon  them.  The  accuracy  of  the  gun-fire  on  both  sides  was 
remarkable,  but  when  the  shore  batteries  were  on  the  same  level 
as  the  ships,  or  even  a little  above,  the  result  was  almost  inva- 
riably that  the  ship^s  gims  drove  the  shore  gunners  away  from 
their  guns.  The  level  decks  of  ships  favored  quicker  handling 
of  guns.  After  this  time,  supplies  were  delivered  with  diffi- 
culty to  the  beleaguered  forts  by  boats  on  the  river,  and,  if  at 
all,  had  to  be  delivered  at  night,  as  these  river  boats  would  be 
attacked  by  day. 

After  an  hour  or  more  of  this  reconnaissance,  the  Monon- 
gahela took  a position  where  General  Banks  desired,  but  she  was 
always  under  the  Are  of  the  batteries,  to  which  her  guns  replied 
with  good  effect.  When  these  shore  batteries  discontinued  their 
practice,  the  Monongahela  withdrew  and  assumed  her  anchorage 
below  with  the  other  ships  of  the  fleet,  just  beyond  the  range  of 
their  guns. 

On  the  following  day  the  Monongahela  and  GeneseOj  Com- 


43 


44 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


mander  McComb,  again  took  position  at  a point  from  1,200  to 
1,300  yards  from  the  same  batteries.  Assisted  by  the  iron- 
clad Essex,  Commander  Caldwell,  these  three  ships  maintained 
for  an  hour  or  more  a fierce  and  determined  engagement, 
during  which  every  gun  on  the  river  front  in  range  took  part, 
fairly  raining  projectiles  upon  the  ships.  Fortunately,  the  gun- 
fire from  this  combined  force  of  ships  was  so  tremendous  as  to 
interfere  seriously  with  the  rapidity  and  accuracy  of  the  guns 
on  shore. 

The  fleet  of  mortar  schooners,  which  had  done  much  good 
work  under  Admiral  D.  D.  Porter  at  the  attack  upon  Forts  Jack- 
son  and  St.  Philip,  in  the  campaign  against  New  Orleans  by  Ad- 
miral Farragut,  were  again  placed  in  position  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  river,  and  in  every  attack  made  from  this  time  until 
July  9th,  when  Port  Hudson  Anally  capitulated,  joined  their 
terrifying  Are  to  that  of  the  other  vessels  upon  the  besieged 
forces  within  this  strongly  fortifled  and  gallantly  defended  post. 
After  General  Banks  had  invested  these  fortifications  on  the  land 
side  with  his  splendid  corps,  the  plan  adopted  by  the  com- 
manders-in-chief was  to  harass  the  enemy  day  and  night. 

Faithfully  and  fully  did  the  forces  on  the  river  and  those 
on  the  land  side  in  the  enemy’s  rear  carry  this  plan  into  execu- 
tion. During  the  day  one  or  two  or  more  vessels  were  detached 
to  assault  the  river  batteries  in  front  in  cooperation  with  attacks 
of  greater  or  less  fierceness  by  the  army  beleaguering  the  works. 
The  roar  of  artillery  and  musketry  appeared  continuous  for 
well-nigh  three  months  night  and  day. 

Choosing  different  hours  every  night  of  the  siege,  the  mortar 
fleet,  consisting  of  some  eight  or  ten  vessels,  were  directed  to 
hurl  their  enormous  13-inch  shells  for  an  hour  into  the  enemy’s 
works.  The  effect  of  these  great  shells  in  curving  through  the 
air  at  high-angle  firing,  as  their  burning  fuses  turned  in  ever- 
varying  directions,  was  picturesque  and  impressive.  Through 
long  practice,  the  officers  and  men  acquired  great  nicety  in  cut- 
ting and  timing  their  fuses,  so  that  the  bursting  moment  v/ould 
coincide  with  that  of  landing  in  or  about  the  batteries.  These 
terrific  night  cannonades  were  demoralizing  features  to  the 
enemy  in  this  long  siege.  The  continuous  roar  and  reverbera- 
tion of  discharges  were  almost  deafening,  and  generally  awoke 


n-^ 


T 1 1 E MOyOSGA  11  EL  A . 


SIEGE  AND  CAPITULATION  OF  PORT  HUDSON  45 


all  from  sleep  below  decks,  and  thus  attracted  them  to  the  upper 
or  spar  deck  to  watch  the  whirling  shells  as  they  curved  up- 
ward in  their  flight  and  then  downward  upon  the  doomed 
fellows  within  the  enemy’s  works.  By  long  experience  great 
accuracy  of  fire  was  attained  and  much  damage  done  inside  the 
works.  The  moral  effect  of  this  bombardment  nightly  was  so 
great  that  the  enemy  within  the  zone  of  this  fire  resorted  to 
bomb-proofs,  tunneled  into  the  declivities  of  hills  inclined  away 
from  the  direction  of  the  trajectory  of  the  shells. 

After  the  surrender  there  were  a number  of  touching  inci- 
dents related  where  these  great  shells  had  fallen  in  such  prox- 
imity to  the  points  of  exit  of  these  bomb-proof  tunnels  that  when 
the  explosions  occurred  these  retreats  were  completely  filled  with 
earth,  thus  suffocating  and  burying  those  who  had  sought  safety 
therein. 

On  one  occasion  later,  when  in  temporary  command,  an  attack 
was  made  by  the  writer  upon  the  citadel  fortifications.  There 
was  almost  no  breeze  beyond  an  occasional  ‘ ‘ catspaw,  ’ ’ as  slight, 
shimmering  streaks  of  air  touching  the  surface  of  water  are 
technically  known.  The  signal  flags  hung  listlessly  up  and 
down  from  the  flagship’s  mastheads.  The  great  volume  of 
smoke  from  our  guns,  as  well  as  that  from  the  fortifications, 
settled  down  upon  the  river  or  hung  in  masses  about  the  ship, 
increasing  the  difficulty  of  distinguishing,  much  less  reading, 
any  signals.  In  the  midst  of  flying  projectiles  and  smoke,  the 
quartermaster  reported  a signal  flying,  but  he  added  that  he 
was  unable  to  read  it,  as  there  was  not  wind  enough  to  blow 
the  flags  out  so  that  he  could  distinguish  them. 

Directions  were  given  to  him  to  report  whenever  the  signals 
could  be  read.  As  the  orders  had  been  to  destroy  the  battery, 
it  was  not  thought  that  the  signal  then  flying  could  refer  to  us, 
as  our  duty  under  them  was  specific  and  distinct.  Later,  how- 
ever, it  was  learned  that  the  signal  was  intended  to  withdraw 
us  from  action.  Not  understanding  this  at  the  moment,  the 
action  was  continued  until  every  gun  of  the  enemy  had  ceased 
firing.  Then  the  ship  lifted  her  anchor  and  dropped  down  with 
the  current  to  her  usual  position,  where,  after  anchoring,  the 
customary  visit  was  made  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  report 
the  result  of  the  combat.  Arriving  on  board,  the  writer  found 


46 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FI.AG 


on  the  quarter-deck  the  commander-in-chief,  who,  after  respond- 
ing to  his  salute,  said: 

‘ ‘ Captain,  you  begin  early  in  your  life  to  disobey  orders.  Did 
you  not  see  the  signal  flying  for  near  an  hour  to  withdraw  from 
action?’' 

The  decided  manner  and  tone  in  which  Admiral  Farragut 
asked  this  question,  taken  with  the  surprising  inquiry  itself, 
confused  and  embarrassed  the  writer,  who  felt  that  the  ship’s 
work  was  creditable  rather  than  censurable.  An  attempt  to 
explain,  somewhat  stammeringly  made  and  to  the  effect  that  we 
could  not  read  the  signals,  which  were  seen  only  with  difficulty 
through  the  smoke,  elicited  the  quick  reply  from  the  admiral 
that  he  “wanted  none  of  this  Nelson  business  in  his  squadron 
about  not  seeing  signals.” 

The  writer  succeeded,  however,  in  stating  to  him  that  the 
lack  of  wind  and  the  smoke  of  battle  enveloping  the  ship  made 
it  impossible  to  interpret  the  signal,  which,  from  the  nature  of 
his  orders  to  destroy  the  citadel,  could  hardly  have  been  sup- 
posed to  refer  to  the  writer,  whose  duty  in  the  premises  seemed 
clear — to  retire  only  when  that  duty  was  done. 

The  admiral  then  invited  the  writer  into  his  cabin.  The 
moment  the  door  was  closed  behind  him  there  was  an  entire 
change  in  his  tone  and  manner  as  he  said  smilingly,  “I  have 
censured  you,  sir,  on  the  quarter-deck  for  what  appeared  to  be 
a disregard  of  my  orders.  I desire  now  to  commend  you  and 
your  officers  and  men  for  doing  what  you  believed  right  under 
the  circumstances.  Do  it  again  whenever  in  your  judgment  it 
is  necessary  to  carry  out  your  conception  of  duty.  Will  you 
take  a glass  of  wine,  sir?” 

The  writer,  in  his  career  afterward,  often  recalled  this  inci- 
dent in  his  experience  with  that  great  admiral  and  grand  man. 
He  has  always  believed  that  the  secret  of  all  important  success 
was  dependence  upon  the  responsible  judgment  of  an  officer  on 
the  spot.  If  circumstances  compelled  him  to  disobey  his  orders 
to  achieve  signal  success  for  his  countiy,  such  constructive  dis- 
obedience becomes  a virtue  in  much  the  same  sense  as  the  great 
Jarvis  held  as  a virtue  Nelson’s  unerring  judgment  in  that 
memorable  victory  at  St.  Vincent. 

The  Monongaliela^s  commanding  officer.  Captain  J.  P.  i\Ic- 


SIEGE  AND  CAPITULATION  OF  PORT  HUDSON  47 

Kinstry,  having  been  so  seriously  wounded  in  the  attack  by  the 
fleet  upon  Port  Hudson,  was  sent  to  the  hospital  at  New  Orleans. 
The  steam  sloop  Mississippi  having  been  destroyed  in  the  same 
action,  her  commanding  officer.  Captain  Melancthon  Smith,  and 
her  executive  officer.  Lieutenant  (now  admiral)  George  Dewey, 
were  ordered  to  the  Monongahela.  The  writer  was  then  trans- 
ferred to  the  sloop  Richmond*  toward  the  latter  part  of  March. 

From  this  time  until  Port  Hudson  surrendered,  on  July  9th, 
there  occurred  twenty  or  more  engagements  between  the  vessels 
of  the  fleet  and  batteries  in  which  the  writer  participated.  The 
plan  decided  upon  was  to  harass  the  enemy  day  and  night.  With 
General  Banks’s  army  encircling  them  on  the  land  side,  and  with 
the  Navy  in  possession  of  the  river  above  and  below  the  forts, 
the  siege  was  varied  by  brilliant  assaults  by  both  Army  and 
Navy.  It  became  a question  of  endurance  and  of  supplies  for 
those  within  the  doomed  fortifications.  Both  opponents  con- 
tinued, often  with  stubborn  courage,  in  the  struggles  for  mas- 
tery of  the  place,  and  in  the  years  to  come  the  deeds  of  valor 
exhibited  on  both  sides  around  those  historic  works  will  thrill 
the  hearts  of  American  readers.  It  was  only  when  the  forces 
within  were  decimated  and  ragged,  their  ammunition  almost  ex- 
hausted and  their  rations  reduced  to  mule  meat,  that  the  noble 
fellows  surrendered.  The  courage  displayed  on  both  sides  should 
be  a priceless  heritage  of  honor  to  American  youth  for  all  time. 


* Officers  of  the  Richmond: 
Commander,  James  Alden. 

Lieut.  Edward  Terry,  Ex.  Officer. 
Lieut.  W.  S.  Schley,  Navigator. 
Acting  Vol.  Lieut.  F.  S.  Hill,  Watch 
Officer. 

Acting  Master  Chas.  I.  Gibbs,  Watch 
Officer, 

Acting  Master  C.  W.  Wilson,  Watch 
Officer. 

Acting  Ensign  R.  P.  Swan,  Watch 
Officer. 

Acting  Ensign  B.  W.  Haskins,  Watch 
Officer. 

Surgeon,  A.  A.  Henderson. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  John  D.  Murphy. 
Chief  Eng.,  John  W,  Moore. 


1st  Asst.  Eng.,  Eben  Hoyt. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  A.  W.  Morley. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  G.  W.  W.  Dove. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  J.  D.  Ford. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  R.  B.  Plotts 
3d  Asst.  Eng.,  C.  E.  Emery. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  Robert  Weir. 
Paymaster,  Edwin  Stewart. 
Captain,  Alan  Ramsay,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
Boatswain,  Isaac  Choate. 

Gunner,  Jas.  Thayer. 

Carpenter,  Hiram  Dixon. 
Sailmaker,  H.  T.  Stocker. 

Master’s  Mate,  W.  R.  Cox. 

Master’s  Mate,  J.  R.  Howell 
Master’s  Mate,  T.  S.  Russell. 


48 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


On  the  27th  of  May  communication  was  opened  with  the 
army  on  the  blufts  below  Port  Hudson,  and  the  cordon  around 
the  fortifications  was  completed.  Almost  daily  there  had  been 
fierce  fights,  which  resulted  in  driving  the  enemy  inside  the 
battlements  built  around  a ravine  back  of  the  port,  where  the 
river  in  some  remote  time  had  passed  in  another  channel. 

During  the  first  week  in  June  a battery  of  two  nine-inch 
Dahlgren  guns,  with  their  crews  and  equipments,  was  landed 
and  placed  in  position  about  300  yards  from  the  right  of  the 
enemy’s  works.  These  guns,  cooperating  with  the  heavy  siege 
artillery  of  the  army,  did  splendid  work  under  Lieutenant 
Commanding  Edward  Terry  of  the  Richmond,  an  officer  of  rare 
accomplishments  and  dashing  courage.  Some  casualties  resulted 
to  the  crews  of  these  guns  from  the  peerless  sharpshooters  on 
the  other  side,  who  rarely  missed  anyone  who  thoughtlessly  ex- 
posed himself.  Terry’s  health  gave  way  under  the  trying  ex- 
posures on  shore  with  this  battery,  and  it  is  thought  that  from 
this  unusually  severe  ordeal  the  seeds  of  that  fell  disease  were 
laid  which  carried  him  off  a few  years  later  in  the  fulness  of 
his  young  life. 

Some  time  about  the  latter  part  of  May  dispatches  from 
General  C.  C.  Augur  related  the  cheering  successes  of  General 
Grant’s  army  operating  in  the  rear  of  Vicksburg.  The  city  of 
Jackson  had  been  taken.  Sherman  had  routed  and  almost  de- 
stroyed the  army  of  General  J.  E.  Johnston.  General  Banks’s 
army  was  daily  in  movement  and  almost  constantly  in  fights 
or  in  the  skirmishes  tightening  the  cordon  about  Port  Hudson. 

An  incident  which  occurred  on  the  morning  of  July  4th  and 
astonished  everyone  was  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Gettysburg, 
communicated  by  two  “contrabands,”  as  the  colored  man  was 
called  in  those  days.  They  were  taken  on  board  about  day- 
light. When  asked  their  names  and  what  news  they  brought, 
one  of  them  replied : 

“Massa  Lee  has  struck  the  Yankees  at  a place  called  Guttum- 
burg — I think  that’s  the  name.  But,  oh.  Lord!  the  Yankees 
done  tore  ’em  all  to  pieces.  The  white  folks  say  he  done  lost 
some  fohty  thousand  men.  Gen’ral  Lee  had  to  get  away  in 
the  night,  as  the  Yankees  was  all  ’round  him.” 

This  news  was  verified  a day  or  two  later,  as  the  battle  of 


SIEGE  AND  CAPITULATION  OF  PORT  HUDSON  49 


Gettysburg,  with  the  added  intelligence,  by  steamer  down  the 
river,  that  General  Grant  had  captured  Vicksburg,  with  some 
forty  thousand  prisoners,  after  a series  of  brilliant  and  stubborn 
battles,  which  will  rank  with  the  fiercest  ever  fought  in  the 
world ’s  history.  Only  a few  days  later,  after  this  news  had  been 
sent  in  to  the  gallant  General  Gardner,  the  hero  of  Port  Hudson, 
that  stronghold  was  surrendered  and  added  to  the  crowning 
victories  of  the  year  1863.  The  great  river  was  then  in  our 
possession  from  Cairo  to  the  sea,  and  never  again  did  it  wit- 
ness any  struggle  of  consequence  in  disputing  free  passage  to 
our  transports  or  fleet. 

The  great  dream  of  Admiral  Parragut  was  realized.  The 
stomach  of  the  Confederacy  had  been  severed  from  the  main 
body  of  its  force.  The  fact  was  made  evident  that  an  army  could 
not  fight  unless  it  could  be  fed.  The  effect  upon  the  waning 
fortunes  of  the  doomed  Confederacy  was  felt  from  the  Potomac 
to  the  Mississippi. 

It  was  during  this  long  siege  that  the  writer  first  met  Major 
Agnus,  who  afterward,  for  gallantry  in  action,  became  brigadier- 
general.  He  was  then  a handsome  and  dashing  young  officer 
in  the  volunteer  army,  which  did  such  yeoman  service  for  our 
country  and  its  glories.  The  rations  of  those  days,  while  sus- 
taining to  life,  depended  for  their  nutritive  value  somewhat 
upon  the  additions  which  foraging  parties  might  make  to  them 
from  the  country  where  the  armies  operated.  The  Navy  being 
in  this  respect  better  provided  for  and  more  certain  to  have 
three  good  meals  a day,  because  its  commissary  stores  were  al- 
ways carried  in  the  hold  of  its  ships,  had  advantages  which  our 
Army  friends  from  time  to  time  were  invited  to  share.  Major 
Agnus  was  the  writer’s  guest  whenever  he  came  on  board,  and 
from  this  association  and  companionship  grew  the  friendship 
and  alfection  which  have  increased  with  every  year  of  the  forty 
since  it  first  began.  Friendships  which  spring  from  associa- 
tions of  exposure  to  dangers  together  endure  always,  and  thus 
was  born  that  feeling  which  the  writer  has  tried  to  express  in 
this  humble  tribute  to  his  lifelong  friend  and  comrade  in  arms. 

During  this  long  and  laborious  siege  there  were  incidents  of 
heroism  on  both  sides  which  deserve  to  be  preserved,  but  none 
more  daring  or  more  original  than  that  of  Mr.  E.  C.  Gabaudan, 


50 


forty-fiat:  years  under  the  flag 


the  admiral’s  secretary.  At  the  time  both  sides  of  the  river 
were  controlled  by  Confederate  forces,  between  the  Hartford 
and  Albatross  above  the  forts  and  the  fleet  below.  The  admiral 
desired  to  send  dispatches  to  the  fleet  below  the  forts  of  such 
importance  that  their  capture  would  have  been  likely  in  any 
attempt  to  go  by  the  west  bank.  Gabaudan  volunteered  to  float 
down  the  river  after  dark,  supported  on  one  of  the  many  float- 
ing logs,  or  parts  of  trees,  which  then  dotted  the  river  in  the 
spring  flood. 

The  distance  to  be  covered  was  several  miles.  The  dangers 
were  in  the  eddies  under  the  bluffs  and  the  possible  lack  of  en- 
durance on  the  part  of  the  swflmmer  for  so  long  a period  in 
rather  cold  water.  Fortunately,  the  night  chosen  was  very 
dark,  but  Gabaudan ’s  mettle  had  the  finest  ring.  What  he 
may  have  lacked  in  physique  was  more  than  made  up  by  the 
“sand”  in  his  splendid  determination.  He  was  successful,  after 
a long  drift,  including  a swish  now  and  then  in  the  eddies  under 
the  bluffs  of  Port  Hudson,  from  which  he  escaped  by  hanging 
close  to  his  log  and  using  his  unengaged  hand  to  paddle  into 
the  current  down  the  river.  Favored  by  the  darkness,  and  with 
an  unusual  presence  of  mind,  he  escaped  discovery  by  the  pick- 
ets, who,  in  one  instance,  were  so  near  that  Gabaudan  heard 
them  conversing.  He  reached  the  squadron  below  about  4 a.  m., 
after  several  hours  of  exposure.  When  he  was  taken  from  the 
water  and  brought  on  board  the  senior  officer’s  ship  he  was 
much  exhausted  and  greatly  fatigued.  The  doctor,  however, 
took  him  in  charge  and  in  good  time  restored  him.  The  news 
of  his  safe  arrival  was  signaled  back  across  the  point  from  the 
Richmond  to  the  Hartford  above  at  daylight. 

During  the  progress  of  this  long  and  tedious  siege  the  writer 
saw  and  was  much  in  the  presence  of  Admiral  Farragut.  As 
the  admiral  in  his  younger  days  had  known  the  writer’s  family, 
he  spoke  often  of  the  delightful  visits  he  had  made  to  Middle- 
town  and  Frederick,  and  how  much  he  had  enjoyed  the  generous 
hospitality  of  the  good  people  there. 

The  admiral  was  a man  of  perhaps  five  feet  seven  inches  in 
height.  His  gait  and  step  were  those  of  a very  young  man, 
and  in  conversation  he  was  an  animated  and  interesting  talker. 
His  information  and  experience  were  general,  and  upon  almost 


SIEGE  AND  CAPITULATION  OF  PORT  HUDSON  51 


all  subjects — professional,  scientific  or  political — he  was  inter- 
esting and  attractive.  Like  all  great  men,  he  was  affable  and 
accessible.  His  manner  was  one  of  great  mildness  and  self-poise. 
Ilis  ideas  were  clear  and  his  methods  of  doing  things  were  always 
decided.  When  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  give  battle  in  a 
certain  way,  it  was  realized  that  his  way  was  the  best.  In  any 
of  the  emergencies  of  battle  his  towering  genius  was  readiest  and 
his  cool  self-possession  was  an  inspiration  to  everybody. 

The  wide  difference  that  was  apparent  between  this  sprightly, 
kind,  mild  and  pleasing  gentleman,  even  when  under  a heavy 
load  of  responsibility,  and  his  lion-like  character  and  presence 
when  battle  was  going  on,  was  the  contrast  between  sunshine  and 
storm.  His  judgment  of  men  was  excellent,  as  the  choice  of 
officers  with  Avhom  he  surrounded  himself  indicated.  The  un- 
varying and  complete  success  he  met  in  everything  he  undertook 
in  that  great  war  was  due  largely  to  his  strong  personality,  un- 
erring purpose  and  dashing  example. 

The  naval  history  of  the  past  presents  two  characters  that 
were  much  alike  in  their  restless  activity,  their  imtiring  energy 
of  purpose,  their  absolute  personal  intrepidity  and  self-poise  in 
emergency,  and  their  dogged  adherence  to  the  idea  that  the 
enemy  was  to  be  fought  wherever  met — Farragut  and  Nelson. 
Farragut’s  private  life  and  high  ideals,  however,  gave  him  pre- 
eminence over  his  great  English  compeer. 

After  the  surrender  of  Port  Hudson  there  was  considerable 
detail  of  forces  to  be  arranged  both  on  the  land  and  the  river. 
Most  of  the  vessels  had  been  injured  so  much  in  service  and 
battle  during  this  period  of  nearly  a year  and  a half,  that  orders 
were  given  to  send  the  heavier  ships  North  for  repairs.  In  this 
interval  of  time  the  officers  and  men  enjoyed  some  relief  from 
the  strain  and  exposure  to  which  their  long  service  had  sub- 
jected them. 

The  Richmond  bore  quite  a large  number  of  honorable  scars, 
the  repairing  of  which  could  not  be  deferred  longer.  The  same 
was  true  of  many  others,  but  as  there  was  lack  of  facilities  at 
New  Orleans  and  Pensacola  for  making  the  extensive  overhaul- 
ing needed,  and  no  docks  existed  for  examining  injuries  under 
the  water-line,  several  of  the  larger  ships  were  sent  to  New 
York,  where  the  Richmond  arrived  on  the  8th  of  August,  1863. 

5 


CHAPTER  VI 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 
1864-1866 

On  August  18,  1863,  while  the  Biclimond  was  in  New  York, 
the  writer  was  detached  and  granted  one  month’s  leave  of  ab- 
sence. The  opportunity  afforded  by  this  short  respite  from  duty 
was  improved  in  order  to  marry  his  fiancee,  Annie  Rebecca 
Franklin,  of  Annapolis.  This  occurred  in  the  midst  of  war, 
but  as  the  betrothal  had  existed  a couple  of  years,  both  parties 
had  had  ample  time  to  test  themselves  by  absence,  separation, 
change  of  circumstance  and  a lapse  of  time  which  had  enabled 
them  to  feel  certain  they  had  made  no  mistake.  The  10th  day 
of  September,  1863,  was  chosen  to  begin  life  together,  which, 
in  all  the  years  since,  has  been  one  of  happiness. 

Their  older  years  have  been  comforted  in  the  three  children 
who  were  born  to  them — ^two  sons  and  one  daughter.  The  old- 
est son,  Thomas  Franklin  Schley,  having  chosen  the  profession 
of  arms,  is  a captain  in  the  Twenty-third  U.  S.  Infantry  and 
saw  service  in  IManila  during  the  recent  war  with  Spain.  The 
second  son,  Winfield  Scott  Schley,  is  a physician  and  surgeon, 
established  in  New  York  City.  The  daughter,  Maria  Virginia 
Schley,  married  the  Hon.  Ralph  Montagu  Stuart  Wortley,  a 
young  English  gentleman. 

As  only  a few  days  of  the  leave  granted  remained  after 
the  wedding  day,  a trip  to  Washington  was  made,  mainly  with 
a view  to  ascertaining  where  the  next  service  might  be.  The 
chief  of  ordnance,  Captain  H.  A.  Wise,  with  whom  the  writer 
had  sailed  on  board  the  Niagara  a couple  of  years  before,  was 
met  in  the  corridor  of  the  old  Navy  Department  building.  Cap- 
tain Wise  said  it  was  difficult  to  get  officers  for  any  duty  on 
shore  beyond  a few  months  owing  to  the  demands  for  their 
services  at  sea,  and  that  if  the  writer  had  no  objection  he  would 
have  him  detailed  for  two  or  three  months  at  the  ordnance  fac- 
tory at  the  Washington  Nav>^-Yard  while  his  ship  was  refitting 


52 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 


53 


in  New  York.  As  the  larger  vessels  of  the  squadron  in  which 
the  writer  had  served  were  under  repairs  and  there  was  little 
chance  of  further  activities  for  a few  months,  the  offer  was 
accepted,  and  the  orders  of  September  11th  to  this  temporary 
duty  were  placed  in  his  hands. 

It  was  during  this  visit  to  the  department,  the  first  the  writer 
had  ever  made,  that  he  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  Secretary 
Welles.  In  those  busy  days  there  was  not  much  time  for  more 
than  formal  politeness.  The  writer  being  then  only  a young 
lieutenant  and  sensitive  to  his  own  importance,  left  the  Secre- 
tary’s office  under  the  impression  that  his  reception  had  been 
polite,  but  nothing  more.  Later  on  in  life,  when  demands  on 
the  Secretary’s  time  and  attention  were  better  understood  by 
association,  as  a bureau  chief,  the  wonder  was  as  great  that  the 
Secretary  had  time  to  be  even  polite  to  anyone  during  his  office 
hours. 

On  the  23d  of  September  the  new  duties  at  the  Navy-Yard 
were  taken  up,  and  as  greater  familiarity  with  the  work  was 
acquired,  greater  interest  was  taken  in  its  details.  The  natural 
ambition  to  lose  no  opportunity  for  active  service,  however,  in- 
spired apprehensions  that,  in  the  contemplated  movements  in  the 
Gulf  or  at  Charleston  in  the  fall,  by  some  mischance  the  writer 
might  be  overlooked.  But  just  about  the  moment  when  enough 
courage  had  been  worked  up  to  inquire  what  the  chances  might 
be,  and  recalling  the  risk  of  scant  politeness  at  the  department, 
orders  dated  December  17,  1863,  were  received  detailing  the 
writer  to  the  double-ender  Wateree,  at  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

After  the  usual  delays,  however,  the  Wateree*  under  com- 


* Officers  of  the  Wateree: 

Commander,  Francis  Key  Murray. 

Lieut.  W.  S.  Schley,  Ex.  Officer. 

Acting  Master  David  Page,  Division 
Officer. 

Acting  Master  W.  H.  Colley,  Divis- 
ion Officer. 

Acting  Master  Wm.  Nyborg,  ^Divis- 
ion  Officer. 

Acting  Master  Julius  Nilson,  Divis- 
ion Officer. 

A.  A.  Surgeon,  Geo.  T.  Shipley. 

A.  A.  Paymaster,  Geo.  S.  Sproston. 


1st  Asst.  Eng.,  Chas.  E.  DeValin. 
2d  Asst.  Eng.,  E.  D.  Longnecker. 
2d  Asst.  Eng.,  J.  O.  Fairbairn. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  David  Pace. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  S.  A.  Bryant. 

3d  Asst.  Eng.,  Peter  Innes. 
Master’s  Mate,  Wm.  D.  Tompkins. 
Master’s  Mate,  Wm.  A.  Currier. 
Master’s  Mate,  R.  T.  Sperry. 
Master’s  Mate,  John  Mack. 

Gunner,  James  Reid. 

Pay  Clerk,  Arthur  Schley. 


54 


FOllTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


inand  of  Commander  Francis  Key  Murray,  arrived  at  Hampton 
Roads  and  proceeded  thence  to  Washington.  A proclamation 
had  been  issued  by  the  President  allowing  all  the  old  “shell- 
backs” then  serving  in  the  Army  to  return  to  the  Navy  with- 
out detriment  to  their  service.  The  ^yateree's  crew  being  a num- 
ber short  of  her  complement,  she  was  delayed  until  a number 
of  these  men  could  be  transferred  from  the  Army.  When  these 
old  sailors  had  reached  the  familiar  deck  of  a man-of-war  there 
was  manifest  satisfaction.  One  of  these  splendid  fellows,  and 
a typical  seaman,  William  McGurr,  who  had  served  most  of  his 
life  on  board  ship,  was  greatly  delighted  to  get  back  home  again. 

When  asked  why,  as  an  old  sailor,  he  had  enlisted  in  the 
Army,  he  replied  that  he  “thought  the  chance  of  service  on 
shore  -would  improve  his  health,”  but  he  “had  found  great 
trouble  in  managing  a team  of  mules  he  had  been  detailed  to 
drive.  ’ ’ The  brutes  ‘ ‘ could  not  learn  his  language,  and  he  had 
discovered  he  didn’t  know  how  to  steer  anything  that  had  its 
rudder  in  front.”  For  this  reason  he  came  back  to  the  only 
service  of  the  two  which  he  knew. 

During  the  month  of  March,  1864,  the  ^Yateree  dropped  down 
to  Hampton  Roads  to  await  orders,  which  soon  came,  detailing 
her  to  service  in  the  Pacific.  Her  construction  was  peculiar. 
She  was  known  at  that  time  as  a “ double-ender,,”  which,  inter- 
preted, meant  that  her  bow  and  stern  were  alike,  with  a rudder 
at  each  end.  The  idea  prominent  in  the  construction  of  this 
type  was  service  in  rivers,  where  the  necessity  for  turning  would 
be  avoided.  The  draught  of  water  was  small  and  her  engines 
were  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  vessel.  Her  rig  was  that  of 
a fore-and-aft  schooner.  The  battery  was  very  heavy  for  her 
size — about  1,000  tons  displacement.  Except  for  passages  along 
the  coast  in  weather  that  might  be  chosen,  such  vessels  were  in 
no  sense  very  reliable  for  service  generally.  It  may  have  been 
for  this  reason  that  some  of  these  vessels  were  sent  on  such  ex- 
perimental voyages  as  that  now  directed  for  the  ^Yateree. 

Notwithstanding  this,  the  ^Yateree  got  under  way  about  the 
third  week  in  March  and  reached  St.  Thomas,  W.  I.,  after  a 
stormy  voyage  across  the  Gulf  Stream,  during  which  the  high 
winds  and  rough  seas  did  much  damage  to  her  forward  guards, 
which  were  repaired  in  that  port  after  some  delay.  During 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 


55 


the  passage  it  was  evident  to  her  commander  that  she  did  not 
possess  the  highest  sea-going  qualities  of  a cruiser.  Her  rolling 
was  rapid  and  deep  and,  with  moderate  winds  or  in  moderately 
rough  seas,  her  decks  were  deluged  with  water,  to  the  great  dis- 
comfort of  the  crew.  Her  hull  being  of  iron  gave  her  a rigidity 
of  frame  that  was  her  salvation  in  the  still  more  boisterous 
weather  met  to  the  south  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  and  on  the  east 
coast  of  Patagonia,  when  on  the  passage  to  Valparaiso.  The 
small  coal-bunker  capacity  and  the  uncertain  limit  of  steaming 
radius,  which  depended  so  entirely  upon  the  wind  and  weather 
encountered  in  making  a passage  of  great  distance,  were  mat- 
ters of  continual  anxiety  to  her  commander,  who  realized  that 
if  the  fuel  should  give  out  in  traversing  unfrequented  routes, 
there  would  be  small  hope  that  her  limited  sail  power  could  be 
relied  upon  to  help  her  into  port. 

This  unfortunate  casualty  did  occur  on  the  voyage  of  3,000 
miles  from  Montevideo,  Uruguay,  begun  on  May  9th  and  end- 
ing in  the  latter  days  of  July  in  Valparaiso,  Chile,  causing  a 
passage  of  some  sixty-nine  days.  Notwithstanding  a deckload  of 
coal  had  been  taken  on  board  before  leaving  Montevideo  to  sup- 
plement that  in  the  bunkers,  yet  the  head  winds  and  heavy  seas 
encountered  in  this  winter  passage  of  the  southern  hemisphere 
were  so  frequent,  though  made  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan 
and  the  inland  passage  as  far  as  the  Gulf  of  Penas,  that,  soon 
after  clearing  the  Gulf,  the  coal  supply  was  found  to  be  so 
short  that  the  ship  had  to  be  brought  to  anchor  under  one  of 
the  wooded  islands  off  the  coast,  where  wood  enough  was  cut  to 
enable  the  vessel  to  steam  across  the  open  sea  for  some  fifteen 
miles  to  reach  the  inshore  passage  of  the  Coreovado  Gulf.  This 
wood  was  so  green  and  full  of  sap  that  it  merely  frittered  away, 
making  but  little  steam. 

What  has  been  said  of  the  limited  coal-bunker  space  ap- 
plied as  well  to  the  hold  of  that  vessel  for  storing  provisions. 
There  was  a full  supply  to  the  hatches  on  leaving  Monte- 
video, but  as  the  voyage  lengthened  there  was  grave  solicitude 
lest  it  also  might  fail.  Rations  were  therefore  reduced,  as  some 
of  its  elements  were  exhausted,  such  as  coffee  and  flour;  but  as 
the  tide  rose  and  fell  some  fourteen  feet,  exposing  at  the  lower 
level  masses  of  mussels  adhering  to  the  rocks,  quantities  were 


56 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


gathered  and  steamed  for  each  meal  to  help  out  the  short  rations. 
Rain  and  snow  were  almost  constant  with  the  prevailing  west- 
erly winds  of  that  region.  Naturally  there  was  much  discom- 
fort to  all  hands,  but  nevertheless  there  were  no  complaints 
heard  from  anyone.  Everyone  worked  with  a will  cutting  wood 
to  fill  the  bunkers  or  in  making  sails  out  of  the  awnings  for 
the  improvised  yards  that  were  to  help  on  if  wind  should  favor 
the  ship. 

A day  of  sunshine  and  fair  wind  came  at  last  when  we  had 
finished  the  sail  and  filled  the  bunkers.  With  these  favoring 
circumstances,  the  Water ee  started  for  Castro,  on  the  island  of 
Chiloa,  distant  about  250  miles,  and  with  good  luck,  thanks  to 
the  sail,  reached  an  anchorage  near  that  port  just  as  the  wind 
died  out  and  the  wood  was  almost  exhausted. 

While  there  was  no  coal  to  be  had  at  this  point,  there  was 
an  abundance  of  dry  wood,  which  the  natives  cut  into  cord-wood 
size,  under  the  direction  of  an  American  living  among  them. 
There  was  no  end  of  chickens,  eggs,  and  potatoes,  and  upon  these 
our  men  lived  bountifully,  providing  themselves  also  for  the 
trip  to  be  made  beyond. 

Taking  advantage  of  favoring  circumstances,  the  Water  ee  got 
under  way  for  Aneud  by  the  inland  passage  through  the  Chacao 
Narrows,  a channel  all  the  more  dangerous  from  the  swift  tide- 
way and  the  uncertain  surveys  of  that  date.  She  reached  Ancud 
after  a few  hours’  run  in  safety.  In  those  far-off  days,  in  those 
out-of-the-way  ports,  supplies  for  ships  were  not  always  abun- 
dant. There  was  no  coal  to  be  had  on  shore,  but  the  arrival  of 
a coast  steamer  a day  or  two  afterward  enabled  the  Wateree's 
commander  to  borrow  some  five  or  six  tons  which,  with  the  excel- 
lent dry  wood  purchased  at  Ancud,  helped  him  to  reach  the  port 
of  Valdivia,  where  a small  amount  of  coal-dust  and  dirt  was 
secured  at  an  exorbitant  figure.  With  this  the  port  of  Lota,  or 
Coronel,  was  reached.  As  this  port  was  the  center  of  Chile’s 
coal-mining  district,  there  was  no  further  solicitude  about  fuel, 
most  of  the  ports  on  the  station  being  easily  within  the  steam- 
ing radius  of  the  ship. 

In  making  this  long  voyage  in  tempestuous  weather  and 
rough  seas,  the  severe  strains  on  the  great  side-wheels  of  the 
Wateree  loosened  the  radiating  arms  carrying  the  paddles  so 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 


57 


much  that,  when  rolling,  the  projection  of  these  paddles  would 
strike  the  guards  and  shake  the  vessel  from  stem  to  stern.  This 
caused  much  discomfort  to  those  below  decks  day  and  night.  It 
was  the  cause  of  serious  anxiety  to  the  commanding  officer.  This 
was  remedied  as  soon  as  the  facilities  of  the  machine  shops  of 
Valparaiso  could  be  employed. 

At  Valparaiso  letters  four  or  five  months  old  were  received, 
giving  a resume  of  all  that  had  occurred  since  the  departure 
from  Hampton  Eoads.  Among  other  news,  the  Kearsarge^s  tri- 
umph over  the  Alabama  off  Cherbourg  was  learned.  News,  too, 
that  the  Shenandoah,  one  of  the  Confederate  privateers,  was  op- 
erating against  American  merchantmen  in  China  and  east  of 
Japan  was  received. 

This  news  in  particular  hastened  the  Wateree^s  repairs,  and 
when  these  were  finished  she  sailed  northward,  touching  en  route 
at  Callao,  Panama,  San  Juan  del  Sur,  Acapulco,  San  Francisco 
and  Mare  Island,  where  she  went  into  dock  and  underwent  a 
more  general  refitting,  including  calking  of  decks,  the  condition 
of  which,  from  the  beginning,  had  been  a source  of  much  dis- 
. comfort  to  all  on  board.  After  a sojourn  of  several  months  at 
the  Yard  and  in  the  harbor  of  San  Francisco,  the  commander-in- 
chief directed  the  Wateree  to  proceed  to  Panama,  where  there 
was  customarily  kept  a war  vessel  to  guard  the  passenger  and 
freight  traffic,  which  in  those  days  before  the  completion  of  the 
transcontinental  railways  passed  mainly  by  the  isthmus  route  to 
and  from  California. 

Chronic  revolutionary  disturbances  in  the  Central  American 
States  induced  the  department  to  direct  a war  vessel  to  the  scene 
of  disturbances.  The  Wateree,  having  been  relieved  by  the  old 
sailing  sloop-of-war  Cyane,  Commander  John  H.  Russell,  was 
soon  under  way  for  Punta  Arenas,  Costa  Rica;  San  Juan  del 
Sur  and  Realejo,  Nicaragua.  Realejo  was  reached  in  the  latter 
part  of  April.  The  news  of  the  assassination  of  President  Lin- 
soln  was  learned  there  from  the  President  of  Nicaragua,  who, 
without  ceremony,  came  off  in  person  to  convey  this  distressing 
intelligence  to  Commander  Murray.  The  national  flag  was  dis- 
played at  half-mast  and  a gun  fired  every  half-hour  until  sun- 
down as  a mark  of  respect  to  the  memory  of  this  great  Amer- 
ican, who  had  perished  at  the  hands  of  a madman  and  at  a mo- 


58 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ment  when  his  life  and  calm  council  were  so  much  needed  by 
his  country. 

Rumors  of  a revolution  in  San  Salvador,  soon  afterward  veri- 
fied, reached  Commander  Murray,  who  proceeded  with  the  Wat- 
eree  to  La  Union,  in  the  Bay  of  Fonseca.  It  was  but  a short 
time  after  her  arrival  that  the  revolutionary  party  was  forced 
back  upon  La  Union.  In  the  custom-house  of  this  port  a large 
quantity  of  American  property  was  held  for  shipment.  Repre- 
sentations for  its  protection,  made  by  the  U.  S.  Consular  rep- 
resentative to  the  revolutionary  commander,  led  to  the  restric- 
tion of  the  consul ’s  liberty  to  his  residence  upon  certain 
trumped-up  charges  of  sympathy  with  the  legitimate  govern- 
ment and  of  obstruction  to  the  cause  of  the  revolution. 

The  writer,  with  a company  of  men  and  a Gatling  gun,  was 
sent  on  shore  to  protect  the  consulate  against  violence,  if  that 
should  be  resorted  to,  and  to  require  a written  guaranty  from 
the  authority  then  in  charge  of  the  town  that  American  prop- 
erty and  citizens  would  be  respected.  Toward  sundown  fight- 
ing between  the  opposing  forces  began  some  distance  outside  the 
town  and  continued  until  after  9 p.  m.,  when  the  Government 
forces,  under  General  La  Vega,  had  driven  the  revolutionists 
back  to  the  Plaza,  where  from  barricades  they  maintained  a fierce 
contest  for  quite  a half-hour,  until  nearly  surrounded  by  the  Gov- 
ernment troops,  when  they  fell  back,  breaking  up  into  frag- 
ments in  their  flight  to  the  water  to  escape. 

Our  force  of  sailors  and  marines  took  position  in  order  of 
battle  in  front  of  the  custom-house  to  protect  the  property  there- 
in, should  any  attempt  be  made  to  sack  it  by  the  retreating  revo- 
lutionists or  by  the  soldiers  of  the  successful  army,  as  sometimes 
happened.  As  the  firing  approached  the  Plaza,  which  was  about 
two  or  three  blocks  distant  from  the  position  occupied  by  the 
Wateree^s  men,  a reconnaissance  was  made  to  the  nearest  point  of 
fighting  for  observation.  As  bullets  began  whizzing  about  the 
place  selected,  it  was  thought  better  to  fall  back  upon  the  main 
body  of  the  force  so  as  to  be  ready  for  defence  if  the  fighting 
should  turn  that  way. 

Fortunately,  the  captors  appeared  satisfied  with  driving  the 
revolutionists  from  the  Plaza,  which  they  afterwards  occupied. 
Their  commanding  general  took  measures  at  once  to  occupy  the 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 


59 


city  and  to  maintain  order  until  daylight.  One  of  the  important 
matters  first  to  be  attended  to  was  to  secure  the  custom-house, 
and  this  brought  the  general  with  an  escort  toward  the  position 
held  by  the  Wateree^s  men. 

As  this  motley  squad  approached  it  was  halted.  Demands 
were  made  by  General  La  Vega  to  know  whom  this  force  repre- 
sented and  what  its  purpose  was  in  invading  the  sovereign  state 
of  San  Salvador.  The  writer,  being  fairly  well  acquainted  with 
the  Spanish  idiom,  explained  that  its  purpose  was  to  guard  all 
American  property  in  the  custom-house  and  to  obtain  assurances 
that  it  would  be  protected.  When  that  assurance  was  given  the 
force  would  be  withdrawn  to  the  ship. 

During  this  colloquy  an  interesting  example  of  the  Amer- 
ican seaman’s  loyalty  to  his  officers  occurred.  One  of  the  men 
had  moved  to  the  writer’s  side  while  the  colloquy  was  going  on, 
with  his  repeating  rifle  cocked  and  ready,  supposing  the  collo- 
quy, which  was  maintained  in  elevated  tones  of  voice,  meant 
that  the  general  was  abusing  the  seaman’s  chief,  and  as  he  did 
so  he  said,  sotto  voce,  “Just  tell  me,  sir,  at  the  right  time,  and 
I ’ll  blow  that  big  hat  off  him  for  you.  ’ ’ When  it  was  explained 
that  arrangements  were  being  made  to  take  over  the  custom- 
house, he  replied: 

“Oh,  I thought  he  was  abusing  and  cussing  you,  sir,  and  I 
was  going  to  stop  that.” 

The  assurance  asked  for  having  been  accorded,  the  American 
force  was  withdrawn.  On  the  way  back  to  the  ship  the  night 
was  very  dark.  The  water  was  literally  dotted  with  men  from 
the  defeated  army,  who  had  waded  some  distance  out  to  escape 
from  their  pursuers.  These  men  begged  pitifully  to  be  taken 
on  board  ship,  while  others,  more  fortunate,  had  seized  boats 
about  the  shore  and  had  escaped  on  board.  One  of  the  boats 
overtaken  contained  General  Duehas,  the  revolutionary  leader, 
who  had  been  gravely  wounded  by  several  musket  balls.  He 
was  accompanied  by  two  or  three  officers,  who  implored  the  right 
of  asylum  under  our  flag  to  save  their  lives. 

Returning  on  board  to  report,  it  was  found  that  a number 
of  women,  children  and  soldiers  had  fled  thither  for  safety. 
Some  of  the  little  ones  were  only  a few  months  old.  The  officers 
vacated  their  apartments  to  the  ladies  and  children. 


60 


lORTY-FIVE  YE^IUS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Promptly  on  the  morning  following  the  ladies  and  children 
were  landed,  because  assurance  had  been  given  by  General  La 
Vega  that  there  would  be  no  danger  for  them.  He  insisted,  how- 
ever, that  the  revolutionary  leader,  his  officers  and  men,  should 
be  surrendered;  but. ominous  reports  of  musketry  firing  coming 
from  the  shore  a little  after  daylight  that  morning  indicated  un- 
erringly that  the  prisoners  taken  the  night  before  were  being 
despatched  in  accor, dance  with  the  brutal  methods  of  that  day. 
Commander  Murray  then  peremptorily  declined  to  give  up  the 
officers,  and  on  the  following  day  weighed  anchor  and  proceeded 
to  Realejo,  Nicaragua. 

The  writer  was  despatched  to  Leon,  some  twenty-five  miles 
in  the  interior,  to  arrange  for  landing  the  insurgent  troops.  The 
trip  had  to  be  made  on  the  ‘‘hurricane  deck  of  a mule,”  over  a 
rough  road  and  through  some  rather  dense  forest.  Although 
the  start  was  made  about  7 a.  m.,  owing  to  the  heat,  the  indo- 
lence of  the  guide  and  the  pace  of  the  mule,  whose  flanks  and 
back  were  so  callous  that  no  amount  of  urging  by  spur  or  whip 
would  hasten  his  gait  out  of  a sIoav,  shambling  walk,  Leon  was 
reached  about  4 p.  m.  on  the  same  day.  The  ride  was  a hard 
one  for  a sailor  unused  to  this  sort  of  navigation,  and  the  writer ’s 
condition  when  Leon  w^as  reached  was  such  that  a standing  atti- 
tude for  a day  or  two  was  much  the  most  comfortable.  Then 
there  was  that  long  ride  back  again  to  be  thought  of,  and  it 
was  not  comforting. 

Fortunately  there  was  diplomatic  delay  in  the  arrangements 
that  gave  time  to  recover  from  strains,  blisters  and  some  loss  of 
epidermis.  During  this  time  the  society  of  the  American  Min- 
ister and  his  family  was  much  enjoyed.  In  the  writer’s  inter- 
course with  this  gentleman,  the  wonder  was  that  a man  of  his 
culture  and  refinement  should  have  been  assigned  to  a post  so 
little  in  accord  with  his  tastes  and  talents.  Better  acqaintance 
and  a friendlier  footing  encouraged  the  writer  to  ask  a question 
to  that  effect  while  waiting  for  the  message  which  was  to  be 
carried  back.  The  explanation  has  always  been  interesting,  and 
was  as  follows: 

“Why,  it  is  easily  explained.  I wrote  my  friend,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, asking  him  for  the  position  of  Marshal  of  Nebraska,  but  I 
wrote  such  a devilish  bad  hand  that  he  read  it  ‘Minister  to  Nica- 
ragua.’ So  here  I am.” 


IN  SOUTH  AND  CENTRAL  AMERICA 


61 


The  written  message  was  in  time  handed  to  the  writer  at  the 
American  Legation.  It  was  sealed  and  the  seal  stamped  with 
the  great  coat  of  arms  of  the  Republic.  In  substance,  it  refused 
permission  to  land  the  officers,  but  granted  the  request  as  to 
private  soldiers,  provided  they  were  disarmed  and  their  arms 
turned  over  to  the  custom-house  at  Reale  jo. 

The  return  to  the  ship  was  in  all  respects  similar  to  the  trip 
to  Leon,  but  Commander  Murray  had  anticipated  the  despatch 
by  landing  all  the  privates  and  handing  their  arms  over  to  the 
customs  authorities.  General  Duehas  and  the  officers  were 
turned  over  to  Captain  Dow,  who  commanded  an  American 
steamer,  plying  on  this  coast  from  Panama,  and  were  landed 
soon  afterward  at  Panama. 

The  ^Yateree^s  officers  and  men,  somewhat  run  down  by  their 
service  of  several  months  on  this  unhealthful  and  hot  coast,  pro- 
ceeded southward  to  Panama,  Callao,  Chincha  Islands  and  Val- 
paraiso. While  at  the  Chincha  Islands,  where  a large  fleet  of 
American  vessels  were  awaiting  their  turns  to  take  in  cargoes 
of  guano,  which  was  shipped  in  large  quantities  at  this  period 
to  ports  in  Europe  and  America,  a report  was  brought  on  board 
by  one  of  the  captains  that  the  Shenandoah  had  been  sighted  off 
the  island  and  apparently  was  coming  in. 

The  squadron  had  been  advised  that  she  was  in  the  Pacific 
and  might  make  a descent  upon  the  shipping  at  the  Chincha 
Islands.  While  lying  there,  the  Wateree^s  steam  had  been  kept 
in  such  readiness  that  her  engines  could  respond  to  signals  in 
a few  minutes.  The  anchor  was  weighed  at  once  and  Com- 
mander Murray  proceeded  to  sea.  Turning  clear  of  the  North 
Island,  there,  sure  enough,  two  or  three  miles  away,  was  a ves- 
sel resembling  the  Shenandoah,  but  with  no  colors  flying.  The 
^yateree  was  “cleared  for  action,’^  with  her  crew  at  quarters, 
ready  for  the  combat  that  all  believed  would  end  as  gloriously 
as  that  of  the  Kearsarge  and  Alabama. 

Not  wishing  to  disclose  the  ship’s  nationality,  Commander 
Murray  delayed  showing  her  colors  until  a position  had  been 
gained  about  six  hundred  yards  from  the  supposed  enemy.  With 
every  gun  of  the  Wateree  ’5  heavy  battery  bearing  upon  her,  Mur- 
ray ran  up  the  colors  and  gave  the  preparatory  order,  “Stand 
by!”  Up  went  the  stranger’s  colors  coincidentally.  They  were 


62 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Chilean,  the  ship  being  the  Chilean  corvette  Maipo.  Mutual  ex- 
planations revealed  the  fact  that  the  Chilean  supposed  the 
Wateree  to  be  a vessel  from  Spain,  with  whom  the  country  was 
then  at  war.  The  Wateree^ s black  hull  and  straw-colored  top- 
sides  favored  that  impression.  A single  gun  fired  by  mistake 
at  this  moment  would  have  resulted  in  a dreadful  catastrophe. 

During  the  night  of  January  25,  1866,  a Peruvian  officer 
came  on  board  to  report  a formidable  insurrection  among  the 
Chinese  laborers,  who  had  risen  and  killed  the  guards  on  the 
middle  island  of  the  group.  The  writer  was  ordered  to  take  a 
force  of  seamen  and  marines  to  the  point  of  disturbance  and  to 
establish  order  until  the  Peruvian  forces  from  Pisco  could  ar- 
rive. A landing  was  effected  near  midnight  on  the  quay  at  the 
north  side  of  the  island.  Ascent  to  the  top  of  the  cliffs  had  to 
be  made  by  a narrow  stairway,  leading  straight  up  from  the 
quay  about  one  hundred  feet  to  the  top  of  the  cliffs,  which  the 
Chinese  held  in  force.  Stones  and  other  missiles  were  hurled 
upon  the  advancing  column  as  it  moved  up  this  narrow  stair- 
way, but  did  not  check  its  progress.  Peaching  the  cliffs  above, 
the  American  forces  were  deployed  and  opened  fire  upon  the 
rioters,  driving  them  back  into  a large  gowdown,  which  they 
surrounded  and  commanded  with  their  guns.  The  Chinese 
leader  asked  for  a parley,  which  was  granted,  and  resulted  in 
the  ultimatum  that  if  any  further  attempt  was  made  to  disturb 
the  peace,  fire  would  be  opened  upon  them.  This  determination 
they  were  obliged  to  accept,  as  the  menacing  attitude  of  the 
American  forces  around  them  indicated  their  readiness  to  carry 
out  their  plans. 

On  the  following  day  a force  of  Peruvian  infantry  arrived. 
The  situation  was  explained  to  the  commander,  and  the  Amer- 
ican forces  withdrew  to  their  ship.  After  they  had  got  aboard 
the  ominous  crack  of  musketry  from  the  middle  island  suggested 
that  summary  vengeance  was  being  dispensed  to  the  ringleaders. 

The  Wateree  returned  to  Panama,  when  the  writer  was  de- 
tached and  ordered  home,  where  he  arrived  in  the  latter  part 
of  April,  1866. 


CHAPTER  VII 


SERVICE  UNDER  PORTER  AND  A CRUISE  TO  CHINA 

18GG-1870 

After  arrival  home  in  April,  1866,  for  a brief  respite  with 
his  family,  the  writer  was  ordered  to  the  training-ship  Sahine, 
at  New  London,  but  this  service  being  not  to  his  taste,  he  was 
ordered  to  the  Naval  Academy  during  the  month  of  August.  In 
J uly  he  had  been  promoted  to  the  grade  of  lieutenant-commander 
for  service  during  the  Civil  War.  The  academy  was  then  un- 
der the  superintendency  of  Vice-Admiral  D.  D.  Porter,  a dis- 
tinguished officer  of  the  Civil  War  and  a prominent  figure  in  the 
country.  The  first  year  of  service  was  in  the  department  of 
discipline,  the  two  last  years  in  the  department  of  modern  lan- 
guages. During  the  summer  of  1867  the  writer  was  ordered  as 
a watch  and  division  officer  of  the  sloop-of-war  Dale^  Lieutenant 
Commander  Richard  W.  Meade  commanding.  This  cruise  in- 
cluded Cherbourg,  Prance. 

Admiral  Parragut  was  then  in  command  of  the  European 
station,  and  his  flagship  Franklin  and  several  other  vessels  of  his 
command  were  anchored  in  the  harbor  when  the  practice  squad- 
ron, composed  of  the  Macedonian,  Savannah  and  Bale,  arrived. 
The  addition  of  these  vessels  constituted  an  imposing  force. 

It  was  in  this  year,  on  July  19th,  that  the  unfortunate  Maxi- 
milian was  executed  by  the  Mexicans  at  Queretaro.  The  court 
of  Prance  was  in  mourning  on  that  account,  but  notwithstand- 
ing this  fact,  the  Prench  imperial  yacht,  with  her  Majesty  the 
Empress  Eugenie  on  board,  came  into  the  harbor.  Salutes  were 
fired,  the  ships  were  dressed  with  flags  and  the  yards  were 
manned  on  all  ships  in  port  in  honor  of  her  visit.  Admiral  Par- 
ragut and  his  staff  paid  a visit  of  courtesy  to  the  Empress.  The 
day  following  the  Empress  paid  a return  visit  to  the  Franklin, 


63 


64 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


where  all  the  officers  of  the  American  fleet,  in  special  full  dress, 
were  assembled  in  honor  of  her  visit. 

It  was  the  first  and  the  only  time  the  writer  ever  saw  the 
Empress  of  the  French,  and  the  impression  made  then  has  re- 
mained ineffaceable  in  his  memory.  Her  grace  of  person  and 
her  manner  were  attractive  and  sympathetic  as  she  spoke  in 
charming  voice  to  everyone.  At  this  time  she  was  in  the  zenith 
of  her  beauty;  the  demonstrations  of  respect  and  admiration 
from  her  people  suggested  that  she  was  at  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  power  and  fame.  There  appeared  on  her  matchlessly  charm- 
ing face  just  a trace  of  sadness,  the  writer  thought,  as  she  gazed 
on  the  scene  of  welcome  prepared  in  her  honor  around  the  harbor. 
Though  courteous  in  her  manner  to  all  whom  she  met,  there  was 
no  visible  exhibition  of  this  sadness;  yet  there  appeared  to  be  a 
dreamy,  far-away  expression  in  her  soft  eyes  which  suggested 
some  sad  reflection,  but  it  was  never  for  a moment  betrayed  in 
her  intercourse  with  those  assembled  to  honor  her. 

The  practice  squadron’s  visit  to  Cherbourg  having  ended,  its 
vessels  got  under  way  for  Spithead,  in  England,  where  a week 
was  pleasantly  and  profitably  spent  by  the  young  cadets  in  vis- 
iting the  docks,  looking  over  the  newer  vessels  of  the  English 
Navy  at  anchor  or  under  repair,  and  in  taking  a spin  up  to 
London  which  the  opportunity  of  such  nearness  afforded.  These 
pleasures  over,  anchors  were  tripped  and  sail  was  made  for  home. 
The  squadron,  which  had  kept  company  in  going  over,  was  sig- 
naled each  to  make  the  best  of  its  way  home.  The  Dale  chose 
the  route  south,  across  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  touching  at  the  beauti- 
ful island  of  Madeira.  Rough  weather  was  met  in  crossing  this 
usually  boisterous  sea,  but  it  was  fine  experience  for  the  young- 
sters, who  by  this  time  had  been  braced  up  by  exposures  and 
made  hardy  in  physique  by  daily  instruction  and  exercise  on 
deck  and  aloft  in  the  open  air. 

Maderia  was  reached  after  an  eight  or  ten  days’  trip,  but  our 
stay  was  only  for  a few  hours  in  order  to  take  on  board  some 
needed  supplies  to  the  larder.  Then  the  Dale  stretched  to  the 
south  in  order  to  reach  the  trade-wind  regions  of  the  North  At- 
lantic, where  the  winds  blow  constantly  and  the  weather  is 
always  good.  Sailing  along  in  seas  that  are  rarely  rough,  and 
where  the  sunshine  is  only  interrupted  by  passing  clouds  of 


SERVICE  UNDER  PORTER 


65 


fleecy  whiteness  and  tufty  in  shape,  the  crew  enjoyed  their  re- 
lease from  constant  calls  to  brace  the  yards.  The  wind  seldom 
varies  in  direction  after  this  region  has  been  reached,  unless 
the  ship’s  course  is  altered.  After  a pleasant  run  of  three  or 
four  weeks,  the  capes  of  Virginia  were  made  late  in  Septem- 
ber, and  in  time  Annapolis  was  reached.  The  youngsters,  with 
renewed  energy  and  new  life,  then  resumed  their  grind  of  study 
and  exercises  for  another  year. 

During  the  summer  of  1868  another  cruise  for  practice  was 
made,  this  time  along  the  Atlantic  coast  and  up  the  Hudson  to 
West  Point  for  the  first  part,  and  later  outward  to  Madeira 
again.  At  West  Point  the  cadets  from  Annapolis  met  their 
companions  of  the  other  service,  and  for  several  days  there  was 
a round  of  gayety,  dances  and  competitive  drills.  The  battalion 
of  Naval  Cadets,  in  their  shore  drills,  as  infantry  and  field 
artillerymen,  compared  favorably  with  their  military  comrades, 
who  were  most  generous  in  their  acknowledgments.  The  more 
important  practice  of  seamanship  and  drill,  with  heavier  guns 
at  sea,  was  a part  of  the  naval  cadets’  education  which  only  ex- 
perience outside  could  teach.  In  early  July  the  squadron  was 
again  upon  the  bounding  billows,  where  the  real  lessons  of  sea 
habit,  sea  life,  sea  experience  and  sea  emergencies  were  to  equip 
them  for  the  hardships  and  exigencies  of  their  later  life  as 
officers. 

The  writer  in  this  cruise  served  in  the  old  sloop-of-war 
Macedonian,  Lieutenant  Commander  T.  0.  Selfridge,  jr.,  com- 
manding, one  of  the  captures  made  during  the  War  of  1812. 
The  English  had  taken  her  from  the  French  in  an  earlier  war. 
As  public  sentiment  demanded  the  preservation  of  these  trophies 
of  war,  the  Macedonian  was  kept  constantly  in  good  repair  for 
many  years,  or  until  the  change  from  wood  to  steel  in  ship  con- 
construction  and  the  improvements  in  artillery  compelled  her 
abandonment.  In  the  romantic  days  of  sail  she  was  known  as 
a crack  ship  whose  service  under  the  flag  had  carried  her  into 
every  sea  of  the  globe.  She  was  as  comfortable  as  a cradle  when 
at  sea,  and  during  heavy  weather  under  reefed  sails  she  was 
a marvel  in  working  to  windward.  Selfridge  was  an  excellent 
, officer,  and  while  under  his  command  the  old  Macedonian  was  a 
• model  in  making  passages  from  port  to  port.  Her  arrival  at 


66  FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 

Annapolis  was  made  in  ample  time  to  permit  a shore  leave  of 
absence  to  the  cadets  preparatory  to  the  next  year’s  course  of 
study  and  drill. 

It  was  during  this  year— 1869— that  the  writer  first  met 
General  Grant,  who  was  then  President  of  the  United  States. 
The  meeting  occurred  while  the  general  was  on  a visit  to  Ad- 
miral Porter. 

The  academic  year  having  ended,  orders  were  received  de- 
taching the  writer  and  assigning  him  to  the  Idaho;  but  on  ac- 
count of  an  accident  during  a typhoon  in  the  China  Seas,  in 
which  she  was  nearly  lost,  the  order  was  revoked  and  another 
substituted  ordering  the  writer  to  the  new  steam  sloop  Benicia, 
just  completed  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H.*  Admiral  Porter,  in  the 
meanwhile,  had  been  ordered  to  the  department  as  assistant  to 
Mr.  Secretary  Borie.  His  influence  was  largely  directed  to  re- 
storing to  many  vessels  some  of  the  sail  power  that  had  been 
stripped  from  them  as  a war  expedient. 

The  Benicia,  originally  a bark  in  rig,  had  been  changed  to 
a ship,  with  increased  spars  and  sail  area,  and  to  test  her  effi- 
ciency a cruise  was  ordered  of  about  a month,  in  the  depth  of 
winter,  on  our  coast,  between  Portsmouth  and  New  York.  The 
orders  required  that  a test  be  made  of  her  sailing  and  steaming 
qualities  in  a first-class  gale  of  wind.  During  the  month  spent 
outside  between  these  points  the  weather  was  boisterous  and 
bitterly  cold.  The  Benicia  was  driven  before  the  wind,  across 


* Officers  of  the  Benicia: 

Commander,  Somerville  Nicholson. 

Commander  L.  A.  Kimberly,  last  two 
years. 

T.L  Comdr.  W.  S.  Schley,  Ex.  Officer. 

Lt.  Comdr.  S.  H.  Baker,  NaHgator. 

Ensign  Seaton  Schroeder,  Watch  and 
Division  Officer. 

Ensign  T.  C.  McTiCan,  Watch  and 
Division  Officer. 

Ensign  T.  T.  Wood,  Watch  and  Di- 
vision Officer. 

Ensign  A.  B.  Speyers,  Watch  and 
Division  Officer. 

Ensign  W.  C.  Strong,  Watch  and  Di- 
vision Officer. 


Surgeon,  H.  C.  Nelspn, 

Asst.  Surgeon,  W.  A.  Corwin. 
Paymaster,  A.  J.  Pritchard. 

Chief  Engineer,  B.  B.  H.  Wharton. 
1st  Asst.  Eng.,  Isaac  McNary. 

1st  Lieut.,  F.  A.  Mullany,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
Master’s  Mate,  Geo.  S.  Sproston. 
Master’s  Mate,  Arthur  Schley. 
Master’s  Mate,  John  Swanson. 
IMaster’s  Mate,  Samuel  Gee. 
Boatswain,  Edward  Bonsall. 

Gunner,  G.  H.  Cushman. 

Sailmaker,  W.  H.  Rickards. 
Carpenter,  G.  T.  Lozier. 


SERVICE  UNDER  PORTER 


67 


the  wind,  down  the  wind,  and  on  the  wind ; first  under  sail  and 
then  under  steam  and  sail,  in  snow  and  sleet  and  rain.  There 
were  many  frostbitten  fingers  and  toes  during  this  bitter  weather, 
but  even  that  discomfort  was  accepted  without  complaint  as  one 
of  the  experiences  in  a life  that  is  filled  with  such  trials  for 
the  hardy  fellow  whose  profession  it  is  to  follow  the  sea. 

The  eminent  philanthropist,  George  Peabody,  an  American 
of  great  wealth,  living  in  London,  died  during  the  year  1869. 
His  remains  were  conveyed  to  this  country  by  the  English  tur- 
reted  battle-ship  Monarch,  Captain  Commerell,  escorted  by  the 
U.  S.  corvette  Plymouth,  Captain  W.  B.  MeComb  commanding. 
The  Monarch’s  draft  of  water  being  too  great  to  cross  the  bar 
safely  at  any  stage  of  the  tide  in  New  York  or  Boston,  her  orders 
named  Portland,  Me.,  as  the  point  for  landing  the  remains.  The 
high  respect  felt  for  this  eminent  American,  abroad  as  well  as  at 
home,  prompted  our  Government  to  invest  the  ceremony  of 
reception  and  landing  with  impressive  dignity  and  honors.  To 
this  end  a number  of  our  war  vessels  were  commanded  to  as- 
semble at  Portland.  Admiral  Parragut  was  directed  to  hoist 
his  flag  and  to  assume  command  of  the  squadron  there  as- 
sembled for  the  funeral  obsequies.  The  Benicia,  then  at  New 
York,  was  ordered  to  make  the  best  of  her  way,  in  January, 
1870,  to  Portland.  Under  full  power,  she  reached  that  port 
almost  at  the  moment  the  body  was  being  landed  on  the  morn- 
ing of  January  29th.  The  weather  was  severely  cold  and  the 
harbor  was  filled  with  floating  ice,  which  tugs  kept  broken  be- 
tween ships  and  docks. 

This  was  the  last  time  the  writer  saw  Admiral  Farragut  alive 
or  held  conversation  with  him.  During  the  fall  months  of  1869 
the  admiral  had  taken  a heavy  cold  in  Chicago,  which,  owing  to 
some  heart  complication,  became  the  cause  of  his  death  at  Ports- 
mouth, N.  H.,  in  1870.  A conversation  with  him  in  Portland 
is  remembered,  for  in  it  was  recalled  a circumstance  of  the  ad- 
miral’s activity  and  vigor  some  six  or  seven  years  before,  when 
he  was  operating  against  the  defences  of  Port  Hudson.  In 
paying  our  respects  to  him  at  the  Preble  House  on  arrival  and 
at  a public  reception,  the  writer  approached  him,  grasping  his 
hand,  and  said: 

“Admiral,  I am  glad  to  see  you  looking  so  well,  after  the 
alarming  reports  of  your  illness.” 

6 


68 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FI.AG 


He  replied,  “Do  you  really  think  so?  I am  very  far  from 
being  a well  man.  Do  you  remember  our  conversation,  some 
years  ago,  before  Port  Hudson,  when  I bantered  you  about  jump- 
ing over  a squilgee  handle  ? ’ ’ 

The  writer  had  to  admit  that  he  did  not  remember  the  day’s 
talk  and  could  not  recall  what  was  said.  But  he  recalled  the 
fact  that  the  admiral  was  much  more  active  and  agile  than  him- 
self, though  the  difference  of  ages  was  some  forty  years. 

“Yes,”  the  admiral  replied,  “I  recollect  that  you  then  said 
I belonged  to  that  class  of  men  who  would  preserve  their  vigor 
and  vitality  until  ripe  old  age,  and  that  when  the  break  comes- 
would  go  in  a year.  It  looks  to  me  now  that  this  may  be  so. 
But  I shall  never  forget  how  I was  impressed  by  what  you 
said.” 

Some  complimentary  observations  followed,  but  while  the 
writer  did  not  indicate  by  any  spoken  word  what  he  was  ap- 
prehensive of — that  what  had  been  said  in  possible  jest  years  be- 
fore might  now  prove  prophetic — the  admiral ’s  appearance  to  the 
layman’s  eyes  suggested  that  his  days  were  numbered.  He  died 
in  August,  1870,  about  six  months  afterwards.  A great  light  had 
gone  out.  A deep-toned  bell  was  stilled.  The  nation  lost  a loyal 
son  and  a mighty  warrior. 

The  ceremonies  at  Portland  concluded,  the  Benicia  proceeded 
to  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  for  coal  and  other  needed  supplies  for 
the  cruise  to  China,  via  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  The  Suez 
Canal,  opened  to  commerce  in  November,  1869,  would  have  been 
a shorter  route  to  her  station,  but  some  information  was  needed 
by  the  President  about  the  Orange  Free  State  preliminary  to 
the  recognition  of  its  sovereignty,  and  as  Cape  Town  was  the 
most  favorable  point  for  the  inquiry,  the  Benicia  sailed  March 
2,  1870,  for  that  place. 

A few  days  after  sailing,  while  crossing  the  Gulf  Stream, 
that  turbulent  river  in  the  ocean,  the  Benicia  was  overtaken  by 
a violent  southwest  gale.  The  wind  and  sea  increased  to  such 
violence  that  running  even  under  reduced  sail  became  danger- 
ous from  seas  boarding  over  the  rail.  During  the  night  the  ship 
rolled  so  heavily  as  to  endanger  her  masts.  The  rigging,  which 
had  been  set  up  in  cold  weather,  stretched  so  much  under  the 
strain  in  warmer  temperature  as  to  threaten  the  loss  of  her  spars. 


UNDER  WAY  TO  CHINA 


G9 


In  addition,  the  violent  squalls  after  midnight  blew  her  reefed 
maintopsail  away,  and  the  part  that  was  left  lashed  the  yard- 
arms so  savagely,  it  was  deemed  wise  to  allow  it  to  blow  away 
entirely  rather  than  risk  the  lives  of  men  in  attempting  to  save 
it.  The  lower  rigging  had  to  be  “swiftered  in”  and  everything 
about  the  deck  secured  for  the  worst  that  might  occur.  The 
day  following  the  sea  and  winds  were  wild,  and  to  save  the  masts, 
beginning  with  the  main,  the  heaviest  purchases  were  got  up  and 
“set  up  taut.”  New  lanyards  were  rove,  and  in  an  hour  or  two 
the  main  rigging  was  “taut  as  a harp-string.”  The  same  pro- 
cedure saved  the  fore  and  mizzen  masts.  A new  topsail  was 
bent  and  sail  was  made  on  an  easterly  course.  Toward  sun- 
down the  wind  had  gone  down  considerably  and  the  sea  had 
moderated.  In  seventeen  days  from  Portsmouth,  the  Benicia 
was  on  the  equator,  and  from  there  to  Rio  de  Janeiro  encoun- 
tered light,  baffling  winds  with  beautiful  weather. 

On  entering  the  harbor  of  Rio,  April  16,  1870,  under  sail 
and  in  light  airs  and  a strong  tideway,  the  Benicia  lost  steerage- 
way and  fouled  a vessel  lying  in  the  fairway,  doing  consider- 
able damage  to  herself  as  well  as  to  the  vessel  fouled.  After 
making  repairs,  the  Benicia  proceeded  to  sea  en  route  to  the  Cape 
of  Good  Hope,  and  arrived  at  Simon’s  Town  on  June  2,  1870. 
Her  mission  to  this  port  was  to  obtain  full  information  of  the 
condition  of  the  Orange  Free  State,  which  had  requested  the 
friendly  right  of  recognition  from  our  Government. 

Completing  this  duty,  the  Benicia  sailed  in  the  second  week 
of  June  for  the  Straits  of  Sunda.  The  passage  across  the  In- 
dian Ocean  was  a memorable  one  on  account  of  the  boisterous 
weather  and  terrific  seas  encountered.  On  June  29th,  at  a point 
about  E.  S.  E.  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  distant  about  2,600 
miles,  the  fiercest  gale  in  the  writer’s  experience  at  sea  was  en- 
countered. During  that  wild  day  and  night  the  wind  blew 
with  hurricane  force  and  the  sea  was  the  mightiest  in  force  and 
the  greatest  in  height  he  had  ever  seen.  The  ship  was  boarded 
frequently  by  heavy  seas  in  quick  succession,  and  for  an  hour 
or  more  was  in  great  peril  of  foundering.  The  dawn  of  the 
30th  brought  some  change  in  both  sea  and  wind,  which  had  be- 
gun to  moderate.  The  ship  rode  safely  through  that  furious 
gale  without  loss  of  a rope-yarn.  A day  or  two  afterwards,  fur- 


70 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ther  to  the  eastward,  a French  merchant  vessel,  dismasted,  was 
fallen  in  with.  Assistance  was  given  her,  jury  masts  were  rigged 
and  we  bore  away  for  our  port.  Still  further  on  an  American 
merchant  ship,  with  her  foremast  gone,  was  overtaken,  but  she 
declined  assistance  as  she  was  under  management. 

In  due  time  the  gateway  to  the  Eastern  seas  was  reached,  and 
the  Benicia  dropped  her  anchor  off  Anger  Point,  July  18,  1870. 
Not'  long,  however,  did  she  tarry  there,  but  taking  a Straits 
pilot  on  board,  got  under  way  for  Singapore,  via  the  Straits  of 
Banca,  and  arrived  off  that  port  July  29th,  and  found  the  flag- 
ship Delaivare,  bearing  the  flag  of  Rear  Admiral  Stephen  C. 
Rowan,  commanding,  at  anchor. 

After  our  long  passage  from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  in 
stormy  weather,  there  was  much  to  be  done  to  sails,  rigging 
and  hull  to  make  the  Benicia  shipshape  and  sailor-like.  Ad- 
vantage was  taken  of  an  inviting  anchorage  off  the  northwest 
coast  of  the  island  of  Banca  for  target  practice,  to  set-up,  rattle- 
down  rigging,  square  ratlines,  paint  and  clean  ship.  All  hands 
were  ‘‘turned  to”  during  the  day  for  these  duties,  and  in  some 
forty-eight  hours  the  Benicia  looked  as  if  she  had  been  in  port 
a month. 

From  the  moment  that  good  weather  set  in,  after  leaving 
the  United  States,  it  was  the  daily  custom  on  board  to  exercise 
at  some  one  of  the  many  drills  of  the  old  sailing  days  with  spars, 
sails  or  battery.  In  the  open  sea,  under  the  varied  circumstances 
of  weather,  a high  proficiency  was  attained  by  the  officers  and 
men  through  those  exercises.  Very  often  a remarkable  celerity 
was  acquired  in  reefing  or  shifting  sails,  in  sending  the  yards 
or  masts  up  or  down,  in  handling  the  great  guns  or  shifting 
them  from  side  to  side,  and  such  like  exercises.  Officers  and 
men  alike  acquired  great  confidence  in  their  ability  to  make  the 
quickest  possible  provision  for  any  of  the  emergencies  of  life 
at  sea,  where  the  rule  is  risk,  and  where  every  exercise  was  in- 
tended to  promote  the  promptest  readiness  to  meet  dangers  in 
any  form  they  might  assiune. 

The  Benicia  reached  her  station  in  the  highest  condition  of 
efficiency  and  readiness  for  service.  Setting  out  for  Singapore 
from  her  anchorage  in  what  was  really  the  Straits  of  Rhio,  be- 
fore sundown,  distant  some  thirty  miles  from  her  destination. 


ARRIVAL  IN  CHINA  STATION 


71 


she  fanned  along  under  a light  easterly  breeze,  and  arrived  in 
the  roads  off  Singapore  toward  midnight  of  July  29,  1870. 
Through  the  darkness  the  flagship  Delaware  could  be  distin- 
guished, with  t ’gallant  masts  down,  and,  in  conformity  with  the 
rigid  exactions  of  those  days,  to  follow  the  motions  and  move- 
ments of  the  flagship,  the  light  yards  and  masts  of  the  Benicia 
were  sent  down.  At  daylight  the  following  morning  it  was 
discovered  that  we  had  taken  up  a good  anchorage  not  far  from 
the  Delaware,  and,  like  her,  were  ready  for  the  usual  morning 
evolution  at  colors,  of  “crossing  light  yards”  and  “loosing  sails 
to  dry.”  This  evolution  was  performed  cleverly,  handily  and 
noiselessly  by  the  Benicia^ s crew  under  that  spirit  of  rivalry  so 
common  in  those  days  when  our  men-of-war  fell  in  with  each 
other. 

The  usual  salutes  and  visits  were  exchanged,  as  required  by 
the  regulations.  Much  news  met  us  at  this  port  after  our  long 
cruise  of  several  months.  The  Franco-German  war  was  well  un- 
der way.  Several  successes  of  importance  had  been  won  by  the 
Germans.  A concentration  of  both  the  French  and  German  armies 
was  being  made  for  the  desperate  struggle.  The  Emperor  had 
left  Paris  to  assume  command  in  the  field.  The  Empress  Eu- 
genie had  been  left  as  Regent  of  the  empire  in  Paris.  The  ex- 
citement in  Paris  was  intense,  and  much  dissatisfaction  was  man- 
ifested by  the  apparent  lack  of  readiness  of  the  French  army 
compared  with  the  splendid  order  of  the  Germans,  as  shown  in 
the  battles  fought  by  them  on  French  soil. 

Supplementing  this  exciting  news  was  that  of  the  massacre 
of  French  nuns  at  Tien-Sien,  in  north  China.  The  anti-foreign 
feeling,  so  manifest  at  that  day,  gave  rise  to  rumors  of  the  most 
appalling  character,  of  advances  upon  the  foreign  settlements 
in  the  various  treaty  ports,  and  the  further  slaughter  of  foreign 
residents  domiciled  in  them  under  treaty  right.  The  story  of 
this  dastardly  assassination  and  the  outrage  of  these  good  women 
is  still  remembered.  Occurring  as  it  did  at  a moment  when 
the  French  were  engaged  in  a terrific  struggle  at  home,  their 
forces  in  Chinese  waters  were  placed  under  serious  disadvantage. 
By  agreement  of  the  German  and  French  authorities,  the  fleets 
of  the  two  nations  in  these  waters  were  to  remain  inactive  in 
order  that  there  should  be  no  apparent  break  in  the  force  stand- 


72 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ing  together  on  the  basis  of  a common  cause  against  aggressions 
or  outrages  upon  any  foreigners. 

It  was  this  condition  of  affairs  which  hastened  the  departure 
of  the  Benicia  to  north  China  after  a few  days’  delay  in  Singa- 
pore Roads.  The  season  was  advanced  and  the  change  of  mon- 
soons was  at  hand,  with  probabilities  of  dangerous  typhoons 
which  sweep  these  seas  at  these  times  and  are  so  full  of  peril 
to  ships  in  the  contracted  waters  of  that  part  of  the  world.  But 
the  Benicia  was  a well-found  sloop-of-war.  Her  officers  and 
crew  were  well  trained  and  seasoned  by  the  tempestuous  weather 
met  on  her  voyage  outward,  so  that  there  was  no  concern  felt 
about  storm  or  squall  to  be  met  on  her  route  northward.  She 
arrived  in  Hong  Kong  on  the  12th  of  August,  1870,  and,  owing 
to  the  prevalent  rumors  at  this  place  of  distrust  and  possible 
dangers  to  foreign  residents  in  the  ports  north,  she  coaled  rap- 
idly and  renewed  her  supplies  from  the  storehouse  there  and 
sailed  for  Shanghai,  where  she  arrived  on  August  23d,  having 
looked  in  at  Amoy  on  the  way  up  as  a precautionary  measure. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


TROUBLESOME  TIMES  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 
1870-1871 

The  arrival  of  the  Benicia  at  Shanghai  was  an  event  which 
brought  a feeling  of  new  security  to  foreign  residents,  but  more 
particularly  to  Americans.  She  was  moored  in  the  river  directly 
opposite  the  official  residence  of  the  Consul-General,  who  at  that 
time  was  Hon.  George  F.  Seward.  The  grasp  of  the  situation 
shown  and  the  influence  of  Mr.  Seward  at  this  far-off  post  of 
duty  had  given  great  satisfaction  and  confidence  to  Americans, 
but,  reenforced  by  this  formidable  warship,  there  was  no  longer 
any  feeling  of  insecurity  among  Americans  in  the  settlement. 

The  massacre  of  French  nuns  at  Tien-Sien  was  followed  by 
disquieting  rumors  of  increasing  anti-foreign  feeling  through- 
out China.  The  gathering  of  Chinese  about  the  settlements  in 
menacing  numbers  and  the  retreat  of  missionaries  from  various 
interior  towns  to  the  more  protected  treaty  ports  on  the  coast 
gave  rise  to  all  manner  of  disquiet  and  solicitous  unrest.  Most 
of  the  foreign  residents  had  provided  themselves  with  arms  for 
their  defense,  and  were  organized  for  protecting  themselves,  if 
that  should  become  necessary.  But  it  is  not  easy  now  to  appre- 
ciate what  the  feeling  of  security  in  those  far-off  days  was  when 
a well-appointed,  formidable  warship  came  into  a port  where 
countless  foes  were  ready  to  repeat  the  horrors  of  Tien-Sien. 
Only  those  who  passed  through  the  dark  days  of  that  time  in 
China  can  realize  what  the  danger  was.. 

Although  the  Benicia^ s orders  were  to  proceed  to  Tien-Sien, 
the  unrest  at  Shanghai  was  felt  to  justify  her  in  remaining  at 
that  port.  Especially  was  this  the  wiser  course  when  it  was  im- 
possible for  her  to  pass  the  bar  at  Taku  or  to  lie  at  anchor  any- 
where within  sight  of  Tien-Sien  on  account  of  the  shallow  water 
off  the  bar.  There  was  no  question  where  the  ship  would  be 
most  useful  in  such  times,  and  no  thought  of  placing  her  where 


73 


74 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  moral  effect  of  her  presence  would  be  inappreciable.  Re- 
maining at  Shanghai  to  protect  the  common  interests  of  her  own 
and  foreign  citizens  would  repress  all  possibility  of  an  uprising, 
thought  to  be  probable,  in  view  of  the  unreasoning  excitement 
prevailing  among  the  Chinese.  If  by  any  chance  or  for  any 
reason  the  Benicia  had  been  absent  from  Shanghai  during  this 
restless  period,  it  is  not  possible  to  say  what  the  result  might 
have  been. 

The  opportunity  was  taken  advantage  of  to  make  some  needed 
repairs  to  hull  and  spars  and  to  land  the  ship’s  battalion  for 
drill  and  target  practice  every  day.  This  demonstration  of  readi- 
ness for  action  was  witnessed  by  crowds  of  Chinese,  and  there 
is  no  doubt  that  it  was  of  great  influence  in  preserving  order. 

During  September  Rear  Admiral  J ohn  Rodgers  arrived  in 
Woosung  with  his  flagship  Colorado,  her  draft  of  water  being 
too  great  to  permit  her  to  cross  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  in  order  to  reach  Shanghai.  Accordingly,  she  anchored 
off  the  village  of  Woosung  at  the  confluence  of  the  river  with  the 
Yang-tse-Kiang,  a distance  of  eight  or  nine  miles  below  Shang- 
hai. Admiral  Rodgers’s  arrival  was  timely,  and  inspired  a 
feeling  of  still  greater  security  on  shore.  The  admiral  had  been 
a commanding  flgure  in  the  Civil  War  from  1861  to  1865.  He 
had  emerged  from  this  struggle  with  a splendid  record  for  gal- 
lantry and  chivalric  courage.  In  every  step  of  his  advancement 
from  lieutenant  to  rear  admiral  he  had  been  conspicuous  in 
performing  his  duties.  He  was  a highly  educated  officer,  in  pro- 
fessional matters  most  accomplished.  Of  mature  and  excellent 
judgment,  as  a diplomatist  he  knew  the  exact  moment  to  supple- 
ment diplomacy  with  force. 

It  was  during  the  Benicia’s  stay  at  Shanghai  that  the  cul- 
minating news  of  the  Franco-German  war  was  received — the  de- 
feat of  the  French  at  Sedan  and  the  capture  of  their  Emperor, 
Louis  Napoleon,  together  with  the  surrender  of  the  army  under 
Marshal  MacMahon.  While  many  of  the  officers  of  the  squad- 
ron believed  the  Germans  would  win  eventually  in  that  war, 
there  was  scarcely  any  one  who  thought  it  possible  that  their 
success  could  be  so  triumphantly  achieved  in  so  short  an  interval 
of  time.  As  the  German  movements  in  overwhelming  numbers, 
in  accordance  with  the  splendid  strategy  of  Von  Moltke,  devel- 


TROUBLESOME  TIMES  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


75 


oped  day  by  day,  it  was  apparent  that  the  French  were  out- 
matched and  out-generaled,  though  their  fighting  was  superb 
and  chivalric  on  every  field  contested.  The  Germans  had  only 
turned  against  the  French  the  splendid  tactics  of  their  great 
Napoleon  sixty  years  before.  Again  the  genius  of  that  wizard 
in  war  had  won. 

Under  the  show  of  force  by  the  several  foreign  squadrons  in 
Chinese  waters  in  1870,  and  from  the  known  fact  that  they  were 
ready  to  support  each  other  under  the  general  concordance  of 
a common  cause,  quiet  was  restored,  and  with  it  came  assur- 
ances from  the  Chinese  authorities,  through  the  distinguished 
and  clever  statesman,  Li  Hung  Chang,  then  in  the  zenith  of 
his  influence  and  power,  that  all  foreign  interests  would  be  pro- 
tected. 

About  this  time  Commander  Somerville  Nicholson  was  pro- 
moted to  be  a captain  and  ordered  home.  His  place  was  taken 
by  Commander  L.  A.  Kimberly.  The  Benicia  was  detailed  to 
carry  back  to  Teng-Chau-Foo  the  missionaries  who  had  fled  for 
safety  to  Shanghai  from  the  north  of  China  after  the  massacre 
at  Tien-Sien.  She  reached  Teng-Chau-Foo,  west  of  Chefoo,  in 
October,  1870,  with  a number  of  missionaries  on  board.  These 
good  people  were  received  by  the  Towtai,  or  chief  officer,  of  the 
city  with  every  manifestation  of  welcome  and  with  every  promise 
of  protection,  which  was  kept  for  some  years. 

The  orders  which  detailed  the  Benicia  to  this  duty  directed 
her  to  proceed  to  Japanese  waters  after  performing  it,  and  in 
compliance  therewith  she  arrived  at  Nagasaki  on  November  2d 
and  proceeded  through  the  inland  sea  to  Kobe  for  a short  visit 
of  a few  days  on  the  way  to  Yokohama,  where  she  arrived  No- 
vember 21,  1870. 

In  the  short  lapse  of  a few  years  the  city  had  grown  from  a 
small  village  into  a populous  center  of  large  proportion.  En- 
couraged by  the  progressive  activity  of  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment, a large  foreign  population  had  taken  residence  there. 
Many  large  business  houses  and  banks  had  established  branches 
in  this  thriving  city.  The  port  was  well  filled  with  foreign  ship- 
ping, attracted  by  the  favoring  infiuences  of  the  country  and 
the  security  of  its  anchorage. 

All  evidence  of  the  old  Daimio  days  when  these  feudal  lords 


76 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


practically  dominated  the  empire  had  disappeared.  The  Em- 
peror and  Empress,  with  the  Government,  had  removed  from 
Kioto  to  Tokio,  and  had  surrounded  themselves  with  court  cere- 
monials, their  various  ministers  of  state  and  by  foreign  diplo- 
matic officials  invited  from  other  lands. 

The  change  in  the  national  costume,  so  picturesque  and  be- 
coming, was  setting  in.  Foreign  travel  was  being  undertaken 
by  the  people.  Young  lads  of  promise  were  being  sent  to  the 
military  schools  and  other  colleges  of  America  and  Europe.  In 
fact,  Japan  had  felt  the  touch  and  influence  of  foreign  associa- 
tion. She  had  awakened  from  the  long  sleep  of  seclusion,  and, 
with  this  awakening,  her  good-natured  people  appeared  anxious 
to  join  in  the  race  of  Western  progress,  with  all  that  this  meant 
in  the  world’s  development. 

During  the  winter  of  1870  and  1871,  passed  in  Japan,  the 
Benicia  ran  north  as  far  as  Hakodati,  merely  to  show  herself 
as  a new  power  on  the  station.  The  weather  experienced  en 
route  was  boisterous  and  stormy  in  the  extreme.  Although  the 
winds  were  mainly  from  the  northwest,  there  was  not  a day  of 
sunshine  during  the  passage.  Passing  in  through  the  Straits  of 
Tsugara,  the  port  was  found  frozen  up,  the  ground  covered  with 
deep  snow,  and  the  temperature  bitterly  cold.  This  visit  and 
the  trip  to  and  from  are  remembered  principally  because  of  the 
discomfort  to  officers  and  men.  Beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  a 
port  where  American  interests  were  beginning  to  grow,  there 
was  not  much  to  interest  those  who  visited  it  as  a matter  of 
duty. 

It  was  during  this  winter  in  Japan  that  rumors  reached  the 
Benicia  that  the  affair  in  Korea  relating  to  the  American  schooner 
General  Sherman  was  to  be  inquired  into  by  our  Government. 

'This  vessel  had  ventured  into  the  waters  of  Korea  on  a trading 
voyage  in  1868  or  1869,  with  a cargo  of  “Yankee  notions.”  The 
vessel,  as  was  learned  subsequently,  had  been  burned  and  her 
crew  to  a man  had  been  killed  by  the  Koreans.  ^ She  was  only 
heard  from  again  through  the  Chinese  at  Pekin,  who  communi- 
cated to  our  Minister,  Hon.  Frederick  F.  Low,  that  her  crew 
had  been  murdered  and  the  vessel  burned  soon  after  arriving 
within  Korean  waters.  Before  sailing  from  the  United  States 
there  were  vague  rumors  that  this  matter  was  to  be  settled  by 


TROUBLESOME  TIMES  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


77 


the  squadron  then  being  prepared  for  Rear  Admiral  Rodgers. 
Their  recurrence  at  Yokohama,  after  the  matter  was  better  un- 
derstood, led  to  the  belief  that  there  was  to  be  more  active  service 
before  the  year  ended.  Such  was  the  fact. 

The  anti-foreign  feeling  prevailing  in  China,  although  to 
some  degree  it  had  subsided  in  view  of  the  vigorous  show  of 
force  by  all  the  foreign  squadrons,  was  more  likely  to  revive  if 
any  one  of  the  nations  represented  there  should  appear  to  hesi- 
tate to  take  redress  in  matters  so  seriously  grave  as  that  of  the 
Geney'al  Sherman.  The  murder  of  the  entire  crew,  with  the  de- 
struction of  the  vessel,  merely  because  her  master  had  ventured 
into  forbidden  waters  for  purposes  of  trade,  was  hardly  to  be 
justified  under  any  code  of  ethics.  This  view  was  that  taken  by 
our  Government  in  directing  careful  inquiry,  which  led  .to  prompt 
action  later  in  the  year. 

At  all  events,  orders  directing  the  squadron  to  assemble  at 
Nagasaki  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  1871,  reached  the  Benicia 
at  Yokohama.  The  Alaska,  Commander  H.  C.  Blake,  a sister 
ship  of  the  Benicia,  was  lying  with  her  in  that  port  for  quite 
a month.  These  two  vessels  being  the  same  in  displacement, 
weight  of  battery,  size  of  spars  and  sails,  and  number  of  crew, 
there  was  that  natural  and  amicable  rivalry  between  them  which 
distinguished  the  high  efficiency  of  the  older  days.  There  were 
daily  competitive  drills,  wind  and  weather  permitting,  with 
spars,  sails,  battery,  boats  and  battalions.  In  these  exercises 
the  Benicia  usually  had  the  advantage,  perhaps,  because  of  more 
systematic  routine  of  drill  at  sea,  as  well  as  in  port,  which 
nothing  but  very  bad  weather  was  allowed  to  interrupt.  Out 
of  such  competitions  there  grew  up  in  the  service  a high  degree 
of  readiness  for  any  circumstances  of  service  and  an  alertness 
in  both  officers  and  men  that  fitted  them  for  the  quickest  per- 
formance of  duty  in  all  the  emergencies  of  the  profession.  There 
could  have  been  no  better  school  for  developing  the  endurance 
and  hardening  the  muscles  of  men,  and  none  comparable  with 
it  in  quickening  the  perceptions  and  observation  of  officers.  A 
faculty  to  see  things  and  to  see  them  quickly  need  not  be  ex- 
plained as  a war  need.  It  was  to  this  purpose  that  much  of 
the  older  training  tended.  We  shall  see  how  useful  it  was  in 
the  campaign  of  the  June  following,  to  be  described  later  on. 


78 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


In  the  latter  week  of  April,  1871,  the  Alaska  and  Benicia, 
then  lying  together  in  the  port  of  Yokohama,  were  ordered  to 
repair  to  Nagasaki.  They  sailed  the  same  day,  a few  hours 
apart,  and  on  gaining  the  open  sea  the  fires  were  hauled  from 
under  their  boilers,  as  sail  was  made  to  a fine  breeze,  which 
hauled  to  northeast,  freshening  with  the  barometer  falling,  which 
is  a bad  sign  in  those  seas.  Notwithstanding  this  unfavorable 
sign,  sail  was  not  reduced  below  royals,  as  the  crew  was  unusu- 
ally smart  in  handling  sails,  and  the  typhoon  season  still  some 
two  or  three  months  off.  Under  such  circumstances,  sailors  run 
over  in  their  minds  and  draw  all  the  comfort  possible  from  the 
well-known  doggerel  verse  relating  to  hurricanes,  found  in  all 
treatises  on  the  weather  at  sea: 

“June  too  soon; 

July  stand  by; 

August  look  out,  you  must. 

September,  remember; 

October,  all  over.” 

The  distance  to  be  traveled  was  several  hundred  miles  against 
the  strength  of  the  great  Japan  Current,  which  is  the  Gulf 
Stream  of  the  Pacific,  fiowing  northeasterly  along  the  coasts  of 
China  and  Japan.  The  sea  to  be  traversed  was  narrow  and 
somewhat  dangerous  in  bad  weather  or  in  gales  on  account  of 
the  outlying  islands  to  the  eastward  and  southward.  In  weather 
such  as  obliges  a ship  to  “lie  to’’  this  close  sea  is  an  ugly  place 
with  the  strong  currents.  All  went  well,  however,  and,  though 
the  passage  was  rough  and  wet,  both  ships  reached  Nagasaki  on 
April  30th,  only  an  hour  or  two  apart. 

Within  a few  days  the  Colorado,  with  Rear  Admiral  Rodgers 
on  board,  came  in,  accompanied  by  the  Monocacy,  Commander 
E.  P.  McCrea,  and  the  Palos,  Lieutenant  Charles  H.  Rockwell. 
Our  Minister  to  China,  Hon.  Frederick  P.  Low,  with  two  secre- 
taries, Messrs.  Drew  and  Cowles,  and  two  Chinese  interpreters, 
were  on  board  the  Colorado.  All  intercourse  with  the  Korean 
authorities  had  to  take  place  through  the  medium  of  the  Chinese 
idiom,  and  this  fact  explained  the  presence  of  these  interpreters 
on  the  staff  of  the  minister.  It  was  not  difficult  to  guess,  under 
these  circumstances,  what  the  squadron’s  destination  was  to  be, 
but  in  the  many  expressions  of  opinion  about  this  there  was  some 


TROUBLESOME  TIMES  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


79 


apprehension  that  the  presence  of  the  minister  with  Chinese  in- 
terpreters might  indicate  that  there  was  to  be  only  a ‘‘parley^’ 
after  all.  But  among  the  more  thoughtful,  though  the  utmost 
secrecy  of  the  squadron’s  purpose  was  maintained  for  obvious 
reasons,  all  indications  set  at  rest  definitely  the  rumors  of  the 
year  preceding. 

At  this  time  it  is  doubtful  if  there  was  a more  efficient,  better- 
trained  or  more  capable  squadron  afloat  than  the  Asiatic  squad- 
ron under  Rear  Admiral  J ohn  Rodgers.  Korea  was,  after  all,  the 
objective  point.  This  belief  gained  strength  from  the  fact  that  a 
retrospective  glance  over  the  squadron’s  general  orders  showed 
preference  for  battalion  and  artillery  drills.  The  prevalent  un- 
rest of  the  Chinese  at  that  time,  together  with  occasional  out- 
breaks, were  sufficient  to  account  for  these  preparations,  and, 
while  things  did  not  justify  this  activity,  it  may  be  said  that 
they  did  serve  to  mask  the  real  purpose  of  the  admiral.  No 
American  squadron  was  ever  better  prepared  to  maintain  or  to 
vindicate  the  honor  of  our  country  or  to  protect  the  interests 
of  its  citizens  in  the  far  East. 

Those  officers  who  knew  the  splendid  career  and  high  char- 
acter of  the  admiral  for  courage,  dash  and  judgment  held  an 
abiding  faith  in  the  competency  of  his  reasoning  and  in  the  cor- 
rectness of  his  judgment,  should  the  Korean  authorities  attempt 
to  evade  the  issue  or  avoid  its  adjustment.  The  interval  of 
nearly  a fortnight,  with  all  the  ships  together,  was  beneficial  to 
everyone.  The  rivalries  of  drill  of  all  kinds  were  at  flood-tide 
height. 

The  prospective  expedition  to  Korea  to  adjust  a wrong  and 
the  probable  effect  it  would  have  at  a time  when  unrest  was 
general  in  China  was  believed  to  be  for  good.  It  was  thought 
that  Admiral  Rodgers’s  attempt  to  open  communication  with 
the  Government  of  that  hermit  kingdom  would  meet  with  sus- 
picion and  possible  obstruction  from  its  officials.  The  sentiment 
general  in  the  squadron  was  that  when  the  relations  between 
two  countries  were  such  that  the  subjects  of  one  were  not  safe 
in  the  territory  of  the  other,  the  time  had  come  to  make  them 
so  through  force  of  arms. 

It  was  easy  to  divine  that  the  admiral  did  not  intend  to 
venture  into  harbors  that  were  unsurveyed  or  along  coasts  whose 


80 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


outlying  dangers  were  uncharted  without  preparation  for  every 
contingency.  Enough  was  gleaned,  from  conversations  with 
those  nearest  the  admiral,  to  satisfy  anyone  that  he  had  con- 
cluded that  the  moment  had  come  when  Korea  must  be  com- 
pelled, if  need  be,  to  take  up  her  duties  as  a power  bound  by 
the  law  of  international  justice  and  usage,  lying,  as  her  territory 
did,  athwart  the  routes  of  the  world’s  commerce.  Especially 
was  this  held  to  be  a paramount  duty,  after  the  ports  in  the 
north  of  China  and  in  eastern  Siberia  had  been  thrown  open  to 
the  nations  of  the  world.  As  vessels  prosecuting  legitimate  trade 
must  pass  and  repass  the  coast  of  Korea,  or,  through  stress  of 
weather,  at  times  might  be  driven  upon  its  shores,  the  right  to 
humane  treatment  had  to  be  insisted  upon.  There  were  abun- 
dant rumors  that  unfortunates  had  been  slain  or  cast  into  pris- 
ons to  die  of  neglect. 

Little  was  known  of  the  country,  less  of  its  people  and  ab- 
solutely nothing  of  its  form  of  government;  but,  as  has  always 
occurred  in  the  history  of  progress,  imagination  peopled  it  with 
warlike  tribes  of  formidable  stature  and  ferocious  instincts. 
The  stories  of  those  living  at  the  treaty  ports,  where  nothing 
was  known  of  Korea,  lost  nothing  when  the  dangers  ahead  were 
pictured.  Krupp  cannon  were  in  the  forts,  needle-guns  were 
in  the  hands  of  the  troops,  the  people  were  ferocious  giants ; but 
when  pressed  with  inquiry  as  to  sources  of  knowledge,  nobody 
could  explain  how  these  things  could  reach  Korea  without  the 
world  knowing  it.  This  was  a small  difficulty,  easily  brushed 
aside  by  those  whose  love  of  invention  exceeded  any  desire  to 
be  accurate  in  fact. 

The  squadron,  being  ready  for  its  mission,  sailed  from  Nag- 
asaki on  May  16,  1871,  for  the  coast  of  Korea,  the  flagship 
Colorado  leading,  the  Benicia,  Alaska  and  Monocacy  following  in 
column,  and  the  Palos  on  the  port  beam  of  the  flagship.  After 
passing  the  island  of  Quelpart,  lying  to  the  south  of  the  Korean 
peninsula,  the  squadron  steered  northwesterly,  proceeding  with 
caution,  as  there  were  no  reliable  charts  of  the  coast.  All  un- 
certainty about  the  squadron’s  destination  now  vanished.  The 
only  point  still  obscure  was  the  exact  locality  to  which  it  was 
bound,  and  this  cleared  away  as  the  entrance  to  the  Salee  River 
was  reached. 


TROUBLESOME  TIMES  IN  THE  Fx\R  EAST 


81 


The  charts  used  were  mere  reconnaissances,  made  from  time 
to  time  by  vessels  happening  near  this  unknown  coast.  Some 
years  before  a French  squadron,  under  Admiral  Roze,  had  vis- 
ited the  locality  about  the  Salee  River,  and  it  was  upon  the  sur- 
veys made  by  his  officers,  hastily  at  the  time,  that  Admiral 
Rodgers  relied.  The  islands,  headlands,  bays  and  rivers  marked 
on  these  charts  bore  French  names,  but  in  no  instance  were  the 
locations  found  reliably  correct. 

An  anchorage  near  the  coast  being  taken  up,  the  admiral 
directed  a running  survey  to  be  made,  this  task  being  committed 
to  the  navigators  of  the  ships  of  the  squadron,  with  the  view 
to  ascertain  definitely  the  channel-way  and  the  location  of  dan- 
gers lying  in  it.  The  ground  examined,  the  squadron  was 
moved  into  a new  position  the  day  following,  and  from  this  new 
position  further  surveys  were  made,  until  the  final  anchorage 
oft'  Isle  Boisee  was  reached  on  June  1,  1871. 

The  tidal  current  in  the  river  ran  with  great  strength,  the 
rise  and  fall  during  spring  tides  being  quite  twenty  feet.  The 
depth  of  water  was  about  fifteen  fathoms,  and  in  the  swift  cur- 
rent the  ships  were  moored  to  avoid  sheering  across  the  tides, 
as  would  have  occurred  lying  at  single  anchor.  The  position 
of  the  squadron  as  taken  up  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salee 
River,  not  far  from  the  present  anchorage  of  Chemulpo.  This 
locality  was  rather  exposed  as  an  anchorage  during  the  typhoon 
season  then  approaching.  Therefore  the  admiral  sought  and 
obtained  permission,  from  the  officer  commanding  a fortification 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  to  extend  the  survey  a few  miles 
further  up  for  the  purpose  of  locating  the  squadron  in  a more 
secure  anchorage. 

The  squadron ’s  arrival  was  viewed  apparently  with  suspicion 
by  the  fishermen.  Whenever  the  steam  launches  came  in  the 
vicinity  of  these  fishing  vessels  while  running  their  lines  of  sound- 
ings, the  latter  fled  precipitately  to  the  shore.  As  careful  in- 
structions not  to  interfere  with  them  had  been  given,  no  attempt 
was  ever  made  to  overhaul  the  boats.  But  on  the  same  night 
that  the  squadron  reached  the  anchorage  beacon-fires  were  light- 
ed on  every  hilltop  visible  from  the  anchorage.  It  recalled  the 
days  of  old  when  the  approach  of  the  great  Armada  of  Spain 
was  announced  from  the  hilltops  by  beacon-fires  to  the  people 
of  old  England  when  Queen  Bess  ruled  the  land. 


82 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


It  ought  to  be  said  that  nobody  in  the  treaty  ports  of  the 
East  had  the  faintest  idea  of  Korea,  its  people  or  its  productions. 
No  white  man  had  ever  visited  the  country.  Yet  scores  of  people 
on  shore  pretended  to  be  fully  convinced  that  it  abounded  in 
wealth,  that  its  inhabitants  were  giants  in  stature,  that  their 
strength  was  herculean,  their  ferocity  inferior  only  to  that  of 
the  tiger ; that  their  guns  were  the  latest  type,  and  their  marks- 
manship equaled  only  by  that  of  William  Tell  of  fable;  their 
courage — well,  that  was  comparable  only  to  that  of  the  defend- 
ers of  historic  Thermopylie. 

Such  were  the  stories  told  on  all  sides  about  Korea  before 
the  expedition  set  forth.  The  real  story  will  be  related  as  the 
work  of  the  expedition  is  unfolded. 


CHAPTER  IX 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOREA 
1871 

Admiral  Rodgers  sought  to  open  communication  with  the 
Korean  authorities  at  the  earliest  moment  after  reaching  the 
anchorage  just  within  the  mouth  of  the  Salee  River.  This  was 
found  to  be  a matter  of  some  difficulty  in  a country  where  rural 
delivery  was  unknown  and  postal  facilities  were  closed  to  for- 
eigners. It  was  only  after  several  attempts  had  been  made  that 
the  official  who  was  in  command  in  the  village  opposite  was  finally 
reached.  This  official  was  assured  that  the  squadron  ^s  visit  and 
purposes  were  friendly,  and  that  the  desire  to  make  surveys  a 
few  miles  further  was  merely  a wish  to  find  a position  of  more 
security  for  the  squadron  during  the  typhoon  months.  This  per- 
mission was  granted,  and,  in  compliance  thereto,  the  Monocacy 
and  Palos  were  directed  to  proceed  upon  this  duty. 

The  opening  despatch  of  the  Minister  and  Admiral  Rodgers, 
who  acted  in  accord,  announced  to  the  Korean  authorities  the 
arrival  of  the  squadron,  its  peaceful  purpose  and  the  object 
which  had  brought  it  into  their  waters.  This  despatch  was 
taken  on  shore  in  daylight  and  secured  to  a stake,  set  up  well 
beyond  the  high-water  mark.  During  the  night  it  was  removed 
from  its  place  and  taken  to  the  capital,  a few  miles  away.  The 
reply  was  attached  to  this  same  stake,  under  cover  of  darkness, 
and  in  the  daylight  was  discovered  and  brought  on  board.  It 
was  evasive  in  tone,  lofty  in  style  and  deprecatory.  It  referred 
to  supplying  the  squadron  with  food  if  it  was  hungry,  but  the 
principal  desire  manifested  was  to  have  the  squadron  go  away. 
The  suggestion  was  made  that  if  the  squadron  had  come  to  change 
Korean  customs,  there  would  be  difficulty  in  changing  the  preju- 
dices of  four  thousand  years.  This  despatch  came  from  the 
Government  at  Seoul. 

Other  despatches  informed  the  admiral  that  a man  of 
7 


83 


84 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


his  nation,  named  Febiger,  had  once  come  to  the  country,  com- 
municated with  it  and  then  gone  away.  The  admiral  was  asked 
why  he  did  not  do  the  same.  Another  despatch  warned  him  of 
the  fate  of  the  French  who,  some  years  before,  had  attempted  to 
pass  the  gates  of  the  empire. 

No  courtesy  proper  to  the  Korean  authorities  was  omitted  by 
the  ]\Iinister  or  the  admiral  in  conforming  to  the  nicest  sense  of 
international  courtesy  on  that  occasion.  In  view  of  what  took 
place  later  in  these  waters  this  explanation  should  be  sufficient 
to  exonerate  those  officers  from  any  charge  of  rashness  in  the 
action  taken  by  them  to  uphold  the  national  dignity  by  force 
of  arms. 

The  Monocacy  and  Palos,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  squadron’s 
arrival,  proceeded  to  examine  the  upper  channel  toward  Kang 
Hoa  Island.  On  arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  the  upper  forts  a 
spirited  action  was  begun  along  the  river  front  from  all  the  for- 
tifications, to  which  the  Monocacy  and  Palos  replied  vigorously 
and  effectively.  The  tide  being  at  the  fiood,  the  dangers  of  the 
channel  unknown,  the  river  too  narrow  to  allow  the  vessels  to 
turn,  they  proceeded  on  past  these  fortifications  around  the  high 
bluff  on  the  river,  upon  which  a citadel  fortification  stood.  Drop- 
ping their  anchors  to  swing  around  with  head  to  the  incoming 
tide,  both  vessels  got  under  way  again  and  repassed  the  line 
of  fortifications,  at  this  time  opening  a heavy  fire  upon  them  as 
soon  as  they  got  into  effective  range. 

The  reverberation  of  heavy  guns  was  heard  on  board  the 
ships  at  the  anchorage  below,  and  naturally  caused  much  ex- 
citement among  the  officers  and  men,  none  of  whom  had  antici- 
pated such  results  after  the  course  taken  by  the  admiral  in 
assuring  the  commanding  official  of  the  squadron’s  peaceful 
purpose.  The  action  had  been  begun  by  the  shore  fortifications 
in  opening  fire  upon  the  vessels  as  they  approached.  As  num- 
bers of  men  were  seen  on  the  forts  about  the  guns,  the  precaution 
was  taken  by  the  two  vessels  to  “clear  ship  for  action”  and  to 
have  their  crews  at  quarters  for  battle.  The  result  was  that  the 
ships  were  ready  for  immediate  reply  to  the  challenge  of  battle, 
and  with  such  disastrous  consequences  to  the  Koreans  that  the 
prisoners  captured  in  the  later  operations  reported  that  during 
the  preliminary  fight  ‘ ‘ not  a few  were  killed  and  many  tens  were 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOREA 


85 


wounded.  ’ ’ The  reports  of  the  two  commanders,  on  their  return 
to  the  anchorage,  were  to  the  effect  that  the  Korean  troops  had 
fled  from  their  guns  and  abandoned  the  works. 

It  was  clear  that  there  had  been  no  mistake  in  beginning  the 
fight,  as  the  signal  gun  in  the  Korean  citadel  appeared  to  have 
been  the  order  for  a simultaneous  attack  by  all  the  forts  upon 
the  approaching  ships.  The  small  damage  done,  however,  rather 
indicated  that  the  enemy ’s  guns  were  fired  hastily  and  with  little 
regard  to  the  fact  that  the  ships  were  or  were  not  within  their 
range.  The  channel  was  swept  by  a storm  of  missiles,  but  only 
a few  of  them  came  near  the  ships  and  none  of  them  inflicted 
any  real  damage.  It  was  discovered  later  on  that  most  of  the 
several  hundred  Korean  guns  had  a fixed  range,  the  guns  them- 
selves being  incapable  of  training,  as  they  were  crudely  secured 
to  the  parapet,  with  their  breech,  in  a number  of  instances, 
against  trees  to  prevent  recoil. 

This  hostile  action  by  the  forts  was  an  unfortunate  mistake, 
which  had  to  be  adjusted  in  advance  of  the  real  question  which 
had  drawn  the  squadron  into  Korean  waters.  Furthermore,  it 
complicated  the  situation  by  introducing  a suspicion  that  Korean 
assurances  might  in  larger  questions  still  be  as  insincere  as  those 
which  had  taken  the  Monocacy  and  Palos  up  the  river  surveying. 
As  all  intercourse  was  cut  off  after  this  action,  it  became  diffi- 
cult to  communicate  with  the  Korean  authorities.  Even  the 
village  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  was  deserted  by  its  inhabitants, 
who  fled  to  the  high  land  of  Kang  Iloa  Island.  Resort  was 
again  had  to  setting  up  a post  on  the  bank  abreast  the  ships,  well 
above  the  high-water  mark,  during  the  daylight.  Under  the 
strained  relations  this  unfortunate  mistake  had  occasioned,  there 
was.  no  doubt  that  every  movement  of  the  squadron  would  be 
under  strict  observation  by  the  Koreans  and  that  this  renewed 
attempt  to  communicate  with  them  would  be  observed  and  under- 
stood. Sure  enough,  on  the  morning  following,  the  note  we  had 
attached  to  the  stake  disappeared.  It  recited  the  circumstances 
of  the  forts  firing  upon  the  ships  after  permission  had  been  ac- 
corded them  to  survey  further  up  the  river.  Seven  days  were 
given  to  the  authorities  to  disavow  the  action  of  the  commanding 
officer  of  the  forts  and  to  make  suitable  reparation  for  the  insult 
to  the  flag. 


86 


FORTY-FI^^:  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Those  seven  days  became  a period  of  the  greatest  activity  by 
the  squadron.  The  battalions  of  the  different  ships  were  com- 
bined into  a formidable  division,  with  only  slight  changes  in 
the  command  of  companies ; but  due  regard  was  had  that  sufficient 
force  be  left  on  board  each  ship  to  defend  her  against  any  attack 
while  the  main  division  was  absent.  Rations  for  several  days 
were  cooked  and  ammunition  for  small  arms  and  artillery  was 
carefully  packed  for  transportation  in  proper  boxes  and  caissons. 
The  boats  of  the  squadron  were  arranged  for  towing,  and  each 
of  the  companies  was  detailed  to  its  proper  boat,  and  the  order 
given  for  landing  under  the  parapets  of  the  fort  lowest  down 
the  river,  the  purpose  being  to  carry  this  by  assault.* 


*The  total  force  organized  to  operate  against  the  forts  on  June  11,  1871, 
was  618  officers  and  men.  The  total  force  to  operate  on  the  river  against  the 
water-front  on  board  the  Monocacy  and  Palos  was  190  officers  and  men.  Fol- 
lowing are  the  officers: 

Commanding  Expedition Commander  H.  C.  Blake,  U.  S.  N. 

Commanding  Land  Forces Commander  L.  A.  Kimberly,  U.  S.  N. 

Adjutant  Land  Forces Lieut.  Commander  W.  S.  Scliley,U.S.N. 

Signal  Officer  Land  Forces Ensign  N.  T.  Houston,  U.  S.  N. 

Aid  to  Commander  Land  Forces  . . . .Mate  A.  K.  Baylor,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Right  Wing Lieut.  Comdr.  Silas  Casey,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Left  Wing Lieut.  Comdr.  W.  K.  Wheeler,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Company  A Lieut.  Comdr.  O.  F.  Hej^erman,  U.  S.N. 

1st  Lieutenant  Co.  A Ensign  C.  A.  Clark,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  B Master  F.  J.  Drake,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  C Lieutenant  G.  M.  Totten,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  D Lieutenant  Hugh  W.  McKee,  U.  S.  X. 

1st  Lieutenant  Co.  D Master  C.  W.  Chipp,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  E Lieut.  Bloomfield  Mcllvaine,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  F Master  J.  E.  Pillsbur}^  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  G Master  T.  C.  McLean,  IT.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  H Master  R.  M.  G.  Brown,  U.  S.  X. 

1st  Lieutenant  Co.  H Mate  Collender,  U.  S.  X. 

Commanding  Co.  I Captain  McLane  Tilton,  U.  S.  M.  C. 

1st  Lieutenant  Co.  I 2d  Lieut.  W.  J.  McDonald, U.  S.  M.  C. 

Commanding  Co.  K 1st  Lieut.  J.  B.  Breese,  U.  S.  M.  C. 

1st  Lieutenant  Co.  K 1st  Lieut.  F.  M.  Mullany,  U.  S.  M.  C. 


DIVISION  OF  ARTILLERY 


Commanding  Division 

Commanding  Right  Battery  .... 
Commanding  Left  Battery 


.Lieut.  Comdr.  Douglass  Cassell,  U.  S.  X. 
.Lieut.  A.  S.  Snow,  U.  S.  X. 

.Lieut.  W.  W.  Mead,  U.  S.  X. 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOIIEA 


87 


On  shore  during  these  ten  days  of  waiting  there  was  a notice- 
able activity  of  Korean  troops,  which  now  and  then  appeared  to 
be  moving  over  the  hills  towards  the  forts.  Closely  observing 
these  movements,  there  arose  a shrewd  suspicion  that  the  troops 
seen  at  different  times  belonged  to  one  and  the  same  body  of 
men,  and  were  moved  hither  and  thither  to  produce  an  impres- 
sion of  great  numbers  going  to  the  defence  of  the  forts  above. 
It  was  significant  that  no  field  artillery  was  paraded,  which  over- 


Chief  Right  Section Ensign  Seaton  Schroeder,  U.  S.  N. 

Chief  Right  Center  Section Ensign  F.  S.  Bassett,  U.  S,  N. 

Chief  Left  Section Mate  N.  Greenway,  U.  S.  N. 

Chief  Left  Center  Section Master  A.  V.  Wadhams,  U.  S.  N. 


Commanding  Pioneers 


PIONEER  DIVISION 

Mate  Quinn,  U.  S.  N. 


HOSPITAL  CORPS 

In  Charge  Corps P.  A.  Surgeon,  C.  J.  S.  Wells,  U.  S.  N. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  Latta,  U.  S.  N. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  W.  A.  Corwin,  U.  S.  N. 
Captain’s  Clerk,  D.  Holland,  U.  S.  N. 
Chief  Engineer,  A.  Henderson,  U.  S.  N. 


STEAM  LAUNCH  DIVISION 


Commanding. 


Commanding  Weehawken 

Commanding  Benicia  Launch 

Commanding  Alaska's  Launch 

Officers  of  the  Monocacy: 
Commander  E.  P.  McCrea,  U.  S.  N. 
Lieut.  Comdr.  D.  E.  Mullan,  U.  S.  N. 
Lieut.  J.  T.  Gardner,  U.  S.  N. 

Master  J.  B.  Smith,  U.  S.  N. 

Master  T.  C.  Force,  U.  S.  N. 

2d  Asst.  Eng.  H.  D.  Potts,  U.  S.  N. 
2d  Asst.  Eng.  L.  R.  Harmony, 
U.  S.  N. 

Surgeon  Somerset  Robinson,  U.  S.  N. 
Paymaster,  C.  D.  Mansfield. 


Lieut.  Com’der  H.  F.  Picking,  U.  S.  N. 
2d  Asst.  Eng.  H.  L.  Slosson,  U.  S.  N. 
Mate  L.  P.  Gallagher,  U.  S.  N. 

Mates.  Gee,  U.S.N. 

2d  Asst.  Eng.  G.  H.  Kearney,  U.  S.  N. 
Master  N.  Roosevelt,  U.  S.  N. 

2d  Asst.  Eng.  F.  L.  Cooper,  U.  S.  N. 

Officers  of  the  Palos: 

Lieut.  C.  H.  Rockwell,  U.  S.  N. 
Lieut.  J.  E.  Jones,  U.  S.  N. 

Ensign  James  Franklin,  U.  S.  N. 

Mate  H.  C.  Fuller,  U.  S.  N. 

Mate  J.  C.  Howard,  U.  S.  N. 

Mate  T.  M.  Nelson,  U.  S.  N. 

Mate  P.  C.  Van  Buskirk,  U.  S.  N. 
Asst.  Surgeon  F.  H.  Hartwell,  LhS.N. 
Asst.  Paymaster  R.  K.  Paulding, 
U.  S.  N. 

1st  Asst.  Eng.  John  Lowe,  U.  S.  N. 


88 


FORTY-n\"E  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


threw  reports  that  had  reached  the  squadron  at  Nagasaki  and 
Shanghai  as  to  the  splendid  armaments  of  Korea. 

These  tales  were  born  of  a natural  desire  to  exaggerate  by 
those  who  knew  nothing  absolutely  of  Korea,  its  people,  or  its 
resources.  Sealed  up  as  Korea  was  at  that  time  against  all  com- 
munication with  the  outside  world,  except  to  a limited  degree 
with  China,  nothing  could  be  known  of  the  empire.  Large  pur- 
chases of  arms  from  powers  of  whose  existence  that  Government 
could  know  nothing  were  only  one  of  the  crazy  fancies  abroad 
at  this  time  in  the  East.  It  was  in  degree  somewhat  like  that 
fancy  of  the  ancients  which  filled  the  unknown  regions  they  were 
to  invade  with  all  sorts  of  giant  forms,  such  as  the  cyclops.  And 
as  these  vanished  in  the  olden  days,  so  likewise  in  Korea.  All 
rumors  of  great  preparation  were  so  many  fancies  of  ignorance 
or  had  been  gathered  from  the  Chinese,  whose  information 
was  slight,  but  who  suffered  no  story  to  lose  anything  in  the 
telling. 

Several  days  before  the  final  answer  came  to  the  admiral’s 
letter,  a boatload  of  cattle  and  other  provisions  was  drifted  down 
the  river  to  the  squadron,  in  charge  of  one  or  two  boatmen,  from 
whom  it  was  learned  that  these  supplies  were  intended  as  a pres- 
ent, as  the  people  might  be  hungry.  Pending  negotiations  relat- 
ing to  the  insult  of  firing  upon  the  Mo7iocacy  and  Palos,  it  was 
thought  to  be  a mistake  to  accept  presents  of  any  kind  before 
ascertaining  whether  the  Korean  Government  was  really  friendly. 
Hence,  on  the  change  of  the  tide  to  flood  this  boatload  of  pro- 
visions was  returned  with  thanks,  and  the  information  added 
that  the  squadron  was  supplied  with  everything  needed  for 
many  moons  to  come. 

Finally,  on  June  9th,  an  answer  was  received  from  Seoul,  the 
capital,  virtually  inquiring  whence  the  squadron  had  come.  If 
its  people  were  hungry  they  would  be  fed;  only  it  was  desired 
that  it  should  go  away.  But  if  it  had  come  to  change  Korean 
customs  and  habits,  it  was  again  reminded  that  it  was  difficult 
to  change  the  prejudices  of  four  thousand  years.  Information 
was  vouchsafed  that  a people  called  the  French  had,  in  the  year 
1865,  undertaken  this,  and  if  we  did  not  go  away  our  treatment 
would  be  that  which  was  accorded  to  the  French,  to  whom  they 
referred  the  admiral.  It  was  their  rule,  so  the  communication 


KOKEA,  SHOWING  THE  FORTS  AND  BATTERIES  ENGAGED  BY  THE 
UNITED  STATES  ASIATIC  FLEET,  JUNE,  1871. 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOREA 


89 


stated,  ‘‘to  fire  upon  all  who  attempted  to  pass  the  gates  of  their 
empire,  and  that  the  commander  of  the  forts  only  did  his 
duty.  ’ ’ 

This  reply  practically  shut  the  door  in  our  faces.  It  bore  no 
apology,  but  rather  a threat.  It  sustained  the  action  of  the  com- 
mander of  the  forts  and  endorsed  his  conduct  as  the  performance 
of  a duty  falling  within  the  rules  of  the  empire.  It  left  to  the 
admiral  no  other  recourse  than  that  which  was  usual  under  such 
circumstances  when  diplomacy  fails  to  adjust  issues  among 
civilized  nations.  A peremptory  challenge  was  thrown  down 
which  no  self-respecting  nation  could  refuse  without  discredit, 
especially  at  this  time  in  the  East  when  the  feeling  was  so  vio- 
lently anti-foreign.  It  would  not  be  possible  even  to  venture  a 
guess  of  what  the  consequences  might  have  been  if  an  American 
admiral  had  vacillated  in  taking  extreme  action  in  this  instance. 
The  squadron  under  his  command,  from  himself  down  to  the 
seamen,  was  officered  and  manned  by  those  who  had,  only  a few 
years  before,  emerged  from  the  great  Civil  War.  They  were, 
in  fact,  veterans  to  whom  the  crack  of  rifies  and  the  whistling 
of  shot  and  shell  would  not  be  new  sensations. 

The  admiral’s  purpose,  in  the  first  moments  after  the  action 
between  the  ships  and  the  forts,  had  been  to  land  the  battalion 
the  next  day,  and  orders  to  this  effect  were  sent  to  the  writer, 
who  was  to  take  command  of  it  and  reduce  the  forts;  but  upon 
more  mature  reflection  he  had  decided  upon  the  better  and  wiser 
course  of  addressing  the  note  to  the  authorities,  setting  forth  the 
circumstances  and  giving  them  time  to  repair  the  wrong  if  they 
were  so  inclined. 

June  10th,  the  day  set  for  operations,  was  ushered  in  without 
a cloud  in  the  sky,  the  temperature  that  of  midsummer.  Every- 
body was  astir  early.  The  boats  were  lowered,  the  battalion, 
equipped  for  distant  service,  was  ready  to  embark  after  breakfast, 
and  the  Palos,  with  steam  up.  Commander  H.  C.  Blake,  com- 
manding the  expedition,  on  board,  was  ready  for  towing  the 
squadron  of  boats. 

A busy  scene  of  activity  followed  in  arranging  the  order  of 
advance  up  the  river,  to  be  led  by  the  Monocacy,  whose  heavy 
guns  were  to  be  used  upon  the  lower  fort  to  dislodge  the  enemy. 
The  strong  ebb  tide  made  the  progress  of  the  boats  slow.  Al- 


90 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


though  they  got  under  way  by  10.30  A.  m.,  it  was  towards  3 
o’clock,  after  an  hour  or  two  of  hombardment  by  the  Monocacy^ 
when  they  made  a dash  for  the  beach  in  the  order  arranged, 
though  by  some  misunderstanding  the  left  of  the  battalion  was 
landed  on  a mud  flat  below  the  lower  fort,  and  was  delayed  an 
hour  in  gaining  solid  ground.  On  the  approach  of  this  force 
a few  guns  were  fired  from  the  lower  fort,  but  it  was  hastily 
abandoned  by  its  defenders,  who  fled  and  disappeared  in  the 
covering  of  woods  beyond  a broad  morass  back  of  the  lower  fort. 
Possession  was  taken  at  once  of  this  point,  skirmishers  were 
thrown  out  across  a causeway  through  a morass  leading  to  these 
woods,  and  all  approaches  to  the  fort  and  surrounding  region 
were  reconnoitered. 

These  precautions  being  concluded,  it  was  too  late  that  day 
to  attempt  a further  advance  into  a country  wholly  unknown, 
and  of  which  there  were  no  maps.  The  battalion  went  into 
bivouac  on  the  high  ground  back  of  the  fort  and  posted  the 
artillery  in  position  to  sweep  the  causeway  and  the  road  back 
of  the  works,  which  were  the  only  approaches.  The  flanks  were 
protected  by  the  Monocacy  and  Palos,  and  night  fell  upon  the 
camp.  The  enemy’s  cunning  and  aggressiveness  were  in  no 
sense  underestimated.  Every  arrangement  had  been  made  be- 
fore nightfall  to  give  him  a warm  reception  if  perchance  a night 
attad^  should  be  attempted. 

Everything  went  well  until  midnight,  when  word  was  re- 
ceived from  Captain  Tilton  that  shots  were  being  exchanged, 
and  that  the  enemy  was  forming  in  the  woods  in  his  front.  In 
accordance  with  his  orders  in  such  an  event,  his  force  fell  back 
on  the  main  body  so  as  to  be  clear  of  our  artillery  Are.  Some 
desultory  firing  by  the  enemy,  the  din  made  by  the  beating  of 
tom-toms,  and  the  hurrahing  of  crowds  of  people  were  believed 
to  indicate  an  assault.  This  challenge  was  answered  by  several 
artillery  shells,  which  checked  both  the  noise  and  the  demon- 
stration. It  was  fortunate  for  the  enemy  that  no  assault  was 
made  that  night,  for  the  battalion  was  alert  and  fully  prepared 
for  work. 

Commander  Kimberly  took  advantage  of  this  disturbance  to 
call  a midnight  council  of  war,  at  which  it  was  decided  that 
celerity  of  movement  was  to  characterize  the  battalion’s  opera- 


FOliT  MONOCACY. 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  AVITH  KOREA 


91 


tions.  The  consensus  of  opinion  was  that,  whenever  the  enemy 
was  met,  the  fight  should  be  to  the  finish.  Every  advantage  was 
to  be  followed  up  relentlessly.  No  rest  was  to  be  given  to  the 
enemy,  for  as  long  as  he  could  retreat  the  battalion  could  be 
counted  upon  to  pursue;  every  blow  was  to  be  pressed  home  or 
followed  by  one  of  greater  power.  In  fine,  it  was  decided  to 
make  war  upon  the  foe  after  the  most  approved  modern  methods 
and  to  spare  nothing  that  could  be  reached  by  shot,  shell,  fire  or 
sword. 

The  ships  were  informed  of  this  decision.  The  pickets  were 
called  in  as  the  first  golden  streaks  of  dawn  shot  upward  in  the 
skies  on  that  morning  of  June  11th.  The  battalion  took  up  its 
line  of  march  over  the  road  back  of  the  forts,  throwing  a strong 
picket  force  on  its  left  flank  to  clear  the  woods  and  guard 
against  surprise  from  the  foe  in  this  direction.  The  roads  were 
so  narrow  and  bad  that  the  battalion  in  column  of  fours  was 
obliged  to  have  the  sappers  and  miners  remove  obstacles  from 
its  passage.  As  had  been  surmised  would  be  the  case,  the  bat- 
talion fell  upon  the  second  fort,  known  as  the  Marine  Redoubt, 
and  afterward  as  Fort  Monocacy,  about  6.30  a.  m.,  after  a furious 
bombardment  by  that  vessel.  The  enemy’s  surprise  was  com- 
plete and  his  retreat  so  precipitate  that  the  morning  breakfast 
was  found  to  have  been  left  boiling  in  the  stew-pots.  Short  work 
was  made  in  dismounting  the  guns.  Fire  was  then  set  to  all  build- 
ings used  for  military  purposes  in  or  about  this  fort.  This  fire 
later  in  the  day  unfortunately  reached  and  destroyed  an  entire 
village  lying  to  the  north  of  this  fort. 

Remembering  that  celerity  of  movement  when  operating 
against  these  slow-going  Eastern  nations  would  demoralize  and 
confound  them  quite  as  much  as  a battle,  the  line  of  march  in 
the  same  order  was  taken  up  without  loss  of  time  for  the  main 
citadel,  named  Fort  du  Coude,  at  the  elbow  of  the  river  above, 
distant  several  miles.  This  march  was  through  a dense  under- 
growth, over  steep  hills  and  across  morasses  which  had  to  be 
corduroyed  to  gain  higher  ground  away  from  the  river.  After 
a tedious  march  in  intensely  hot  weather,  under  a burning  sun, 
on  emerging  into  clearer  ground  the  enemy  was  discovered  in 
force  on  our  left  and  front.  The  battalion  was  thrown  forward 
into  line  by  Lieutenant  Commander  Casey  and  a strong  skirmish 


92 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


line  thrown  forward  towards  the  enemy’s  position,  which  was  on 
a hill  entrenched  and  apparently  awaiting  attack. 

It  was  discovered  at  once  that  the  enemy  had  made  a serious 
and  irreparable  blunder  in  choosing  this  position.  Kimberly 
threw  the  right  wing  forward  under  Casey,  who,  after  some 
skirmishing,  seized  the  stronger  position  on  a hill  which  com- 
manded the  line  of  advance  and  completely  controlled  any  re- 
enforcement of  the  enemy’s  forces  in  the  forts  further  along 
toward  Fort  du  Coude.  From  this  position,  which  overlooked 
the  entire  field  of  operations,  the  military  advantages  were  evi- 
dent at  a glance.  Their  blunder  was  hailed  as  an  indication  that 
there  was  lack  of  strategy  among  their  officers.  How^  much  that 
encouraged  the  attacking  column  can  be  judged  better  from  the 
advantage  which  was  taken  in  the  movement  made  immediately 
against  the  upper  forts  along  the  river,  where  the  other  half  of 
the  Korean  army  had  been  placed. 

It  was  clear  that  the  Koreans  had  made  an  irreparable  mil- 
itary mistake  in  not  throwing  this  part  of  their  army  across  the 
line  of  Kimberly’s  advance,  and  thus  forcing  a fight  for  an 
advantage  which  had  been  gained,  it  might  almost  be  said,  without 
firing  a gun.  In  other  words,  the  enemy  permitted  his  army  to  be 
cut  in  twain  without  a serious  fight,  and,  worse  still,  its  right 
wing  to  be  left  in  the  air.  Kimberly  was  quick  to  move  his  left 
up  to  this  position,  detailing  three  companies,  supported  by  three 
pieces  of  Snow’s  artillery,  the  combined  force  being  under  Lieu- 
tenant Commander  AV.  K.  AVheeler,  whose  orders  were  to  hold 
the  place  at  all  hazards.  To  add  strength  to  a position  naturally 
strong,  AATieeler  quickly  threw  up  entrenchments,  and  these  stood 
to  good  purpose  in  the  two  assaults  the  enemy  made  later  in  the 
day. 

Kimberly  again  threw  the  right  wing  forward  under  Casey 
to  assault  the  citadel,  whose  defenders  were  being  increased  by 
those  who  fled  from  the  rifle-pits  in  front  of  the  right  wing  as  it 
advanced,  and  those  from  the  forts  lying  on  the  river  under  the 
higher  ground  back,  then  held  by  our  forces.  Kimberly  gave 
the  writer  orders  to  represent  him  in  the  advance,  and  at  the 
same  time  informed  him  that  his  headquarters  would  be  on  a 
prominent  ridge  between  his  divisions,  where  all  movements 
would  be  under  his  observation. 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOREA 


93 


On  Sunday,  June  lltli,  the  sky  was  clear  of  clouds  and  the 
heat  consequently  intense.  But  these  things  were  hardly  con- 
sidered when  the  work  ahead  promised  to  be  much  warmer  still. 
It  was  12.35  p.  M.  when  the  right  wing  of  the  battalion  had 
reached  its  position  behind  a slight  ridge,  where  it  rested  to  fill 
canteens  and  cartridge  boxes,  and  to  be  sure  that  bayonets  were 
all  secure  and  fixed.  From  this  position  a road  was  seen  across 
the  ravine  leading  down  from  the  cliffs  on  which  the  citadel 
was  located  and  then  up  the  river.  On  the  left  was  a small 
knoll  which  commanded  this  road.  It  was  at  once  seized  and 
Lieutenant  Commander  Douglass  Cassell  directed  to  occupy  it 
with  a company  and  one  section  of  artillery. 

The  Monocacy,  in  compliance  with  signals,  had  maintained  a 
vigorous  and  murderous  cannonade  of  the  forts  as  the  battalion 
advanced,  driving  the  enemy  from  them  like  rats.  It  was  these 
troops  that  momentarily  augmented  those  in  the  citadel.  Upon 
this  last  fortification  Commander  McCrea  opened  a merciless 
cannonade,  until  signaled  to  cease  firing  so  that  the  battalion 
could  make  a charge  upon  this  work. 

In  the  citadel  across  the  ravine  the  enemy  chanted  a solemn 
dirge,  but  whether  it  was  a battle  song  of  defiance  or  a dirge  of 
death  was  never  learned.  Some  of  the  men  to  whom  this  battle 
was  to  be  a sort  of  baptism  of  fire  were  a little  disturbed  by  the 
solemnity  of  the  weird  song,  but  when  reminded  that  “barking 
dogs  rarely  bite,”  took  new  determination  for  the  fight  which 
followed,  desperate  as  it  proved. 

Open  order  was  directed  by  Casey,  the  rear  rank  some  six 
feet  in  rear  opposite  the  interval  of  front  rank.  At  12.40  p.  m. 
the  order  “Charge  at  double  quick”  was  given.  The  battalion 
rose  over  the  ridge  and  passed  down  the  hill  across  the  ravine 
and  up  to  the  parapets  of  the  citadel  amid  a storm  of  projectiles. 
There  were  a number  of  casualties,  but  at  close  range  the  wonder 
was  that  they  were  not  more  numerous.  The  fighting  inside  the 
citadel  was  severe  and  stubborn. 

It  was  here  that  Lieutenant  Hugh  W.  McKee  fell  mortally 
wounded.  He  was  among  the  first  to  reach  the  parapet  and  fell 
under  an  avalanche  of  projectiles  into  the  fortification,  shot 
through  the  stomach  and  spine.  In  falling  he  fell  against  the 
writer,  but  in  the  smoke  and  noise  of  the  conflict  it  was  thought 


04 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


he  had  stumbled  only.  In  the  rifts  of  smoke  a moment  later,  he 
was  seen  lying  upon  his  back  in  the  fort,  with  two  spearsmen 
apparently  in  the  act  of  despatching  him.  The  writer  hastened 
to  his  side,  and  this  led  to  a desperate  hand-to-hand  conflict  with 
a native  soldier,  which  ended  unfortunately  for  the  poor  fellow, 
though  not  until  he  had  sent  his  spear  through  the  writer’s  left 
sleeve,  pinning  it  to  his  coat. 

It  seemed  a long  time  before  the  battalion  reached  the  fort, 
but  in  reality  it  was  only  a few  moments,  when  the  work  of  car- 
nage began  in  earnest.  Captain  McLane  Tilton ’s  marines,  being 
on  the  right  of  the  battalion,  in  closing  in  on  the  fort,  gained  the 
enemy’s  left  flank,  as  did  the  company  of  Lieutenant  Thomas  C. 
McLean  on  his  right.  With  Lieutenant  Commander  Casey  in 
front.  Captain  Tilton  on  the  right  and  Lieutenant  McLean  on 
the  left,  the  enemy ’s  ranks  were  enfiladed,  but  it  was  fully  thirty 
minutes  before  their  lines  broke.  Frequent  charges  were  made 
and  repulsed  on  both  sides,  but  it  was  not  until  their  men  had 
been  piled  up  after  several  bayonet  charges  and  their  quarters 
within  the  parapets  had  taken  fire  that  the  stampede  began  for 
the  cliffs  and  the  road  leading  down  to  the  river.  Many  were 
killed  in  this  rout,  some  jumped  over  the  cliffs  to  the  river  bank, 
sixty  or  eighty  feet  below,  and  more  made  for  the  road  only  to 
meet  the  fire  of  Cassell’s  men  and  the  artillery  directly  in  their 
faces,  which  piled  them  up  two  and  three  deep.  Many  jumped 
into  the  river,  where  they  were  shot  or  drowned  in  attempting 
to  escape. 

The  force  confronting  Wheeler,  seeing  the  disaster  to  their 
brothers  in  the  citadel,  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion  from  his 
front,  throwing  away  guns,  gun-proof  armor,  clothing  and  all  im- 
pedimenta which  could  have  retarded  their  flight.  It  is  hardly 
possible  to  comprehend  at  this  time  how  tremendously  demor- 
alized this  army  was,  but,  remembering  that  the  part  of  it  in 
front  of  the  right  wing  of  our  battalion  had  been  practically 
annihilated,  while  that  in  Wheeler’s  front  had  suffered  two  bitter 
repulses,  it  is  doubtful  if  better  organized  forces  anywhere  could 
have  maintained  a better  morale  after  such  sweeping  defeats  and 
destruction. 

The  battle  ended,  leaving  many  dead  and  wounded  on  our 
hands,  whose  suffering  was  painful  to  look  upon.  The  surgeons 


INTEKlOli  VIEW  OF  FOKT  DU  (OUDE  AFTER  THE  HAND-TO-HAND  C'ONFJHOT. 


OPENING  COMMUNICATION  WITH  KOIIEA 


95 


were  busy  the  rest  of  the  day  in  administering  relief  to  those 
who  were  injured.  The  dead  were  buried  in  the  trenches  inside 
the  citadel,  and  the  scene  of  conflict  was  then  tidied  up  as  well 
as  fire  and  fimerals  could  effect  it.  Wheeler’s  men  w^ere  ordered 
to  join  the  main  body,  and  before  nightfall  a strong  picket-line 
had  been  thrown  out  to  the  west  of  the  ravine.  News  of  the 
complete  success  of  the  battalion  was  despatched  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  with  a succinct  report  of  its  losses,  and  then 
the  camp  settled  down  into  quiet  for  the  night,  in  bivouac  upon 
the  field  of  battle  won  by  the  valor  of  our  men.  There  were  no 
alarms  during  the  night,  not  even  any  excitement  on  the  picket- 
lines. Indeed,  it  was  a question  in  some  minds  whether  there 
was  any  army  left  in  the  land  willing  to  contest  another  field 
with  our  victorious  force. 

Careful  examination  of  the  dead  revealed  the  fact  that  the 
larger  percentage  of  wounds  were  above  the  hips,  and  it  spoke 
volumes  for  the  superior  accuracy  of  our  marksmen,  who  were 
armed  with  Remington  breech-loading  rifles.  Contrary  to  all 
rumors  before  the  expedition  sailed,  there  was  not  a modern  gun 
of  any  description  found  in  the  hands  of  the  Koreans,, who  at- 
tempted with  gingalls  and  such-like  superannuated  arms  to  face 
modern  artillery  successfully.  They  fought,  however,  with  des- 
perate courage,  until  they  were  overwhelmed,  and  died  at  their 
posts  of  duty  heroically  and  without  fear.  The  men  of  no  nation 
could  have  done  more  for  home  and  country.  The  officers  and 
men  composing  our  battalion  fought  as  Americans  always  have 
fought  whenever  and  wherever  they  are  required  to  fight  for  the 
flag.  They  sustained,  in  every  matter  of  discipline,  endurance, 
readiness  and  steadiness  in  battle,  the  highest  traditions  of  their 
comrades  in  arms  from  Bunker  Hill  to  Appomattox.  They  de- 
served there  in  Korea  the  highest  confidence  and  praise  of  their 
countrymen  as  their  comrades  before  them  had  done  on  other 
fields  of  honor. 

The  morning  following,  June  12th,  orders  were  received  from 
Admiral  Rodgers  to  withdraw,  as  the  object  of  the  expedition 
had  been  fully  accomplished  and  the  insult  to  the  flag  had  been 
fully  avenged.  Re-embarkation  was  begun  after  breakfast  and 
was  effected  without  incident  or  accident,  but  before  doing  so 
every  gun  in  the  forts  was  dismounted,  every  storehouse  de- 


96 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


stroyed,  and  every  magazine  blown  np,  which  left  behind  the 
appearance  of  utter  devastation  in  every  direction.  The  punish- 
ment inflicted  was  great  and  the  lesson  it  impressed  upon  that 
hermit  kingdom  ultimately  brought  it  into  fellowship  with  our 
Western  civilization  and  made  for  friendship. 

Unfortunately,  on  the  night  of  June  10th,  the  Palos,  in  tak- 
ing position  to  guard  the  left  flank  of  the  battalion,  anchored 
at  high  water  over  an  unknown  ledge  of  rocks,  upon  which  she 
grounded  with  the  falling  tide.  She  sustained  grave  injury  from 
a large  jagged  hole  in  her  bottom  plating  which  involved  her 
safety.  It  limited  her  participation  to  guarding  the  boats,  and 
deprived  her  coimnander  and  his  crew  of  the  opportimities  to 
engage  in  the  work  of  the  day  following.  It  was  an  unfortunate 
accident,  but  wholly  unavoidable. 


CHAPTER  X 


UP  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG  AND  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 

1871-1872 

After  the  battalion  had  returned  to  the  squadron,  the  dead, 
except  the  body  of  Lieutenant  Hugh  W.  McKee,  were  buried 
on  Isle  Boisee,  abreast  the  anchorage  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salee 
River.  There  were  a number  of  Korean  wounded  on  board  the 
flagship,  and  when  they  had  recovered  sufficiently  they  were 
landed;  some,  however,  begged  to  be  carried  to  China.  During 
this  interval  of  quite  a month,  there  was  no  further  communica- 
tion, and  no  Koreans  were  ever  seen.  At  night,  however,  the 
distant  mountain-tops  were  lighted  with  beacon  fires  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  see. 

An  account  of  the  battle  of  June  11  appeared  to  have  reached 
China  in  remarkably  quick  time,  but  was  mixed,  exaggerated 
and  untrue.  Two  or  three  days  after  the  fight  the  rumor  was 
current  at  Shanghai  that  the  American  squadron  had  been 
completely  destroyed  and  its  personnel  slaughtered  to  a man. 
So  disquieting  were  such  rumors  and  so  persistently  circulated 
by  those  who  wished  the  news  to  be  true,  that  the  commander 
of  the  German  frigate  HertJia,  then  at  Shanghai,  resolved  to 
visit  the  coast  of  Korea  to  ascertain  for  himself  the  status  of 
affairs,  and  to  give  us  his  help  if  that  should  be  needed.  It  was 
his  ship  which  carried  back  to  Shanghai  the  first  authentic  news 
of  what  had  really  occurred  in  the  waters  of  Korea. 

The  visit  of  the  Hertha  was  much  appreciated  by  the  officers 
of  the  American  squadron.  It  was  evidence  of  friendship  and 
a desire  to  extend  friendly  assistance — sentiments  which  may 
have  been  felt  by  other  foreign  war  vessels  on  the  station,  but 
by  none  of  them  was  it  given  in  such  practical  form. 

During  the  early  part  of  July,  the  squadron  withdrew  from 
Korean  waters  and  proceeded  to  Chefoo,  in  north  China.  The 
Monocacy  and  Palos  were  sent  to  Shanghai  in  order  to  make 

97 


98 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


some  repairs  to  their  bottom  plating,  which  had  been  injured 
on  the  unknowm  rocks  during  the  operations  against  the  forts. 
When  it  is  considered  that  the  squadron  was  without  one  reliable 
chart  of  the  regions  where  it  was  operating,  and  that  it  was 
obliged  to  depend  upon  surveys,  made  from  day  to  day  and  from 
tide  to  tide,  the  wonder  is  that  one  or  more  of  its  vessels  wTre 
not  lost  in  the  campaign  against  those  river  works. 

At  Chefoo  were  a number  of  Americans  wdio  had  taken  a 
respite  from  the  heat  in  the  ports  south,  hoping  to  recuperate 
strength  or  health  impaired  by  the  strains  of  business  or  the 
excessive  heat.  Among  them  were  our  genial  Consul-Gen- 
eral Seward  and  his  wife  from  Shanghai,  and  Mrs.  Low  and 
her  daughter  to  meet  the  Minister,  who  had  returned  from 
Korea  with  the  expedition.  These  good  friends  were  the  first 
to  learn  the  authentic  details  of  the  operations  against  the 
Koreans.  The  effect  produced  among  the  Chinese,  when  the  real 
facts  became  generally  known,  was  magical.  Their  attitude 
of  haughtiness  was  changed,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
event  tended  to  allay  the  hostile  sentiments  which  had  grown  out 
of  the  Tien-Sien  massacre.  Surely,  every  foreigner  domiciled  in 
China  felt  relieved  by  the  happy  result  in  Korea. 

The  Benicia  sailed  on  August  20th  for  Shanghai  on  her  way 
up  the  Yang-tse-Kiang  River.  A day  or  two  preceding  her 
departure  there  were  unmistakable  indications  of  a typhoon. 
Chefoo,  being  an  open  roadstead,  it  would  have  hazarded  the 
ship’s  safety  to  have  remained  at  anchor  there.  Being  a new 
ship,  with  a splendid  crew  of  officers  and  men,  and  well  found  in 
sails,  gear,  and  engine-power,  there  was  little  danger  in  putting 
to  sea  to  ride  it  out.  Save  for  the  discomfort  of  heavy  rolling 
and  being  battened  down”  in  such  gales,  a well-equipped  ship, 
with  plenty  of  sea  room,  need  apprehend  no  serious  damage. 
Such  proved  to  be  the  case  with  the  Benicia  in  the  gale  that  came 
on  the  day  following  her  departure,  doing  such  terrible  damage 
to  junks,  ships  and  pilot-boats  near  the  mouth  of  the  Yang- 
tse-Kiang. 

The  gale  came  on  from  the  northeast,  increasing  in  force  as 
the  Benicia  passed  to  the  south  to  gain  working  room.  The  sea 
became  confused  and  high,  and,  as  the  weaves  rolled  up,  their  tops 
were  blown  off  by  the  violent  squalls,  wdiich  are  always  a feature 


UP  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG 


99 


of  such  storms,  and  driven  to  leeward  with  such  velocity  as  to 
blind  anyone  attempting  to  look  to  windward.  The  first  shift 
of  wind  to  the  eastward  was  about  midnight  of  August  21st,  when 
the  Benicia  ‘‘wore  ship”  and  “lay  to”  on  the  starboard  tack 
until  daylight,  when  the  sea  was  one  wild  orgy  of  confused, 
angry  waves  that  lopped  aboard  from  time  to  time  without  doing 
other  damage  than  wetting  things  below  decks.  From  6 o’clock 
the  wind  hauled  rapidly,  increasing  in  fury  and  roaring  with 
demoniac  violence  through  the  rigging,  so  that  orders  were  com- 
municated with  mouth  close  to  ear,  it  being  impossible  to  hear 
in  any  other  way.  By  noon  of  the  22d  the  wind  was  at  northwest, 
blowing  violently,  though  abating  after  each  heavy  squall,  and  as 
it  did  so  sail  was  made  by  degrees  as  the  ship  proceeded  south. 
By  10  p.  M.  the  stars  were  out,  with  a strong  northwest  wind, 
before  which  the  Benicia  speeded  like  a sea-bird  on  her  course. 
All  through  this  gale  she  behaved  like  a duck,  showing  herself 
once  more  to  be  a splendid  sea-boat  in  the  worst  weather. 

The  day  following  evidence  of  the  wind’s  fury  was  apparent, 
the  sea  being  strewn  with  junks  capsized  and  bottom  up,  float- 
ing debris  of  all  kinds,  dismasted  vessels  drifting  helplessly. 
Several  of  these  vessels  were  taken  in  tow  and  anchored  near  the 
Show-Shan  lightship,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yang-tse-Kiang  River. 
Word  of  these  disasters  was  taken  to  Shanghai  and  steam-tugs 
were  sent  to  their  relief.  On  arrival,  it  was  learned  that  this 
typhoon  was  one  of  the  most  severe  for  many  years  in  that  vicin- 
ity, the  wind  reaching  a velocity  of  a hundred  miles  an  hour. 
The  valley  of  the  Yellow  River  was  inundated,  and  many  thou- 
sands of  Chinese  perished  in  the  lowland  region  of  the  coast. 

The  commander-in-chief  directed  the  Benicia  to  visit  the 
up-river  ports  on  the  Yang-tse-Kiang  as  far  as  Hankow,  some 
800  or  900  miles  from  the  sea.  As  soon  as  the  necessary  prepara- 
tion had  been  made  and  a competent  river  pilot  was  procured,  the 
Benicia  set  forth  again  for  a cruise  that  was  interesting  and  not 
without  an  impressive  moral  effect  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the 
large  towns  along  the  river.  As  there  were  no  aids  to  assist  in 
the  navigation  of  the  river,  the  pilot  advised  anchoring  the  ship 
about  sunset  each  day  to  avoid  the  chance  of  grounding  on  any 
of  the  many  points  after  night  had  set  in  and  obscured  marks 
known  to  the  pilot.  Under  this  arrangement  no  point  of  inter- 
8 


100 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


est  was  passed  by,  and  no  inhabitant  along  the  river  banks  missed 
the  opportunity  of  seeing  pass  by  an  imposing  and  powerful 
vessel  of  war  whose  purpose  there  they  all  understood.  After  a 
number  of  such  anchorages  had  been  made  the  Benicia  reached 
Hankow  in  September,  and  was  gladly  welcomed  by  the  for- 
eign residents  of  that  remote  outpost  of  the  China  trade.  Every 
manifestation  of  pleasure  that  could  be  shown  was  extended  to 
the  officers  and  men.  Knowledge  of  the  incident  in  Korea  had 
penetrated  to  this  distant  point  to  gladden  the  foreigner  and  to 
impress  the  natives,  who  were  courteous  and  polite  in  their 
dealings  and  intercourse. 

The  writer  met  here  an  old  classmate  from  the  Naval  Academy, 
Woodhull  Schenck,  who  had  been  employed  in  the  Chinese  cus- 
toms service  for  a number  of  years.  On  the  occasion  of  dining 
at  his  hospitable  board,  old  times  were  talked  over,  and  incidents 
in  his  life  were  recounted  in  the  years  since  he  had  quitted  the 
Navy  to  undertake  the  better  financial  opportunities  of  civil  life. 
He  was  thoroughly  versed  in  Chinese  affairs,  and,  during  his  long 
residence  among  the  Chinese  officials  and  people,  had  acquired 
vast  knowledge  of  their  history,  customs  and  methods  of  dealing 
with  foreigners.  The  few  days  spent  under  his  hospitable  roof 
were  most  interesting,  instructive  and  enjoyable. 

Returning  down  the  river,  Kiukiang,  near  the  Poyang  Lake 
region,  was  visited.  Nankin,  the  capital  of  the  l\Iing  dynasty, 
was  looked  over,  and  the  site  whereon  the  famous  Porcelain 
Pagoda  had  stood  was  searched  to  secure  one  of  the  perfect  bricks 
of  porcelain  which  remained  still  among  the  debris.  This  great 
pagoda,  up  to  1859,  when  it  was  destroyed,  was  one  of  the  note- 
worthy structures  of  the  world.  It  seems  that  a species  of  vandal- 
ism then  destroyed  it  in  order  to  satisfy  some  superstition  affect- 
ing the  fortunes  of  the  dynasty  in  power.  How  much  the  art  of 
the  world  has  suffered  from  this  same  spirit  of  frenzy  it  would 
not  be  possible  to  estimate. 

At  the  time  of  this  visit  of  the  Benicia,  the  river  trade  was 
almost  exclusively  in  steamers  under  the  American  flag,  such  as 
the  Plyynouth  Bock,  owned  by  the  Shanghai  Steam  Navigation 
Company,  a rich  and  influential  corporation  in  those  days,  con- 
trolling a vast  trade  with  its  fleet  of  vessels  trading  in  all  direc- 
tions in  the  waters  of  that  vast  empire.  To  these  vessels  the  visit 


UP  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG 


101 


of  a man-of-war  was  an  event  of  great  importance,  for  there  were 
yet  pirates  to  be  encountered  in  some  of  the  out-of-the-way  places 
if  favorable  chance  occurred  to  them. 

This  service  being  concluded,  the  Benicia  proceeded  to  South 
China  and  the  Philippine  Islands,  touching  en  route  at  Ning  Po, 
Foochow  Foo,  Amoy,  and  Hong  Kong,  remaining  several  days 
in  each  port  to  communicate  with  our  consular  representatives, 
in  order  to  inquire  into  conditions  in  the  several  jurisdictions. 
In  every  port  visited  a marked  change  was  reported  in  the  atti- 
tude towards  foreigners  that  had  followed  the  Tien-Sien  massacre. 
This  change  was  believed  to  have  been  due  entirely  to  the  vigorous 
action  of  the  American  squadron  against  Korea  on  account  of 
the  destruction  of  the  schooner  General  Sherman.  However 
deplorable  the  resort  to  war  may  he,  there  are  times  in  the  life 
of  nations  when  it  clears  the  atmosphere  and  leads  to  better 
understandings. 

Manila,  so  familiar  nowadays,  was  reached  on  January  10, 
1872.  It  was  the  most  favorable  season  of  the  year  for  cruising 
among  these  interesting  islands.  The  Spanish  officers,  wherever 
met,  were  most  courteous  and  attentive,  but  their  control  did  not 
extend  beyond  the  zone  under  their  guns.  During  the  winter 
months  the  climate  of  the  islands  is  delightful,  while  this  inland 
cruising  is  a paradise  for  officers  and  men.  At  all  the  ports 
visited  the  kindest  hospitality  and  welcome  from  the  Spanish 
officials  was  experienced.  Dinners  and  dances  were  given,  and 
the  hospitality  of  Spanish  houses,  in  its  truest  and  fullest  sense, 
was  extended  to  the  officers  of  the  ship  by  officials  and  residents. 
The  cordial  relations  existing  in  those  days  between  the  two 
countries  was  emphasized  in  every  attention  that  refined  tastes 
could  suggest,  and  many  warm  friendships  grew  out  of  this  visit 
of  the  Benicia  that  are  remembered  pleasantly  to  this  day. 

On  the  Island  of  Maetan,  not  far  from  Cebu,  stands  a monu- 
ment to  Ferdinand  Magellan,  built  upon  the  site  where  it  is  said 
he  lost  his  life  in  1521.  As  a point  of  interest  in  the  biography 
of  this  famous  and  intrepid  sailor,  it  was  visited  and  found  in 
good  order.  A flood  of  recollections  of  his  life  came  into  the 
minds  of  those  who  stood  about  the  last  resting-place  of  this 
heroic  sailor.  His  voyages  and  discoveries,  his  courageous  lead 
into  the  vast  unknown  regions  of  the  world  in  small  vessels,  badly 


102 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


fitted  and  supplied,  at  that  early  age,  considered  with  the  suffer- 
ing he  endured  to  mark  out  ways  around  the  globe,  make  his  name 
memorable  in  the  history  of  the  world’s  great  men.  In  Spain’s 
service  he  gave  his  life,  and  Spain,  in  gratitude,  has  marked  his 
grave  that  his  name  and  glory  shall  never  die. 

A month  or  six  weeks  were  passed  in  this  delightful  winter 
climate,  which  was  most  grateful  to  officers  and  men  after  their 
hard  service  of  two  years’  cruising  on  a station  where  the  weather 
is  usually  boisterous  and  the  climate  rarely  refreshing,  except 
during  the  winter  months  in  Japan.  The  Benicia  returned  to 
Manila,  and  there  fell  in  with  the  English  flagship  Iron  Duke, 
Vice-Admiral  Shadwell,  which  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  for 
Hong  Kong.  Two  or  three  days  later  the  Benicia  got  under  way 
for  the  same  destination.  After  gaining  the  open  sea  a fresh 
monsoon  was  found  blowing  from  the  northeast.  The  Benicia 
took  every  advantage  of  it  to  make  a quick  passage  over.  On 
arriving,  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day  out,  we  were  astonished 
to  find  the  Iron  Duke  had  not  yet  reached  Hong  Kong.  A few 
hours  later,  however,  she  steamed  in,  and  the  admiral  was  quite 
as  much  surprised  to  find  the  Benicia,  which  he  had  left  at 
Manila,  already  in  port  with  yards  square,  boats  out,  and  looking 
as  if  she  had  been  in  port  a week. 

The  American  flagship  Colorado,  with  Admiral  Rodgers  on 
board,  was  fallen  in  with  at  Hong  Kong,  and  with  him  the 
Benicia  spent  the  22d  of  February.  All  manner  of  aquatic  sports 
were  in  order  that  day  among  the  American  residents  who  thus 
observed  this  national  holiday.  The  admiral’s  barge,  built  by  Hip- 
penstall,  at  the  New  York  Navy-Yard  and  named  the  Daring, 
was  an  especially  fine  model,  and  of  wonderful  speed  under  oars. 
She  was  entered  with  all  comers,  without  exception,  for  the  races 
of  this  day.  She  had  won  such  fame  in  her  races  with  all  classes 
of  boats  on  the  station,  that,  on  this  occasion,  she  had  to  contest 
with  shell-boats  over  a mile  and  a half  course.  As  she  had  done 
in  all  other  races,  she  now  distanced  the  shell-boats,  which  left 
her  without  a peer.  How  much  money  her  crew  won  on  this 
occasion  is  not  recalled  beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  a goodly  sum. 

In  March,  the  Benicia  was  directed  to  visit  the  ports  on  the 
coast  of  China  as  far  as  Shanghai,  touching  at  Foo  Chow  to  carry 
our  Consul  Ceneral  Legender  to  Formosa,  if  he  should  desire  to 


UP  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG 


103 


make  the  trip.  The  monsoon  was  blowing  fresh,  and  the  sea  in 
consequence  was  rather  rough  for  a landsman  when  General 
Legender  came  on  board  at  Foo  Chow.  As  the  passage  over  to 
Formosa  would  have  been  directly  in  the  trough  of  the  sea,  the 
general  wisely  decided  to  run  down  to  Amoy.  That  night  in  the 
Formosa  channel  was  a wild  one.  The  wind  blew  up  into  a mod- 
erate gale,  which  claimed  from  the  general  the  tribute  Neptune 
always  demands  from  the  landsman  who  ventures  into  his  realm. 

Running  this  channel,  which  is  the  highway  of  vessels  trading 
in  those  seas,  a bright  lookout  had  to  be  kept,  especially  in  thick 
weather,  as  happened  on  this  occasion.  Fortunately,  no  bad  luck 
overtook  the  Benicia,  though  at  daylight  a large  French  liner  was 
seen  to  the  northward,  proceeding  under  slow  speed  toward 
Amoy  with  distress  signals  flying.  Assistance  was  tendered  and 
accepted,  and  a request  was  made  that  the  Benicia  keep  the  ship 
company,  as  relief  might  be  necessary.  On  reaching  Amoy,  it  was 
learned  that  the  French  ship  had  collided  in  the  night  with  an 
English  steamer,  sinking  the  latter,  with  the  loss  of  many  of  the 
passengers  and  crew.  The  liner  had  a large  hole  in  her  bows 
just  above  her  water-line,  into  which  hammocks  and  bedding  had 
been  jammed  to  avoid  filling  her  forward  compartment. 

The  weather  having  moderated,  the  Benicia  proceeded  to 
Shanghai,  and  thence  to  Nagasaki,  through  the  beautiful  inland 
sea  of  Japan,  via  the  Straits  of  Simonoseki  to  Kobe,  and  ulti- 
mately to  Yokohama,  where,  a month  later,  orders  were  received 
to  return  to  the  United  States.  Before  this  event,  however,  Rear- 
Admiral  Rodgers  was  relieved,  his  term  of  service  having  ended. 
Rear-Admiral  Thornton  A.  Jenkins,  a distinguished  officer  of  the 
old  navy,  relieved  him.  The  new  admiral,  on  arriving  in  the 
waters  of  Japan,  asked  for  an  audience  with  the  Emperor  of 
Japan  at  Yeddo,  or  Tokio,  which  was  at  once  granted. 

On  the  day  appointed,  the  admiral,  with  his  staff  and  the  com- 
manding and  executive  officers  of  the  Colorado  and  Benicia,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  capital.  When  the  palace-grounds  were  reached,  the 
Minister  of  State  informed  the  American  Minister  that  the  Em- 
peror desired,  as  a special  mark  of  honor  to  the  Americans,  to 
receive  their  admiral  in  a standing  position.  The  custom  here- 
tofore had  been  to  receive  all  visitors  seated,  with  a bamboo  screen 
concealing  the  Emperor’s  face.  It  was  a remarkable  departure. 


104 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  the  beginning  of  a new  era  in  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
strangers. 

During  this  interesting  audience  the  Emperor  stood  during 
the  presentation  of  each  of  the  officers,  to  whom  he  addressed 
some  pleasing  words  of  welcome.  There  was  still  in  place  the 
bamboo  screen,  which  up  to  that  time  had  concealed  the  Empe- 
ror’s features  from  those  presented.  On  this  occasion  the  screen 
was  raised,  thus  bringing  his  entire  person  into  view.  The  idea 
of  this  screen,  to  conceal  the  Emperor’s  face,  was  a custom  as  old 
as  time,  sanctified  by  the  general  belief  of  his  subjects  that  the 
person  of  his  majesty  was  too  sacred  to  look  upon.  To  look  upon 
his  face  meant  that  the  person  so  doing  might  die.  In  the  sense 
that  all  must  die,  sooner  or  later,  this  sophistry  was  true;  but 
the  idea  that  death  would  take  place  immediately  could  not  last 
long  with  the  wave  of  civilization  then  sweeping  over  this  land. 
The  admiral’s  visit  then  was  the  moment  seized  to  begin  a new 
regime  in  receptions  which  general  intercourse  with  foreign  rep- 
resentatives had  made  necessary. 

This  ceremony  concluded  the  duties  of  the  Benicia  on  the 
China  station.  The  4th  of  July  came,  and  with  it  the  day  of 
departure  from  these  waters  for  San  Francisco.  At  noon  of  that 
day,  after  the  national  salute  had  been  fired,  the  Benicia,  dressed 
with  flags  en  fete,  got  under  way  with  her  homeward-bound  pen- 
nant at  the  masthead,  amid  the  cheers  of  the  crews  of  men-of- 
war  and  the  strains  of  “Home,  Sweet  Home,”  from  the  bands, 
and  started  upon  her  homeward-bound  cruise  across  the  Pacific. 

The  feeling  of  joy  at  such  times  in  the  sailor’s  life,  after 
three  years  of  absence  from  home  and  country,  can  only  be 
known  by  those  who  have  experienced  this  species  of  exile  from 
all  that  is  near  and  dear  in  life.  As  the  last  glimpse  of  the  land- 
line fades  in  the  mists  of  the  horizon  astern,  the  talk  of  home, 
with  new  hopes  and  expectations,  fills  every  mind  and  heart 
until  the  shores  of  God’s  country,  as  the  sailor  in  his  own 
parlance  terms  his  home,  rise  out  of  the  sea  ahead.  The  thrill  of 
“Land,  ho!”  as  cried  from  the  masthead  by  the  lookout  aloft, 
has  a meaning  of  joyful  delight  that  rings  through  the  ship  in  an 
instant,  sending  all  hands  on  deck,  with  hearts  palpitating  with 
pleasure  at  the  one  sight  they  have  dreamed  of  and  longed  for 
so  many,  many  weary  months  and  years. 


UP  THE  YANG-TSE-KIANG 


105 


The  Benicia  made  a splendid  run  from  Yokohama,  favored  by 
fresh  breezes  and  moderate  seas,  reaching  San  Francisco  on 
August  5,  1872,  twenty-four  hours  ahead  of  the  Pacific  Mail 
steamer  Great  Republic,  which  sailed  the  same  day,  bound  for  the 
same  destination.  On  the  trip  across  the  North  Pacific,  the  ship 
passed  for  two  days  through  a sea  filled  with  the  fur  seal,  appar- 
ently bound  north  to  the  Aleutian  Islands.  The  sight  was  indeed 
beautiful  as  they  gamboled  in  sportive  play  about  the  ship,  some- 
times testing  her  speed  with  their  own  rapid  swimming.  They 
soon  abandoned  the  contest,  convinced,  no  doubt,  that  the  power 
of  flesh  and  blood  had  limitations  not  fixed  for  the  winds  and 
waves.  No  attempt  was  made  to  secure  any  of  these  beautiful 
animals,  as  sailors  never  harm  the  birds  of  the  air  or  creatures 
of  the  sea  which  relieve  the  monotony  of  their  every-day  life  in 
the  solitudes  of  the  ocean. 

The  Benicia  went  out  of  commission  in  September  at  Mare 
Island,  and  her  officers  and  crew  went  East  soon  afterwards,  to 
home  and  friends,  after  an  eventful,  active,  and  interesting 
cruise  of  three  long  and  weary  years. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  NAVAL  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA 
1872-1877 

Only  a short  rest  was  granted,  and  then  orders  were  received 
to  report  in  October,  1872,  for  duty  as  head  of  the  Department 
of  Modern  Languages  at  the  Naval  Academy,  commanded  by 
Rear  Admiral  John  L.  Worden.  AVhile  it  was  true  that  this  duty 
was  not  such  as  the  writer  would  have  selected  if  he  had  been 
given  a choice,  yet  the  order  was  agreeable,  for  the  reason  that 
it  associated  him  with  that  distinguished  officer  who  had  won 
undying  fame  in  that  great  combat  at  Hampton  Roads  between 
the  Monitor  and  Merrimac  only  a few  years  before.  During 
the  association  this  order  brought  about,  it  was  upon  rare  occa- 
sions only  that  the  admiral  would  talk  of  that  great  naval  duel, 
but,  whenever  he  did,  he  appeared  to  regard  the  difficulties  he 
had  to  overcome,  in  getting  the  Monitor  to  Hampton  Roads, 
quite  as  great  as  the  battle  itself  afterward. 

In  a new,  untried  machine,  hastily  built  and  hurriedly  sent 
to  sea,  it  would  be  hard  to  describe  the  anxious  experience  of  the 
officers  and  crew  in  getting  her  safely  to  the  scene  of  her  great 
combat  at  Hampton  Roads.  It  can  hardly  be  credited  in  these 
days  what  perils  were  escaped,  or  how  incessantly  her  men  worked 
to  keep  her  afloat  en  route.  Much  of  the  work  to  keep  her  pumps 
free  had  to  be  done  in  vitiated  air,  for,  when  the  blower  belts  got 
wet,  or  slipped,  or  parted,  there  was  no  fresh  air  below  until  the 
difficulty  had  been  repaired.  The  entire  voyage  was  a steady 
fight  against  'such  trials.  When  smooth  water  was  reached,  the 
officers  and  crew  found  the  fight  more  to  their  liking.  The  world 
knows  now  how  well  Admiral  Worden,  Lieut.  S.  Dana  Greene, 
and  the  other  officers  and  men  of  the  little  Monitor  did  their  duty 
on  that  memorable  day  in  March,  1863. 

As  head  of  the  Department  of  IModern  Languages,  which  in- 
cluded the  French  and  Spanish  idioms,  it  was  not  easy  to  decide 


106 


NAVAL  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA  107 

w hich  of  the  various  plans  proposed  by  the  instructors  was  better, 
or  -which  one  of  the  several  systems  was  best.  The  -writer’s  expe- 
rience, -when  under  instruction  as  a student,  had  enabled  him 
to  decide  that  too  much  attention  had  been  given  to  repetitions  of 
unmeaning  phrases,  and  that  much  time  had  been  lost  in  teach- 
ing a nicety  of  accent  -vvhich  can  rarely  be  acquired  by  the  stu- 
dent. No  time,  or  not  enough,  had  been  given  to  cultivate  the 
ear  to  recognize  and  understand  conversation  in  French  or  Span- 
ish. This  latter  feature  the  writer  enforced  during  his  incum- 
bency, and  the  result  -was  that  the  youngster  who  left  the  Acad- 
emy during  this  regime  had  had  advantages  that  the  writer 
himself  had  never  enjoyed  during  his  probation  at  the  Academy. 
If  they  were  unable  after-v\-ards  to  keep  up  conversation  -^vith 
foreigners  in  either  of  the  two  languages,  the  fault  lay  -with 
themselves  rather  than  with  their  instructors.  One  difficulty, 
however,  was  that  too  little  time  was  given  to  the  study  of  lan- 
guages at  the  Academy. 

Rear  Admiral  Worden’s  tour  of  duty  ended  after  two  pleas- 
ant years  together.  He  -was  ordered  to  the  European  Station, 
and  his  relief  at  the  Academy  was  Rear  Admiral  C.  R.  P. 
Rodgers,  an  accomplished  officer  of  the  old  Navy. 

The  -writer’s  third  year  of  duty  at  the  Academy  ended  in 
September,  1875,  the  length  of  shore  duty  being  in  accordance 
-^vith  unwritten  custom  rather  than  written  regulations.  With  its 
termination  officers  in  all  grades  were  eligible  for  orders  to  sea 
duty.  In  June,  1874,  the  writer  had  been  promoted  to  com- 
mander, and  was  eligible  for  command  as  well  as  to  take  service 
at  sea.  Admiral  Rodgers,  at  this  time,  requested  the  writer  to 
remain  an  additional  year  at  the  Academy,  and  urged  it  in  such 
complimentary  terms  that  refusal  was  impossible.  When  the 
year  had  ended  the  writer  was  ordered  to  command  the  EsseXy 
just  completed  and  fitting  out  at  Boston.  Preparatory  orders 
had  been  given  a few  months  before  to  command  the  Huron, 
which  was  lost  afterward  on  the  coast  of  North  Carolina,  in  1877. 
Nearly  all  her  officers  and  men  were  lost,  including  her  com- 
mander, G.  P.  Ryan.  The  reasons  for  changing  orders  from  the 
Huron  to  the  Essex  were  never  stated  by  Rear  Admiral  Daniel 
Ammen,  who  was  the  Chief  of  Bureau  at  this  period.  As 
both  ships  were  of  the  same  size  and  class,  differing  only  in  their 


108 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


rig,  it  was  a matter  of  indifference  to  the  writer  which  one  of  the 
two  fell  to  his  lot,  although,  in  the  difficult  and  arduous  service 
afterwards  which  the  Essex  had  to  perform*  on  the  Home  Sta- 
tion, the  west  coast  of  Africa,  and  the  South  Atlantic  stations, 
the  writer  preferred  the  Essex,  with  her  greater  sail  power  and 
ability  to  keep  the  sea  for  longer  intervals  of  time. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  autumn,  during  the  Centennial  Ex- 
position at  Philadelphia,  the  Essex  went  into  commission.  The 
order  assigning  her  temporarily  to  the  Home  Station,  as  the 
North  Atlantic  was  then  known,  directed  her  commanding  officer 
to  touch  at  Philadelphia,  where  he  arrived  October  28th, 
to  permit  the  officers  and  men  full  opportunity  to  visit  this  in- 
teresting exhibition  en  route  to  Hampton  Koads  to  report  for 
duty  to  Rear  Admiral  S.  D.  Trenchard,  whose  flagship  was  the 
historic  old  Hartford.  The  Essex  arrived  at  Hampton  Roads  on 
November  28th  and  found  the  squadron  lying  there.  The  winter 
of  this  year  was  exceedingly  severe,  and  the  harbor  was  filled 
with  heavy  ice,  which  the  strong  tides  carried  back  and  forth 
at  every  change,  much  to  the  discomfort  of  necessary  communica- 
tion daily  for  fresh  provisions,  for  mail,  or  to  obey  signal  calls 
from  the  flagship. 

Along  the  Hampton  Bar  a number  of  the  old  monitors  in  com- 
mission were  anchored,  and  these  vessels,  with  their  light  grap- 
pling anchors,  were  constantly  adrift,  dragging  up  and  down 
among  the  ships,  or,  when  carried  into  dangerous  proximity  to 
shoals  or  shore,  had  to  be  rescued  by  the  better-found  vessels  of 
the  squadron.  IMuch  of  this  duty  fell  to  the  Essex,  which  was 
always  ready,  but  it  was  wearying  duty  that  kept  the  officer  of 
the  watch  always  alert  and  constantly  anxious,  lest  one  of  these 


* Officers  of  the  Essex: 
Commander  W.  S.  Schley,  Comdg. 
Lt.  Comdr.,  John  Schouler,  Ex.  Off. 
Lieut.  Asa  Walker,  Navigator. 
Lieut.  J.  K.  Cogswell,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.  C.  K.  Curtis,  Watch  Officer. 
Master  L.  P.  Jouett,  Watch  Officer. 
Ensign  S.  C.  Lemley,  Watch  Officer. 
Ensign  C.  B.  T.  Moore,  Watch  Officer. 
Midshipman,  W.  H.  Allen. 
Midshipman,  C.  L.  Bruns. 


Midshipman,  R.  Henderson. 
Midshipman,  W.  G.  H.  Hannum. 
Midshipman,  T.  D.  Griffin. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  A.  K.  Moore, 

P.  A.  Paymaster,  H.  T.  Stancliff. 
Chief  Engineer,  P.  A.  Rearick. 
Asst.  Engineer,  G.  B.  Ransom. 
Boatswain,  Francis  A.  Dran. 
Carpenter,  W.  W.  Richardson. 
Captain’s  Clerk,  Arthur  Schley. 


NAVAL  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA  109 

tough  old  vessels  should  drift  foul,  for  wherever  they  touched 
a scar  was  left.  The  writer  recalls  a number  of  stormy  nights 
when,  on  account  of  the  bitter  cold  weather,  it  was  not  easy  to 
carry  out  lines  to  vessels  in  dangerous  positions.  It  was  trying 
duty  to  those  in  the  boats,  and  many  suffered  from  frostbites  in 
this  exposure. 

The  election  for  President  had  occurred  in  the  fall,  and  the 
excitement  on  that  memorable  occasion,  over  what  was  known 
as  the  Tilden-Hayes  imbroglio,  ran  high.  It  resulted  finally  in 
the  endorsement  of  the  electoral  commission  which  seated  Mr. 
Hayes,  although  a majority  vote  of  the  people  had  been  given  to 
Mr.  Tilden.  General  Grant  was  in  the  last  year  of  his  second 
term,  and  the  squadron  was  assembled  at  Hampton  Roads. 

It  was  not  usual  in  those  days  for  the  commander-in-chief  to 
take  commanding  officers  into  full  confidence  with  respect  to  his 
instructions  or  purposes.  These  matters  were  generally  inter- 
preted in  the  instructions  given  them,  and  on  this  occasion  they 
were  to  keep  their  ships  in  readiness  for  any  service  at  any  mo- 
ment. This  wms  understood  without  further  suggestion  to  mean 
that  their  ships  were  to  be  kept  full  of  provisions  and  full  of 
coal,  with  the  magazine  and  shell  rooms  full  of  ammunition, 
shore  leave  being  limited  to  signal  distance.  Such  was  the  nature 
of  the  instructions  given  to  the  Essex,  and  under  them  such  was 
their  comprehended  scope.  Fortunately,  the  good  sense  of  our 
people,  as  in  every  other  question  of  national  moment,  found  a 
solution  of  the  electoral  dispute  that  was  acceptable,  though  it 
did  not  satisfy  the  Democratic  party.  There  was,  however,  a 
state  of  anxious  suspense  for  a few  months,  and  it  is  certain  that 
the  people  breathed  freer  when  a way  had  been  found  to  bridge 
over  a troublous  crisis  that  had  loomed  up  in  the  highway  of 
affairs  so  unexpectedly. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  the  neighboring  republic  of  Mexico  at 
that  time  required  the  presence  at  Vera  Cruz  of  a vessel  of  war 
to  protect  American  interests.  The  Essex,  being  ready,  was 
directed  to  proceed  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  on  February  7, 
1877,  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  and  anchored  off  Vera  Cruz 
some  eight  or  ten  days  afterward.  The  city  was  found  to  be 
orderly  and  was  held  by  troops  said  to  be  favorable  to  the  ac- 
cession of  General  Porfirio  Diaz,  wffio  was  expected  to  arrive  at 


110 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^iRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


any  time  from  New  Orleans.  In  fact,  only  a few  days  had 
elapsed  after  the  Essex^s  arrival  when  General  Diaz  arrived  and 
disembarked. 

It  was  only  a day  or  two  after  General  Diaz’s  arrival  that 
the  Governor  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  army  declared  for  him.  The 
wave  of  enthusiastic  loyalty  there  started  rolled  outward  and 
onward  over  the  mountains  to  the  capital  as  he  advanced  in  tri- 
umph to  the  interior.  From  that  day  to  this  the  Government 
established  by  General  Diaz  has  been  stable  and  undisturbed  by 
serious  revolt.  Mexico,  under  his  administration,  has  been  tran- 
quil, her  resources  have  been  developed,  her  wealth  has  increased, 
her  industries  have  grovm,  and  security  has  been  given  to  foreign 
capital  invested  in  the  country.  His  rule  has  been  one  of  much 
wisdom,  firmness  and  justice,  and  as  the  day  drawls  near  when 
this  capable  ruler  must  relinquish  the  cares  of  his  high  office, 
there  is  some  anxiety  to  secure  a successor  who  will  follow  the 
way  blazed  out  by  this  eminent  official. 

During  the  three  months  passed  in  this  harbor,  advantage 
was  taken  of  the  opportunity  to  visit  Orizaba  and  the  City  of 
Mexico,  where  the  climate  is  temperate  and  the  nights  are  usu- 
ally fresh,  affording  relief  to  those  whose  business  coniines  them 
to  the  ^‘tierras  calientes^’  along  the  coasts.  At  that  time  the 
only  railroad  in  the  republic  ran  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  City  of 
Mexico,  passing  over  the  mountains  through  a most  picturesque 
country,  up  grades  that  were  difficult  to  ascend  and  over  chasms 
that  required  great  engineering  talent  to  bridge  safely.  From 
Orizaba  to  Boca  del  Monte  the  scenery  is  most  attractive,  and 
as  the  train  winds  up  over  the  mountains  on  a well-secured  road- 
bed, the  views  of  valleys  and  plains,  stretching  out  in  various 
directions,  are  among  the  most  beautiful  in  the  world.  Over  the 
table-lands  the  route  is  dusty,  though  most  interesting  withal. 

Good  order  prevailing  throughout  the  country,  the  Essex  was 
recalled  to  join  the  squadron  at  Port  Royal,  S.  C.  Sailing  from 
Vera  Cruz  on  the  8th  of  May  and  touching  at  Key  West  to  take 
coal  on  board,* she  arrived  at  Port  Royal  on  !May  22d.  On  the 
way  across  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  the  winds  from  the  eastward 
freshened  into  a moderate  gale,  which  held  the  Essex  back  at 
least  a day,  so  that  Key  West  was  reached  in  the  night  and  the 
harbor  entered  without  our  being  able  to  distinguish  a single 


NAVAI.  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA 


111 


mark  on  account  of  the  violence  of  the  wind  and  a deluge  of 
rain. 

Commodore  A.  K.  Hughes  commanded  the  naval  station  at 
Port  Royal,  and  when  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Essex  re- 
ported the  ship’s  arrival  and  the  circumstances  of  her  cruise 
and  duty,  the  commodore  handed  him  his  orders  to  tow  one  of  the 
monitors  to  Norfolk  as  soon  as  the  vessel  could  be  got  ready  for 
sea.  Most  of  these  vessels  “laying  up”  at  Port  Royal  had  only 
skeleton  crews  on  board  to  keep  them  in  order,  but  not  sufficient 
to  handle  them  at  sea.  Only  two  or  three  days  were  needed  to 
coal  them  and  detail  officers  and  men  to  handle  their  engines  and 
steer  them  when  taken  out  of  the  harbor.  The  first,  assisting 
with  her  own  engines,  was  towed  at  a nine-knot  pace  to  Norfolk, 
making  the  passage  in  three  and  a half  days,  the  weather  being 
excellent  throughout  the  trip. 

Passing  the  flagship,  anchored  in  the  Roads,  signal  was 
received  “to  proceed  to  Norfolk  without  delay,  fill  up  with  coal 
and  return  to  Hampton  Roads  for  orders.”  As  quarantine 
against  all  ports  south  of  the  capes  had  been  established  at  Nor- 
folk, when  the  Essex  reached  the  quarantine  station  a delay  of 
over  two  hours  was  enforced  because  the  quarantine  doctor  was 
absent  from  the  station  in  Norfolk.  As  the  Essex  had  a clean 
bill  of  health  from  the  quarantine  doctor  at  Port  Royal,  show- 
ing a perfect  sanitary  condition,  and  misunderstanding  a mo- 
tion of  the  hand  of  the  person  at  the  quarantine  station,  waved 
toward  Norfolk,  to  mean  we  could  go  on,  the  Essex  proceeded  to 
the  Navy  Yard. 

The  following  day,  when  on  shore  procuring  necessary  per- 
sonal supplies,  the  writer  was  arrested  by  the  sheriff  and  placed 
under  bonds  of  one  thousand  dollars  to  appear  at  court,  under 
indictment  for  having  violated  the  quarantine  law  of  the  port. 
It  was  not  possible  to  make  any  explanation  of  the  circumstances, 
and  but  for  the  kindness  of  Mr.  Benjamin  Loyall,  a merchant  of 
Norfolk,  who  gave  the  required  bail,  the  writer  might  have  been 
obliged  to  go  to  jail  until  the  day  of  trial.  However,  the  Essex 
happened  to  be  in  Norfolk  in  August,  before  sailing  for  a for- 
eign station,  and  when  the  case  was  called  for  trial  the  writer 
appeared  with  his  bondsman  before  the  judge,  who,  in  a few 
minutes,  decided  the  fine  to  be  twenty  dollars  with  costs,  and 


112 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  case  was  closed.  The  writer  believed  in  this  matter  that  it 
was  a better  financial  investment  to  be  found  guilty  to  the  ex- 
tent of  twenty  or  thirty  dollars’  fine  than  to  be  declared  inno- 
cent after  a lengthy  contest  of  several  days,  costing  him  two  or 
three  hundred. 

On  the  16th  of  August,  1877,  the  Essex  sailed  for  Monrovia, 
on  the  west  coast  of  Africa.  Her  orders  directed  that  her  visit 
should  include  a number  of  ports  in  the  Liberian  Republic,  and 
that  her  commander  was  to  give  passage  to  any  of  the  officials 
of  that  state  who  might  desire  to  make  official  visits  to  any  of 
the  outlying  ports.  The  passage  was  made  undei  sail,  touching 
at  Madeira,  the  Canary  Islands  and  the  Cape  de  Verde  group. 

She  reached  Monrovia,  the  capital  city  of  Liberia,  on  the 
19th  day  of  October,  after  a delightful  passage  across  the  At- 
lantic. In  crossing  the  Gulf  Stream  at  any  season  of  the  year 
ships  are  liable  to  a disagreeable  shake-up,  which  sailors  in  the 
old  days  always  declared  was  a “farewell  kick.” 

At  Monrovia  the  officers  were  received  with  much  courtesy 
by  the  officials,  and  were  entertained  at  a banquet  given  by  the 
President  and  colored  officials  of  the  republic.  Our  Minister  was 
the  Hon.  J.  Milton  Turner,  a colored  man  of  excellent  education 
and  presence,  and  the  writer  recalls  many  delightful  hours  passed 
in  his  society.  He  was  admirably  informed  upon  all  matters 
relating  to  the  republic,  its  boundaries,  its  laws  and  its  people, 
and  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  his  associates,  as  well  as  by  the 
officials,  with  whom  he  was  on  cordial  terms  of  friendship.  Dur- 
ing a passage  of  two  or  three  days  he  was  quartered  in  the  cabin 
and  lived  at  the  commander’s  table,  and  was  an  interesting  man 
in  all  matters  talked  over. 

At  Cape  Palmas  later,  the  Governor  invited  attention  to  the 
fact  that  the  natives,  who  were  living  at  the  north  end  of  the 
port,  had  failed  to  execute  the  terms  of  a treaty  made  some  years 
before  with  Captain  A.  A.  Semmes  of  the  Navy,  with  respect  to 
the  delivery  of  several  cannon  in  their  possession.  He  was  re- 
quested to  invite  the  chiefs  to  an  audience  with  himself,  the 
writer  to  be  present,  at  the  Governor’s  house  on  any  day  most 
agreeable  to  himself.  Due  consideration  of  the  distance  to  be 
traversed  by  the  Governor’s  messenger  and  the  time  necessary 
for  the  chiefs  to  come  to  Cape  Palmas,  fixed  the  date  of  the  con- 


NAVAL  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA 


113 


ference  several  days  in  advance.  At  the  time  appointed  the 
commander,  accompanied  by  several  officers,  all  in  full  uniform, 
appeared  with  the  Governor  in  the  council  hall.  After  the  usual 
presentations  in  very  ceremonial  form  had  been  gone  through 
with,  the  Governor  arose  and  formally  read  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  made  by  those  chiefs  some  years  before  with  Captain  A. 
A.  Semmes,  and  then  inquired  what  the  reasons  were  for  the 
delay  in  complying  with  the  treaty  terms. 

One  of  the  chiefs  arose  and  apologetically  stated  that  the 
cannon  were  rather  heavy,  that  the  roads  were  bad,  the  cattle, 
for  want  of  good  pasture,  had  been  decimated,  and  that  on  ac- 
count of  bad  conditions  generally  for  a year  or  two  back  his 
people  had  been  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  fishing  for  a living. 
This  occupation  had  taken  the  men  away,  so  that  there  was  no 
possibility  of  his  being  able  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  the 
treaty. 

The  commander  informed  him,  in  reply,  that  it  was  a very 
grave  matter  to  evade  the  obligations  of  treaties  solemnly  made, 
and  he  was  satisfied,  now  that  all  the  difficulties  spoken  of  had 
disappeared,  that  the  chief  could  have  these  cannon  delivered 
to  Cape  Palmas  within  forty-eight  hours,  thus  avoiding  any  use 
of  force.  This  ended  the  council.  Within  thirty-six  hours  the 
cannon  were  dragged  in  by  the  tribes  and  delivered  to  the  Gov- 
ernor. 

Other  questions  more  complicated  had  to  be  adjusted.  To 
the  eastward,  in  the  Taboo  River  country,  the  chief  whom  the 
tribesmen  designated  as  King  Nimley  had  consented  with  two 
foreigners  to  change  the  eastern  boundary-line  a number  of  miles 
to  the  westward  in  order  to  evade  the  customs  laws  of  Liberia. 
In  these  matters  an  American  citizen,  co-operating  with  a Ger- 
man subject,  was  involved,  the  complaint  being  that  of  intro- 
ducing merchandise  into  this  village  instead  of  through  the  cus- 
tom house  at  Cape  Palmas. 

With  the  Governor  as  passenger,  the  Essex  arrived  off  the 
Taboo  River  country  November  13,  1877,  anchoring  directly  in 
front  of  King  Nimley ’s  village.  A note  was  addressed  to  the 
chief  inviting  him  to  a conference  on  board  ship,  and  placing  a 
boat  at  his  disposal  for  that  purpose.  Very  soon  after  a note, 
written  in  good  English,  was  received  from  King  Nimley  to  the 


114 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


effect  that  he  was  very  old  and  withal  blind ; therefore,  he  hoped 
the  commander  would  visit  him.  A second  note  brought  King 
Nimley  on  board  in  a very  few  minutes  after  it  had  been  re- 
ceived, accompanied  by  several  of  the  tribesmen  and  two  of  his 
youngest  wives.  The  unauthorized  change  of  the  boundary-line 
was  taken  up,  the  treaty  already  in  existence  was  read,  and 
King  Nimley  was  required  to  explain  why  he  had  undertaken 
even  to  discuss  these  matters,  which  were  in  no  degree  within 
any  authority  he  possessed  as  a subject  of  Liberia. 

His  reply  was  evasive;  his  reasons  were  untenable.  He  was 
required  to  place  the  boundary  mark  in  its  original  position, 
and  a compact  was  signed,  sealed  and  delivered.  Several  plugs 
of  tobacco  and  a few  naval  buttons  for  necklaces  for  his  young 
wives  were  exchanged  in  ratif5ung  the  new  instrument. 

In  return  for  these  the  King  desired  to  bestow  one  of  his 
wives  upon  the  commander,  but  he  was  informed  that  the  com- 
mander, being  already  married,  was  not  permitted  by  the  laws 
of  his  country  to  have  another  wife.  This  rather  disconcerted 
King  Nimley.  He  regretted  that  he  was  unable  to  make  the 
present,  as  the  young  queen  was  a good  companion  and  had 
never  been  sick  in  all  her  life.  He  added  that  she  knew  how 
to  manage  a hraal  perfectly. 

The  interview  having  terminated,  the  Governor  requested  the 
commander  to  arrest  the  American  and  the  German  who  were 
the  instigators  in  these  violations  of  the  law  of  Liberia.  The 
commander  was  obliged  to  decline  this  request  for  two  reasons: 
first,  that  under  international  law,  he  had  no  authority  over 
Americans  except  upon  the  high  seas,  and  could  only  arrest  them 
there  for  offences  against  their  own  country;  and,  second,  that 
he  had  no  power  to  arrest  the  citizen  of  a foreign  country  in  the 
territory  of  a country  over  which  his  own  country  had  no  control. 

To  these  propositions  the  Governor  disagreed,  and  submitted 
the  matter  to  the  government  at  IMonrovia.  Some  months  after- 
ward the  State  Department  at  Washington  brought  the  matter 
to  the  attention  of  the  Navy  Department,  requesting  reference  of 
the  correspondence  to  the  commander.  When  the  reasons  for  the 
action  taken  reached  the  State  Department,  the  commander  re- 
ceived a complimentary  endorsement  from  the  Secretary  of  State. 

The  Essex  left  Cape  Palmas  and  proceeded  eastward  to  the 


NAVAL  ACADEMY,  MEXICO  AND  AFRICA  115 

island  of  Fernando  Po,  in  the  Gulf  of  Guinea,  a penal  station 
belonging  to  Spain.  As  the  Essex  needed  coal  to  continue  her 
voyage  as  ordered,  and  as  there  was  none  to  be  had  at  this  port, 
a search  was  made  for  a quantity  of  American  coal  known  to 
have  been  landed  there  during  the  summer  of  1860.  This  fact 
was  recalled  from  recollection  of  a conversation  between  the  flag- 
officer  and  Lieutenant  Commander  W.  E.  LeRoy,  overheard  by 
chance  at  Loando.  The  flag-officer  desired  to  know  the  cause 
of  LeRoy ’s  delay  in  reaching  Loando,  and  his  explanation  that 
he  felt  it  his  duty  to  remain  for  a few  days  at  Fernando  Po  to 
hasten  the  discharge  of  the  coal-ship  to  avoid  demurrage  charges. 

It  happened  that  Jack  Savage,  the  head  krooman  of  the  Essex ^ 
had  served  with  LeRoy  at  that  time,  and  when  he  was  asked  if 
he  knew  where  this  coal  had  been  landed,  piloted  the  commander 
and  chief  engineer  to  the  spot.  As  the  vessels  of  the  African 
squadron  had  returned  home  very  shortly  after  this,  it  was  be- 
lieved that  enough  coal  remained  to  supply  the  Essex.  This 
proved  to  be  true,  the  coal  being  on  the  exact  spot  and  easily 
discovered  in  a mound  overgrown  with  vegetation  and  covered 
with  a foot  or  more  of  soil.  The  pile  was  uncovered,  and  there 
were  found  several  hundred  tons  of  excellent  anthracite  coal  in 
splendid  preservation,  from  which  the  Essex’s  bunkers  were 
fllled.  Subsequent  use  of  this  coal  indicated  that  it  was  splen- 
did steaming  coal,  and  that,  covered  over  as  it  had  been  for  so 
many  years,  it  had  suffered  in  no  degree  any  appreciable  loss  of 
efficiency.  This  “And”  relieved  the  situation  of  affairs  and  re- 
moved all  embarrassment  that  would  have  attended  further  cruis- 
ing through  a region  of  light  airs  and  strong  currents. 

Investigation  disclosed  the  fact  that  the  consular  agent  at 
Fernando  Po  had  been  directed  to  sell  this  coal  when  the  station 
was  abandoned  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  but  as  no  purchasers 
wanted  the  coal  used  only  by  the  American  Navy,  the  pile  ap- 
peared to  have  been  forgotten  and  had  lain  there  practically 
abandoned,  with  all  record  of  the  amount  lost  and  even  the 
whereabouts  of  the  pile  unknown.  It  was  thought  to  be  so  val- 
uable to  American  vessels  visiting  the  port  that  orders  were  given 
to  the  consular  agent  withdrawing  orders  to  dispose  of  it.  The 
department  at  Washington  was  informed  of  the  action  taken  with 
regard  to  it. 

9 


116 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  island  of  Fernando  Po  is  situated  in  the  Gulf  of  Biafra, 
and  distant  eight  or  ten  miles  from  the  African  coast.  Its  lati- 
tude is  about  4 degrees  north  of  the  Equator.  Its  climate  is  per- 
petual summer,  with  the  heat  almost  insupportably  intense. 
Rains  are  almost  incessant  and  torrential.  All  manner  of  pesti- 
lential insect  life  abounds  there  and  torments  existence  day  and 
night.  Life  there  is  only  possible  under  the  most  favored  con- 
ditions of  rest,  with  the  least  amount  of  movement  compatible 
with  life’s  necessities.  If  there  exists  on  this  earth  a spot 
more  nearly  akin  to  the  place  denominated  in  the  new  version 
of  the  Bible  as  Sheol,  the  writer  has  not  had  the  ill  luck  to  be 
ordered  in  his  cruises  to  visit  it. 

The  only  relief  comes  now  and  then  in  what  are  known  on 
that  coast  as  tornadoes,  which  are  presaged  over  the  mainland 
of  the  coast  by  the  appearance  in  the  northeast  of  dark,  straight- 
edged,  copper-colored  clouds.  After  these  are  seen,  the  interval 
of  time  is  short  before  these  violent  squalls  are  upon  ships  or 
towns  with  almost  irresistible  fury.  Generally  their  force  is 
spent  in  about  a half-hour,  but  while  they  continue  the  rains 
deluge  everything,  and  the  thunder  and  lightning  are  almost 
terrifying  to  the  uninitiated.  There  is  no  region  where  thunder 
and  lightning  are  seen  in  equal  intensity,  and  woe  be  to  any 
vessel  that  delays  a moment  too  long  in  gathering  in  sail  when 
these  clouds  are  seen  in  the  northeast. 


CHAPTER  XII 


TO  THE  CONGO  RIVER  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA 
1877-1878 

The  next  visit,  en  route  to  the  South  Atlantic  Station,  directed 
in  the  Essex’s  orders  was  the  “Colonie  Gabon,”  a French  set- 
tlement in  equatorial  Africa.  This  port  was  reached  on  No- 
vember 28th,  after  a short  run  from  Fernando  Po.  The  town 
of  Libreville,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Gaboon  River,  was  the  seat 
of  government,  where  the  governor,  a French  naval  officer,  re- 
sided. At  the  time  of  the  Essex’s  visit  this  officer  was  Captain 
Boitard,  who  extended  every  courtesy  and  attention  to  the  offi- 
cers of  the  ship.  This  station  was  also  the  headquarters  of  the 
settlement,  where  abundant  supplies  of  all  kinds  were  stored. 
There  was  a ‘ ‘ stationaire,  ’ ’ or  guard-ship,  moored  in  the  harbor 
and  several  gunboats  for  service  in  the  Gaboon  River  in  survey- 
ing or  in  extending  the  area  of  French  influence  and  authority 
in  that  region  of  equatorial  Africa. 

The  settlement  was  occupied  and  controlled  by  a guard  of 
marine  infantry  to  maintain  the  French  domination,  and  the 
government  as  established  by  the  governor  was  Arm,  yet  kind, 
considerate  and  just,  so  much  so  that  the  governor  informed  the 
writer  that  there  had  been  no  attempted  revolt  of  the  natives, 
although  they  outnumbered  the  French  ten  to  one.  This  region 
was  rich  in  palm  oil,  ivory,  dye-woods  and  some  gold.  The  ex- 
ploration of  the  country  had  discovered  the  Gaboon  to  be  a vast 
river,  extending  many  hundreds  of  miles  into  the  interior  through 
a country  diversified  by  hills  and  plains,  peopled  by  numerous 
tribes,  anxious  to  exchange  their  merchandise  for  the  products 
of  French  manufacture.  Until  this  visit,  the  writer  had  no  con- 
ception of  the  existence  of  this  outpost  of  the  French,  nor  of  its 
extent,  importance  or  advantage  to  that  nation  in  the  ultimate 
occupation  and  division  of  Africa  by  the  powers  of  Europe. 

Captain  Boitard  and  his  officers  did  everjThing  in  their  power 


117 


118 


FORTY-FIVE  YILcVRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


to  make  the  visit  of  the  ship  pleasant  through  courtesies  that  are 
recalled  at  this  day.  Dinners  were  given  and  returned.  Dances 
had  to  be  omitted,  primarily  because  there  were  no  European 
ladies  at  the  station,  although  if  there  had  been  the  intense  heat 
would  have  made  that  form  of  gayety  impossible. 

The  American  consular  agent  was  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bushnell,  a 
missionary  who  had  been  assigned  to  this  unhealthful  section  of 
the  coast.  He  had  taken  the  risk  of  having  IMrs.  Bushnell  with 
him,  but  the  effect  of  the  climate  was  noticeable  upon  both  those 
good  people. 

During  the  Essex’s  stay  in  these  waters  a visit  was  made  to 
the  grave  of  Lieutenant  Commander  W.  K.  AMieeler  as  a mark 
of  respect  to  the  memory  of  a comrade-in-arms  who  had  shared 
with  the  writer  the  perils  of  battle  in  the  far-off  hills  of  Kang 
Hoa,  in  Korea.  Poor  MTieeler  had  fallen  a victim  to  Bright’s 
disease,  which  developed  on  a cruise  in  the  Alaska  to  the  coast  of 
Africa  a year  or  two  before  the  arrival  of  the  Essex.  He  died 
about  the  time  of  his  arrival  and  was  buried  in  a little  cemetery 
not  far  from  the  consulate. 

The  salubrity  of  the  climate  of  this  part  of  the  world  had  an 
ardent  advocate  in  a French  lieutenant,  commanding  one  of  the 
river  gunboats.  He  declared  that  when  he  had  left  France,  some 
years  before,  ill  with  what  was  supposed  to  be  a pulmonary 
trouble,  he  had  never  expected  to  return  alive;  but  when  the 
Essex  made  her  visit,  he  pointed  with  evident  satisfaction  to  his 
avoirdupois  of  280  pounds,  of  which  180  had  been  gained  in 
equatorial  Africa.  He  thought  this  to  be  incontestable  evidence 
of  the  salubrity  of  the  climate  of  this  much-abused  part  of  the 
world. 

The  Essex’s  mission  to  that  coast  included  an  inquiry  into 
the  causes  of  the  destruction  of  an  American  schooner  by  the 
natives  at  Shark’s  Point,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  River,  and 
to  this  point  she  proceeded  from  the  Gaboon  River  to  ascertain 
the  causes  and  to  punish  the  natives  there  for  piracy,  if  the 
burning  of  the  vessel  had  been  unprovoked. 

Going  south  from  the  Gaboon,  the  Essex  crossed  the  Equator, 
and  as  there  were  a number  of  apprentices  on  board  who  were 
to  cross  the  line  for  the  first  time,  the  ceremony  of  Neptime’s 
visit  was  observed.  All  those  on  board  who  had  never  before 


TO  THE  CONGO  RIVER  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  119 


ventured  into  the  domain  of  his  majesty,  were  obliged  to  pay 
the  tribute  exacted.  It  consisted,  in  the  case  of  the  officers,  of 
a tribute  of  beer  to  Neptune  and  his  court,  and  in  that  of  the 
men,  of  a shave  and  plunge  afterward  into  a bath  improvised 
with  a tarpaulin  full  of  salt  water.  On  the  occasion  Neptune 
and  Amphitrite  were  arrayed  in  royal  robes,  and  each  member 
of  the  court  in  representations  of  mythological  characters  of  the 
realm.  Neptune  and  Amphitrite  arrived  over  the  bow  as  the 
Equator  was  reached.  Their  reception  and  welcome,  their  direc- 
tion and  supervision  of  the  ceremonies  of  initiating  the  marine 
tenderfoot,  were  interesting  to  the  novices  and  entertaining  to 
the  marine  graduate. 

The  ingenuity  displayed  in  making  up  the  costumes  of  Nep- 
tune and  his  court  was  marvelous,  and  the  disguises  of  the  par- 
ticipants, even  in  the  perfect  glare  of  daylight,  were  complete. 

On  the  9th  of  December  the  mouth  of  the  Congo  was  reached, 
after  several  days  of  steaming  against  the  strong  current  of  the 
river,  which  sets  northwardly  for  several  hundred  miles.  Shark ’s 
Point  was  visited,  but  found  to  be  a scene  of  desolation.  The 
natives  had  disappeared,  their  huts  were  destroyed,  their  cocoanut 
trees  were  burned,  and  the  whole  region  had  been  desolated  and 
made  uninhabitable.  Inquiry  made  at  Banana,  across  the  river, 
elicited  the  fact  that  as  soon  as  the  destruction  of  this  schooner 
was  known.  Commander  Leicester  Keppel,  of  the  British  Navy, 
stationed  on  the  coast,  proceeded  at  once  with  his  vessel  to  Shark ’s 
Point  and  promptly  avenged  the  outrage  in  the  manner  just  de- 
scribed. As  soon  as  the  details  of  this  prompt  and  friendly  ac- 
tion of  Commander  Keppel  were  ascertained,  it  was  with  much 
pleasure  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Navy  Department. 

This  event  having  been  satisfactorily  inquired  into  and  the 
particulars  ascertained,  the  Essex  proceeded  southward  to  St. 
Paul  de  Loando,  the  capital  city  of  the  Portuguese  colonies  in 
West  Africa,  where  she  arrived  a day  or  two  afterwards  to  remain 
only  as  long  as  might  be  required  to  renew  stores  of  coal  and 
provisions  to  enable  her  to  join  her  station  in  the  South  Atlantic. 

The  delay  here  was  improved  to  make  the  usual  ceremonial 
visits  to  the  governor,  as  required  by  the  naval  regulations.  In- 
cluded in  the  cruise  of  the  Essex  to  join  her  station  was  an  order 
directing  her  commander  to  run  a line  of  deep-sea  soundings 


120 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


from  St.  Paul  de  Loando  across  the  South  Atlantic  Ocean  to 
Cape  Frio,  Brazil.  An  outfit  of  piano-wire,  sounding-drums, 
sounding  apparatus,  perforated  shot,  deep-sea  thermometers,  and 
a score  of  other  things  the  instructive  experiences  of  Captain  Geo. 
E.  Belknap  of  our  Navy  had  shown  to  be  necessary  in  sounding 
the  Pacific,  had  been  placed  on  board  before  leaving  home.  It 
w^as  necessary  to  take  on  board  coal  enough  to  hold  the  ship  up 
to  the  wind  while  the  soundings  were  going  on,  Tvhich  were  to 
be  made  every  fifty  miles,  so  that  steam  had  to  be  kept  up 
throughout  the  trip,  although  sail  was  used  entirely  in  making 
this  passage  through  the  beautiful  southeast  trade-wind  region. 
This  duty  was  novel  to  all  on  board,  and  was  found  to  grow  in 
interest  after  the  apprehension  that  we  might  fail  had  disap- 
peared, as  it  soon  did  when  specimens  of  the  bottom  were  suc- 
cessfully brought  up  in  the  Brooke  sounder  from  2,000  fathoms, 
representing  two  nautical  miles  of  depth. 

The  ship,  being  in  all  respects  ready,  sailed  the  third  week 
in  December,  and  reached  St.  Helena  on  the  2d  of  January,  1878. 
The  soundings  taken  from  the  coast  westward  to  St.  Helena  dis- 
covered a basin  about  2,000  fathoms  in  depth  between  these  two 
points.  The  mud,  or  ooze,  from  the  bottom  rather  indicated  that 
it  was  a deposit  from  the  great  Congo  River  and  was  without 
any  form  of  infusorial  life,  the  few  minute  shells  found  being 
all  perforated.  The  temperatures  recorded  corresponded  with 
those  noted  in  Belknap’s  soundings  along  the  Pacific  beds,  and 
wTre  only  a little  above  32  degrees  Fahrenheit.  The  instruments 
used  for  this  purpose  were  the  Miller-Casella  maximum  and  min- 
imum thermometers,  approved  by  the  scientific  men  of  that  date. 

The  interest  of  everyone  increased  as  the  work  made  progress ; 
and  very  often,  when  the  hour  for  taking  the  cast  arrived  in  the 
night,  the  entire  watch  on  deck  would  gather  around  the  instru- 
ment, after  taking  in  sails  to  bring  the  ship,  under  steam,  head  to 
the  wind,  and  watch  with  deep  interest  the  drum  upon  which  the 
sounding  wire,  22  Birmingham  gauge,  unwound,  turn  after  turn, 
into  the  depths  of  the  ocean.  The  wire  used  weighed  in  the  air 
about  fourteen  pounds  to  the  mile  and  in  the  water  about  twelve 
pounds.  Its  tensile  strength  was  about  125  pounds,  with  an 
elastic  limit  of  about  20  per  cent.  At  times  the  sounder  sank 
twenty  to  thirty  feet  into  the  bottom  ooze  before  solidity  enough 


lO  THE  CONGO  RIVER  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  121 


was  reached  to  detach  the  sinker,  and  occasional  delays  took  place 
in  doing  so.  It  was  not  possible  to  recover  a shot  from  2,000 
fathoms  of  water,  without  certain  loss  of  the  wire  sounding  line. 

St.  Helena  rose  almost  precipitously  out  of  a depth  of  2,000 
fathoms  to  a height  of  1,200  feet  above  the  surface.  Its  forma- 
tion indicated  volcanic  origin  and  that  it  was  one  of  the  peaks 
of  a submarine  mountain  range  extending  from  the  Azores  to 
Tristan  d’Acunha;  Madeira,  the  Canary  Islands,  the  Cape  de 
Verdes,  St.  Paul’s  Rock  and  Ascension  being  the  other  points  of 
this  vast  range  projected  above  the  surface.  All  these  islands 
are  undoubtedly  of  volcanic  formation,  and  the  peaks  of  Pico, 
Teneriffe  and  Tristan  d’Acunha,  great  volcanic  cones,  are  evi- 
dences of  it. 

Situated  about  fifteen  degrees  south  of  the  Equator,  in  the 
region  where  the  southeast  trade-winds  blow  unintermittingly, 
St.  Helena  enjoys  a delightful  climate,  and  for  this  reason  its 
high  plateau  is  a splendid  sanitarium  w^herein  invalids  from  the 
African  coast  fevers  rapidly  regain  the  health  and  strength  that 
have  been  sacrificed  to  the  insalubrious  climate  of  that  hot  and 
pestilence-breeding  land. 

A goodly  number  of  the  crew  and  some  officers  fell  victims 
to  the  noxious  climatic  influences  of  the  coast,  but  happily,  owing 
to  the  charming  climate  of  the  island,  over  which  the  soft,  life- 
giving  breezes  of  the  southern  oceans  unceasingly  blow,  all  hands 
were  fully  restored  to  health  during  the  two  weeks  of  the  Essex’s 
visit.  Every  place  of  interest — and  there  were  many — connected 
with  the  historic  captivity  of  the  great  Napoleon  was  visited. 
The  Briars,  first  occupied  by  him,  had  become  the  property  of 
Mr.  Moss,  of  the  firm  of  Solomon,  Moss,  Gideon  & Co.,  and  the 
o^vner,  assisted  by  two  beautiful  daughters,  entertained  the  offi- 
cers most  hospitably  and  sumptuously. 

Longwood,  on  account  of  the  longer  period  of  the  captivity 
passed  there  by  the  great  emperor,  is  the  historic  mecca  of  all 
visitors.  This  most  delightful  spot  was  presided  over  by  Major 
Marechal,  an  officer  of  the  French  army,  who  was  the  guardien 
de  tomheau.  This  hospitable  officer  was  assisted  by  his  charm- 
ing wife  and  daughter.  The  latter  spoke  English  as  fluently  as 
an  American  girl  in  explaining  the  various  features  of  interest 
in  the  captivity  of  the  great  emperor  and  soldier.  Prom  the 


122 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


portico  of  the  house  in  which  Napoleon  died  the  utter  hopeless- 
ness of  any  attempt  to  escape  was  evident,  and,  in  looking  down 
over  the  rock-bound  coast,  lashed  as  it  was  with  ceaseless  seas, 
it  seemed  that  Sir  Hudson  Lowe  might  have  had  in  mind,  when 
he  designated  Longwood,  the  idea  that  this  hopelessness  would 
always  torture  the  prisoner,  from  whose  view  this  picture  was 
never  absent,  except  when  he  sought  the  shade  and  seclusion  of 
the  Willows,  where  his  body  lay  twenty  years  after  his  death. 

Every  moment  of  the  time  passed  on  this  beautiful  island 
was  fully  enjoyed  by  the  officers  and  men.  The  hospitable  peo- 
ple, from  the  governor  down,  were  imtiring  in  their  efforts  to  give 
them  pleasure.  Every  house  was  opened  to  their  visits ; dinners, 
dances  and  theatricals  were  features  of  nearly  every  day’s 
entertainment.  Almost  every  one  on  the  island  became  known 
to  us  for  some  generous  and  gentle  hospitality,  and  when  the 
time  came  to  sail  onward  there  was  long  and  lasting  regret,  so 
delightfully  was  our  time  passed  among  these  hospitably  kind 
islanders. 

The  parting  dance,  given  by  the  officers  of  the  Essex  the 
night  before  sailing,  brought  the  island  society  together  and  left 
a memory  of  pleasing  enjojonent  there.  The  governor  was  much 
interested  in  deep-sea  soundings,  and  next  day  went  out  a mile 
or  so  from  the  anchorage  to  witness  the  operation  of  making  a 
cast  and  picking  up  bottom  from  a depth  of  2,000  fathoms.  The 
sounding  concluded,  good-byes  were  exchanged,  and  the  Essex 
made  sail  for  Rio  de  Janeiro,  continuing  the  line  of  soundings 
until  Cape  Frio  was  reached  on  the  night  of  February  8th.  In 
this  passage  from  St.  Helena  westward,  the  depth  of  the  Atlantic 
was  found  to  vary  more  than  the  soundings  east  of  that  point 
had  done.  At  a distance  of  seven  to  nine  hundred  miles  west 
of  St.  Helena  the  lead  showed  only  nine  hundred  fathoms,  which 
indicated  a submarine  mountain  range  quite  a mile  high,  but 
from  that  point  the  soundings  fell  away  again  into  deeper  water 
with  unimportant  variations  until  the  plateau  of  the  South 
American  Continent  was  reached. 

Rio  de  Janeiro  was  reached  on  February  9th,  during  the  hot 
weather  of  the  midsummer  months  of  the  south  temperate  zone. 
The  entrance  to  the  bay  was  plainly  seen  a long  way  off  at  sea. 
Lord  Hood’s  Nose  was  in  plain  sight,  while  the  Corcovada  Moun- 


TO  THE  CONGO  RIVER  AND  SOUTH  AMERICA  123 


tains,  at  and  below  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  were  distinct  and 
picturesque  in  beauty  and  coloring. 

This  was  during  the  days  of  the  Emperor  Dom  Pedro,  when 
imperial  Rio  was  the  Paris  of  the  American  Continent  and  when 
Brazil’s  prosperity  and  wealth  appeared  greatest.  Rio  was  the 
port  of  the  South  Atlantic  that  was  the  most  popular  with  officers 
and  men  for  the  sprightliness  of  its  amusements,  the  vivacity  of 
its  pleasure-loving  people  and  their  generous  preference  for 
Americans.  Unfortunately,  it  was  the  season  when  yellow-fever 
prevailed  on  shore,  not  epidemically,  but  endemically,  as  for 
many  years  it  had  done,  to  the  menace  of  foreign  subjects  whose 
stay  there  had  not  been  sufficiently  long  to  give  immunity. 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  the  commander-in-chief. 
Rear  Admiral  E.  T.  Nichols,  would  be  in  Rio  at  that  season;  but 
as  the  line  of  soundings  had  brought  the  Ess-ex  to  the  entrance 
of  the  harbor,  it  was  thought  wiser  to  go  into  the  lower  bay  for 
mail  or  for  any  instruction  the  admiral  might  have  left  for  our 
movements.  There  was  therefore  no  communication  with  the 
shore,  except  for  mail,  which  contained  the  anticipated  instruc- 
tions from  the  admiral,  who  at  that  time  was  at  IMontevideo,  in 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  directing  the  Essex  to  report  at  that  point, 
at  the  same  time  transmitting  the  quarantine  regulations  of  that 
country  against  all  Brazilian  ports. 

It  would  astonish  the  health  authorities  of  our  country  to-day 
to  know  of  the  absurd  quarantine  supervision  of  those  days.  No 
matter  how  long  a ship  had  been  away  from  a Brazilian  port, 
or  whether  her  crew  were  infected  or  free  from  disease  on  arrival, 
the  ship  had  to  undergo  twenty-one  days  of  quarantine.  During 
this  interval  neither  the  health  officer  nor  his  deputy  visited  the 
ship  to  find  out  the  condition  of  health  on  board,  and  yet  no 
letter  or  matter  of  any  kind  was  permitted  to  leave  a perfectly 
healthful  ship  without  undergoing  a ruinous  experience  of  dis- 
infection which  nearly  or  quite  destroyed  it.  Ships  in  perfect 
sanitary  condition  and  crews  in  a perfectly  healthful  state  were 
anchored  among  those  whose  crews  or  passengers  were  dying 
with  fever,  utterly  disregarding  the  fact  that  this  action  men- 
aced the  healthful  vessel.  The  dictum  was  a quarantine  of 
twenty-one  days  for  all  indiscriminately.  The  apprehension  of 
the  state  officials  being  that  by  chance  a case  might  slip  through. 


124 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


therefore  they  proceeded  to  an  extreme  which  endangered  the 
commercial  interests  of  the  port.  ]\Iany  were  the  protests  of  mer- 
chants and  the  agents  of  foreign  steamship  lines  against  deten- 
tions so  ruinous  in  cost  and  so  injurious  to  the  business  of  the 
port. 

The  regulations  promulgated  by  the  health  authorities  in- 
cluded the  time  spent  in  making  the  passage.  As  interpreted 
by  the  quarantine  officer  on  our  arrival,  the  quarantine  began 
from  the  moment  the  anchor  was  let  go  at  Flores  Island.  The 
Essex,  to  avoid  long  detention,  loitered  on  the  way  from  Rio,  ex- 
ercising sails  and  at  target  practice,  to  consume  as  much  of  the 
twenty-one  days  as  possible,  but  to  no  avail.  Reaching  the  quar- 
antine station  at  Flores  Island,  the  health  officer  from  his  tug- 
boat alongside  directed  the  quarantine  to  be  the  full  term  from 
the  day  of  arrival.  During  the  entire  interval  there  was  no 
visit  by  the  health  officer  to  ascertain  her  condition  from  the  mo- 
ment of  anchoring  until  her  departure. 

No  explanation  availed  to  change  this  unreasoning,  senseless 
decision  of  the  health  officer,  which  condemned  the  Essex  to  a 
quarantine  practically  amounting  to  nearly  forty  days,  though 
there  were  no  sick  people  on  board  a ship  whose  sanitary  condi- 
tion was  perfect.  If  a more  insane  exhibition  of  imreasoning 
apprehension  of  yellow  fever  could  be  manifested  the  writer  has 
never  known  of  it. 

It  ought  to  be  stated  that  the  city  of  IMontevideo  is  most 
cleanly.  Its  situation  on  the  ‘banks  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  on 
elevated  ground,  exposes  it  to  the  winds  which  in  most  months 
of  the  year  come  from  the  sea.  With  good  sewerage  and  abun- 
dant rains,  the  city  is  imusually  healthful.  Nature  has  done  so 
much  for  it  that  if  assisted  in  ever  so  small  a degree  by  the 
authorities,  its  healthfulness  is  reasonably  secure  against  any  in- 
fection. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC 
1878-1879 

At  this  period  General  La  Torre  was  the  President  of  Urn- 
^ay,  and  under  his  rule  good  order  and  security  to  life  and 
property  prevailed  throughout  the  country.  As  happens  with 
all  strong  rulers  in  these  countries,  several  unsuccessful  attempts 
were  made  upon  his  life,  but  it  meant  woe  unto  those  caught  in 
those  abortive  attempts.  Very  naturally.  La  Torre  had  a coterie 
of  strong  friends  and  of  equally  strong  enemies.  He  was  fear- 
less in  exposing  himself,  and  quite  as  much  so  in  meting  out 
vengeance  upon  those  who  were  engaged  in  plots  against  the 
Government  as  represented  in  himself.  After  two  or  three  at- 
tempts had  been  made  upon  his  life,  with  summary  punishment 
of  those  who  undertook  them,  his  enemies  abandoned  all  further 
effort  to  remove  him  as  a scheme  likely  to  be  too  disastrous  to 
themselves. 

During  his  term  of  office  his  authority  was  absolute,  but  there 
were  security  and  good  order  even  to  the  remotest  corner  of  the 
country,  and  this  favored  the  industrial  and  commercial  develop- 
ment of  the  nation. 

General  John  C.  Caldv/ell  was  our  accredited  Minister  to  that 
Government  and  a better  qualified  official  could  not  have  been 
found  anywhere.  He  was  an  excellent  linguist,  who  spoke  Span- 
ish with  considerable  proficiency,  and  in  his  own  tongue  was  an 
accomplished  scholar.  General  Caldwell’s  influence  with  Gen- 
eral La  Torre  was  great,  for  the  reason  that  the  latter  always 
found  Caldwell’s  judgment  sound  and  his  counsel  in  all  matters 
prudent  and  wise.  General  Caldwell’s  relations  with  the  people 
were  friendly  and  close;  his  interest  in  the  public  schools  of  the 
republic  and  his  kindly  words  at  every  public  function  gave  him 
a notable  popularity  with  the  people  of  the  country.  During  his 
incumbency  every  commanding  officer  of  the  Navy  stationed  on 

125 


126 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


that  coast  had  occasion  to  remember  his  hospitable  home  and 
his  genial  companionship.  It  was  doubtless  due  to  General  Cald- 
welhs  high  qualifications  and  tactful  judgment  that  the  relations 
between  the  two  nations  were  so  cordial  at  this  time. 

The  seasons  in  the  northern  and  southern  hemispheres  must 
necessarily  be  opposites,  for,  when  the  sun  is  north  of  the 
Equator,  as  it  is  from  March  21st  to  September  21st,  the  months 
known  in  our  calendars  as  the  summer  months — June,  July  and 
August — are  the  winter  months  there  in  the  south,  while  from 
September  21st  to  March  21st,  when  the  sun  is  south  of  the 
Equator,  the  months  known  to  us  in  our  calendars  as  winter 
months — December,  January  and  February — are  the  summer 
months  there.  Some  time  must  be  spent  in  the  Argentine  or 
other  republics  south  of  the  Equator  before  one  becomes  used  to 
eating  green  corn,  tomatoes,  peas  and  melons  that  were  grown 
in  January  and  February. 

Except  under  rare  conditions,  neither  the  heat  of  the  sum- 
mer nor  the  cold  of  the  winter,  outside  the  tropics,  is  equal  to 
that  experienced  in  the  northern  hemisphere.  The  greater  area 
and  amount  of  water  in  the  southern  hemisphere  carries  the  iso- 
thermal curves  further  south,  and  thus  modifies  the  winter  tem- 
perature there  much  more  than  in  the  northern  hemisphere, 
where  these  same  lines  lie  nearer  the  Equator  owing  to  the 
greater  proportion  of  land.  The  winter  temperature  of  the  Rio 
de  la  Plata  is  rarely  below  52  degrees  and  that  of  the  summer 
not  above  80  degrees.  For  these  reasons,  when  the  temperature 
of  the  ports  nearer  the  Equator  grows  insupportably  hot  and 
yellow  fever,  cholera,  smallpox  and  such  pests  increase,  the  for- 
eign squadrons  take  refuge  in  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  and  ports  to 
the  south,  where  officers  and  men  can  enjoy  shore  leave  without 
being  exposed  to  the  possibility  of  introducing  infectious  dis- 
eases on  board  their  ships. 

After  reporting  to  Admiral  Nichols  for  duty  on  the  South 
Atlantic  Station,  the  Essex  remained  a few  months,  during 
which  interval  pleasant  visits  were  made  to  Colonia,  Buenos 
Ayers  and  Maldonado.  In  July  of  1878  she  proceeded,  in  com- 
pany with  the  flagship  II  art  ford,  to  Rio  de  Janeiro.  During 
her  stay  in  that  delightful  port  the  winter  gayeties  were  in  full 
sway.  These  were  inaugurated  by  a great  state  ball,  attended 


DOM  I’KDKO,  TJIE  EMDKKSS,  AND  TJlElli  DAU(}I1TEU  AND  SON-IN-LAW. 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  127 


by  the  Emperor  Dom  Pedro  and  Empress,  with  the  court  and 
court  society. 

The  admiral  and  staff  having  been  presented  officially  already 
to  the  emperor,  who  a short  time  before  had  visited  the  United 
States,  the  meeting  on  this  occasion  was  more  in  the  nature  of  a 
social  presentation  to  their  Majesties  by  the  master  of  ceremonies. 
The  emperor,  on  these  pleasant  occasions  of  social  intercourse 
with  his  people,  was  most  genial  and  pleasant,  and  by  far  more 
democratic  in  his  receptions  and  conversations  than  most  rulers 
whom  the  writer  had  ever  met. 

On  entering  the  ball-room,  the  custom  of  the  country  was 
to  place  the  ladies  on  one  side  of  the  room  and  the  gentlemen 
opposite  on  the  other.  Between  these  two  lines  all  arriving  guests 
were  conducted  by  the  master  of  ceremonies  to  make  their 
obeisance  to  the  emperor  and  empress  at  the  head  of  the  room. 
This  courtesy  paid,  the  guests  were  then  presented  to  the  ladies 
of  the  court. 

These  balls,  in  the  imperial  days,  used  to  be  the  occasions 
when  more  exquisite  and  rare  brilliants  were  to  be  seen  worn 
by  the  wealthy  than  in  any  other  capital  of  the  world.  The 
exquisite  old  mine  white  gems  of  Brazil  were  to  be  seen  in  full- 
est perfection  and  magnificence.  Looking  wherever  one  might 
at  the  women,  brilliant  fiashes  of  color  from  hair,  or  necklace,  or 
corsage,  or  arms,  appeared  in  one  dazzling  and  endless  profusion 
and  confusion.  How  much  more  dazzling  this  scene  would  have 
been  with  the  brilliance  of  electric  lights.  But  as  that  scene  is 
recalled  to-day,  with  the  gaslights  of  that  time,  it  was  simply 
indescribably  beautiful. 

With  this  opening  ball  the  season  was  considered  to  have 
begun,  and  following  it  there  w^ere  endless  social  gayeties,  with 
operas  three  nights  a week,  and  into  this  whirl  the  admiral  and 
his  staff  were  drawn,  owing  to  the  cordial  feeling  of  the  people 
toward  our  own. 

In  the  midst  of  this  gay  season  a telegram  from  the  Govern- 
ment at  home  announced  the  wreck  of  an  American  ship  on  the 
island  of  Tristan  d’Acunha,  with  orders  to  send  a vessel  to  her 
relief.  The  one  invariable  rule  observed  on  board  the  Essex  was 
to  be  ready  at  all  times  for  any  service  as  soon  as  the  outstand- 
ing public  bills  on  shore  could  be  paid,  and  in  this  instance  the 


128 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Essex  sailed  as  soon  as  steam  could  be  raised  to  leave  port  on 
the  duty  assigned,  which  the  admiral  made  as  agreeable  as  pos- 
sible by  extending  the  cruise  to  Cape  Town,  in  South  Africa, 
and  to  include  St.  Helena  on  the  return  to  the  coast  of  South 
America.  No  time  was  prescribed  for  the  vessel’s  return  beyond 
the  proviso  that  when  the  duty  had  been  performed  she  could 
return  via  St.  Helena  and  thence  rejoin  the  squadron,  after  ex- 
amining a danger  reported  on  the  southwest  edge  of  the  Hotspur 
Bank,  lying  east  of  the  Abrolhos  Reef,  on  the  coast  of  Brazil. 

The  day  of  sailing  from  Rio,  September  21,  1878,  was  the 
September  equinox.  The  weather  was  unusually  bad  and  thick 
outside  the  harbor,  but  the  urgency  of  the  duty  was  such  that 
delay  was  not  thought  of.  Outside  the  wind  blew  a moderate 
gale  from  the  southwest,  with  heavy  seas  and  a dense  fog  which 
obscured  all  landmarks,  though  with  careful  navigation  all  dan- 
gers were  avoided  and  the  open  sea  was  gained  without  other 
incident  than  a good,  lively  shake-up  for  forty-eight  hours  fol- 
lowing. 

A good  offing  from  the  land  being  made,  sail  was  set  and 
steam  allowed  to  die  down  in  the  boilers,  as  the  ship’s  motion 
was  less  disagreeable  under  sail,  though  only  in  small  degree,  as 
she  worked  her  way  southward  to  the  region  of  variable  winds 
off  the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  where  the  prevailing  breezes  were  westerly. 
Those  brave  ‘ ‘ west  winds,  ’ ’ as  Maury  calls  them  in  his  Physical 
Geography  of  the  Sea,  were  reached  in  eight  or  ten  days  out  of 
Rio,  and  before  them  the  Essex  scudded  like  a winged  racer  for 
some  eight  days  more,  when  the  high  peak  of  that  wind-swept, 
desolate  island  of  Tristan  d’Acunha,  away  off  in  the  middle  of 
the  South  Atlantic,  was  raised  ahead  in  the  gray  mists  of  the 
morning  on  the  eastern  horizon,  and  was  reached  on  the  morn- 
ing of  October  10th,  the  only  day  in  the  previous  month  when 
it  had  been  possible  for  the  islanders  living  on  its  northwest  side 
to  communicate  safely  with  passing  vessels. 

The  day  of  the  Essex’s  arrival  was  exceptionally  beautiful. 
The  sea  had  calmed  down  and  the  winds  had  lulled  for  a few 
hours.  During  the  short  stay  there  full  advantage  was  taken 
of  the  occasion  by  the  islanders  to  visit  the  ship  with  vegetables, 
chickens,  eggs  and  sheep  for  sale.  The  governor  of  this  forlorn 
outpost  was  an  American  sailor  from  New  London  or  Stoning- 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  129 


ton  of  the  name  of  Peter  Green,  who  was  astonishingly  well  read 
and  intelligent,  being  well-informed  on  topics  of  the  day  and 
what  was  going  on  in  the  great  world  beyond  his  horizon. 

He  explained  graphically  the  manner  in  which  the  American 
ship  Mabel  Clark  was  lost,  and  the  manner  of  discovering  the 
fact  from  wreckage  seen  the  following  day  drifting  past  the 
island.  Great  risks  had  these  hardy  islanders  taken  to  launch 
their  boats  through  the  heavy  surf  on  the  beach  into  the  high 
seas  to  reach  and  rescue  the  crew,  facing  great  peril  to  save 
those  of  the  crew  who  had  clung  to  the  cliffs  after  the  ship  sank, 
as  she  did  within  a few  minutes  after  the  disaster.  The  news 
of  the  loss  of  this  ship  had  to  find  its  way  to  Cape  Town  by 
some  passing  vessel,  and  then  to  the  United  States  by  mail,  as 
the  submarine  cable  had  not  yet  reached  the  Cape.  For  this 
reason  some  months  elapsed  before  the  news  of  this  shipwreck 
could  reach  Admiral  Nichols  at  Rio  and  relief  could  be  sent  to 
the  aid  of  the  unfortunates.  The  captain  of  the  wrecked  ship 
had  taken  advantage  of  a passing  vessel,  bound  to  Cape  Town, 
with  as  many  of  the  rescued  crew  as  could  be  accommodated, 
before  the  Essex  arrived. 

One  of  the  crew,  a fine-looking  German,  had  decided  to  re- 
main behind,  a captive  to  the  winsome  smiles  of  the  governor’s 
granddaughter,  Mary  Anna  Green.  He  had  determined  to  cast 
his  lot  with  the  others  on  that  storm-lashed  island  in  the  far-off 
southern  seas.  He  was  only  another  example  of  the  truth  that 
love  conquers  all  things,  great  and  small,  and  that  when  it 
fills  the  soul  there  is  no  wall  too  high,  no  sea  too  deep,  no  island 
too  desolate,  and  no  land  too  remote  to  defeat  its  purposes  to 
live  in  the  happy  sunshine  and  smiles  of  the  chosen  one. 

The  commander  had  not  been  ordained  in  clerical  offices, 
and  there  was  no  law  or  regulation  giving  authorization  to  unite 
anyone  in  the  bonds  of  wedlock ; therefore  there  was  some  doubt 
in  his  mind  as  to  the  validity  of  such  an  officiation.  But  the 
governor  swept  away  all  further  delay  with  an  assurance  that 
anyone  whom  the  great  Government  of  the  United  States  had 
commissioned  to  protect  its  honor  was  quite  good  enough  under 
any  circumstances,  in  the  absence  of  an  ordained  minister,  to 
unite  his  granddaughter  in  marriage.  Accordingly,  the  beauti- 
ful marriage  service  of  the  Episcopal  Church  was  read  to  those 


130 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


affianced  lovers  in  the  presence  of  witnesses,  and  was  as  satis- 
factory to  them  as  if  an  archbishop  of  Canterbury  had  been  the 
celebrant. 

The  sea  had  calmed  down  considerably,  though  the  long  roll 
of  the  swell  rarely  ever  disappears  in  those  high  southern  lati- 
tudes, and  in  consequence  it  gave  the  ship  some  motion.  The 
young  lady  in  the  case  was  not  so  good  a sailor  as  the  lusty 
young  fellow  she  had  chosen,  and  so  the  services  were  inter- 
rupted two  or  three  times  by  the  young  lady  in  order  to  pay 
tribute  to  old  Neptune.  The  commander’s  steward,  anticipating 
such  a contingency,  had  made  all  preparations  to  take  care  of 
this  part  of  the  ceremony. 

The  ceremony  ended,  the  couple  joined  were  warmly  con- 
gratulated, but  the  motion  of  the  ship  was  almost  too  uncom- 
fortable for  the  wife’s  nerves,  and  so  she  and  her  husband  took 
the  first  long-boat  for  shore.  Jackie  forward,  in  his  usual  im- 
promptu way,  determined  that  nothing  should  be  omitted  in 
this  bride’s  “send-off”  that  custom,  justified  in  his  own  land, 
and  so  provided  a quantity  of  rice  to  bombard  her  as  she  passed 
down  over  the  gangway.  Eice  was  literally  rained  on  the  couple 
as  they  left  the  ship,  and  much  to  their  delight,  if  smiles  and  glad 
thanks  are  omens  of  its  existence. 

The  weather  was  delightful,  and  the  opportunity  for  good 
observations  was  excellent  during  the  few  hours  of  the  Essex’s 
stay.  From  those  taken  by  Lieutenant  Asa  Walker,  it  was 
found  that  the  position  of  the  island  as  given  on  the  chart  was 
erroneous  by  some  eighteen  miles  in  latitude,  the  main  island 
being  really  that  distance  to  the  north  of  its  position  on  the  chart. 
Corresponding  differences  were  discovered  in  the  assigned  longi- 
tude which  would  account  for  the  loss  of  the  ship  referred  to. 

During  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  the  Essex’s  arrival, 
her  business  being  completed,  she  made  sail  for  Cape  Town, 
having  a fair  northerly  wind  which  increased  in  force  after 
a few  hours.  Generally  in  these  high  south  latitudes,  after 
a few  hours  of  light  wind  from  the  north,  the  barometer  begins 
falling,  the  skies  cloud  over,  and  the  winds  increase  in  strength 
as  they  veer  to  the  northwest  and  westerly  directions.  Ships,  as 
a rule,  scud  before  them  under  reduced  sail,  keeping  a sharp 
lookout  on  the  barometer,  which  falls  as  the  wind  increases,  some- 


CAPE  TOWN  AND  TABLE  MOUNTAIN. 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  131 


times  for  two  or  three  days  before  the  final  shift  to  southwest 
occurs.  This  shift  is  sudden  and  violent,  striking  the  ship  with 
almost  sledge-hammer  force.  If  this  occurs  at  night  in  a few 
minutes  afterward  the  clouds  break  away,  giving  glimpses  of  the 
brilliant  stars  of  these  high  southern  latitudes,  and  their  brilliance 
seems  intensified  in  the  clear,  crisp  air  coming  from  the  Antarctic 
regions. 

Such  was  the  Essex’s  experience  while  making  this  passage 
to  Cape  Town,  only  one  night  being  lost  on  account  of  the  vio- 
lence of  the  sea,  which  deluged  her  decks  and  forced  her  com- 
mander to  “lay  to”  to  avoid  smashing  things.  Cape  Town  was 
reached  on  October  20th,  but,  as  the  roadstead  was  dangerous  in 
the  winter  months,  the  ship  was  placed  in  the  Alfred  Docks,  built 
by  the  British  to  protect  ships  engaged  in  commerce,  as  few  ships 
could  brave  the  heavy  seas  from  the  northwest  which  roll  into 
Table  Bay  before  the  violent  northwesters  in  the  winter  season. 

The  visit  of  the  Essex  occurred  during  the  incumbency  of  Sir 
Bartle  Frere  as  Governor  of  Cape  Colony;  but  on  account  of  im- 
portant business  His  Excellency  was  absent  in  Natal,  although 
Lady  Frere  and  his  charming  daughters  omitted  no  attention  to 
the  commander  and  his  officers  during  the  stay.  Indeed,  the 
same  was  true  of  all  the  good  people  met  there. 

In  years  gone  by  the  commander  had  visited  the  Cape  on  two 
other  occasions,  and  the  hospitable  people  of  Wineberg,  among 
them  the  Van  Clutes  and  Von  Renans,  living  in  that  region, 
famed  for  its  excellent  Constancia  wines,  had  extended  princely 
hospitality  and  welcome.  No  thought  of  the  Cape  could  be  com- 
plete in  the  minds  of  the  older  officers  that  does  not  include  them. 
A delightful  lunch  with  them  on  this  occasion  gave  the  oppor- 
tunity for  a talk  of  old  times  and  of  old  friends,  some  of  whom 
in  the  lapse  of  time  had  passed  to  the  great  beyond,  but  the  mantle 
of  hospitality  was  still  in  the  old  places. 

A fortnight  among  these  hospitable  people  was  spent  delight- 
fully, and  the  Essex  then  turned  her  prow  toward  St.  Helena 
on  November  2,  1878.  She  was  favored  by  strong  southeast 
winds,  which  the  “table-cloth”  of  clouds  over  Table  Mountain 
had  foretold  for  a day  or  two  before  her  sailing  day.  Owing, 
however,  to  variable  winds  along  the  route,  St.  Helena  was  not 
reached  until  November  16th,  but,  as  the  Essex  was  only  return- 
10 


132 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ing  to  friends,  her  arrival  gave  great  pleasure  to  those  kind 
islanders.  Entertainments  of  all  kinds  for  the  week  of  her  stay 
were  handsomely  reciprocated  by  the  officers  on  board.  It  was  the 
last  visit  the  Essex  made  to  this  island,  and  was  one  to  be  remem- 
bered. On  November  23d  she  turned  westward  for  the  long  voy- 
age across  the  South  Atlantic  to  rejoin  the  admiral  at  Monte- 
video. The  commander-in-chief ’s  orders  to  examine  a danger 
reported  on  the  southwest  side  of  the  Hotspur  Bank  were  com- 
plied with,  but  no  danger  could  be  found  after  a most  careful 
and  critical  search  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances  of 
weather  and  sea.  The  captain  who  reported  its  existence  was  out 
in  his  longitude,  and  doubtless  mistook  Abrolhos  Shoals  for 
Hotspur  Bank. 

As  the  Essex  had  not  visited  any  of  the  ports  of  Brazil  on  this 
round  of  the  station,  she  escaped  quarantine  at  IMontevideo  on 
arriving  there,  December  22d,  and  her  officers  and  men  enjoyed 
their  Christmas  dinner  with  friends  ashore ; though  it  did  seem, 
when  green  corn,  tomatoes,  and  fresh  vegetables  were  served, 
that  somehow  or  other  something  of  the  Christmas  in  our  northern 
land  was  missing.  It  was  not  only  the  snap  of  winter,  or  the 
glow  of  the  fire,  but  the  absence  of  loved  ones  gathered  to- 
gether that  were  missed.  It  ought,  however,  to  be  said  of  the 
friends,  made  in  those  far-off  lands,  that  everjTliing  to  give  this 
day  a home  meaning  was  done  for  those  exiled  by  their  service. 

Not  many  had  been  the  days  of  rest  after  the  round  of  the 
great  Southern  Ocean,  when  another  despatch  announced  the  loss 
of  the  sealing  schooner  Charles  Shearer,  hailing  from  Stonington, 
Conn.,  in  the  regions  about  Cape  Horn.  She  was  reported  to  have 
set  out  from  Diego  Ramirez  for  a cruise  to  the  South  Shetland 
group  in  the  spring  of  1878.  The  information  transmitted  by 
Governor  Jewell  conveyed  a supposition  of  her  loss,  as  she  had 
not  been  heard  from  for  nearly  a year.  This  sent  the  Essex 
off  on  another  search  in  these  waters,  on  another  trip  of  rescue, 
in  prosecuting  which  she  arrived  at  Port  Stanley,  Falkland 
Islands,  on  February  5,  1879.  In  the  old  clipper-ship  days.  Port 
Stanley  was  the  haven  of  refuge  of  all  vessels  battered  and 
bruised  by  the  seas  and  gales  off  Cape  Horn,  and  was  naturally 
the  objective  in  such  searches  for  information  of  the  unfortunates. 
It  was  the  abode  of  hardy  seamen  who  had  grown  used  to  stormy 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  133 


seas.  The  gales  of  the  middle  latitudes  were  to  these  sturdy 
sailors  merely  boisterous  weather  compared  to  the  stout  gales  so 
general  about  that  stormy  Cape  at  all  seasons  of  the  year. 

Fortunately,  a day  or  two  before  the  arrival  of  the  Essex, 
the  American  sealing  schooner  Colgate  had  touched  at  Port 
Stanley  from  a cruise  in  December,  1878,  to  the  South  Shetland 
group.  The  report  was  that  it  was  impossible  to  approach  that 
group  nearer  than  150  miles  on  account  of  heavy  ice.  Captain 
Willis  of  the  schooner  Allen  Gardner,  belonging  to  the  South 
American  Missionary  Society  of  Ushuwuia,  Tierra  del  Fuego, 
arrived  a day  or  two  after  the  Essex.  The  intelligence  he  brought 
of  the  weather  about  Cape  Horn  the  day  and  night  following  the 
supposed  departure  of  the  Charles  Shearer  was  alarming.  The 
extraordinary  severity  of  the  gale  from  the  northwest,  with  vio- 
lently sudden  shifts  to  southwest,  endangered  any  vessel  unless 
she  was  exceptionally  well  found  and  seaworthy. 

The  log-book  of  his  vessel  verified  his  statement,  and  this 
record  was  corroborated  by  the  records  of  weather  kept  at  the 
missionary  station,  from  whence  the  original  report  had  reached 
Washington.  The  admiral’s  instructions  forbade  risking  the 
Essex  in  the  ice,  as  her  four-bladed  propeller  was  too  vulnerable, 
and  as  she  was  in  no  w^ay  equipped  wdth  sheathing,  or  provision, 
or  clothing  suitable  for  ice  work,  if  through  any  bad  luck  she 
should  be  caught  in  the  pack  for  the  winter.  These  things,  taken 
with  the  uncertainty  of  the  schooner ’s  destination,  and  the  almost 
certain  fact  that  she  had  foundered  at  sea,  and  the  still  more 
definite  fact  that  the  South  Shetland  Islands  had  been  inacces- 
sible after  she  w^as  reported  to  have  set  out,  decided  the  com- 
mander not  to  risk  the  Essex  in  undertaking  what  was  impossible. 
The  Shearer  was  never  heard  from  again,  and  must  have  foun- 
dered near  Cape  Horn. 

The  Essex  returned  to  Montevideo  on  February  17,  1879,  and 
in  April  of  that  year  she  surveyed  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de  la 
Plata  from  Maldonado  outward  to  Cape  Polonio.  The  survey 
was  extended  off  shore  for  fifty  miles  to  include  and  touch  the 
La  Plata  Bank.  A month  of  work  resulted  in  several  important 
discoveries  of  depths,  characteristics  of  the  bottom  and  peculiari- 
ties in  the  hydrography  of  the  region  that  made  the  approaches 
to  the  river  safe  and  reliable  in  any  kind  of  weather.  Before  this 


134 


FORTY-FIVE  YE.^JlS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


survey  was  made  there  had  been  great  difficulty  in  approaching 
the  river,  as  the  soundings  on  all  charts  appeared  to  have  been 
made  haphazardly  here  and  there  only.  The  chart  made  from 
this  survey  showed  no  fewer  than  several  hundreds  of  accurate 
soundings,  through  which  a well-defined  mud-well  was  traced, 
with  accurate  sailing  directions  for  entering  the  river. 

In  August  of  1879  the  Essex  sailed  for  Rio  de  Janeiro,  home- 
ward bound.  During  this  passage  she  experienced  the  most 
tempestuous  weather  of  the  cruise — a veritable  cyclone  of  great 
violence;  but,  being  well  found  and  admirably  manned  by  a 
splendid  crew  of  disciplined  officers  and  men,  she  rode  through 
it  without  other  injury  than  a broken  bolt  in  her  engines. 

On  August  26,  1879,  the  Essex  sailed  for  Bahia,  en  route  to 
Philadelphia,  as  directed  by  her  orders.  The  occasion  of  her  visit 
to  Bahia  was  to  arrange  a difficulty  that  had  taken  place  with  the 
customs  officers  with  reference  to  the  clearing  of  an  American 
vessel.  This  required  only  a day  or  two,  after  which  she  sailed 
for  home  all  hands  agog  for  a hearty  cruise,  not  caring  for  storm 
or  squall. 

She  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the  9th  of  October,  1879,  after 
a full  three  years’  cruise  without  the  loss  of  an  important  spar 
or  sail.  Some  who  had  begun  the  cruise  with  her  were  left  behind, 
having  fallen  victims  to  that  dreaded  scourge,  yellow  fever. 
In  the  main,  the  health  of  the  ship’s  company  had  been  good 
throughout  the  cruise.  The  work  done  by  the  Essex  during  this 
commission  is  best  described  in  the  following  letter  from  the 
Honorable  Secretary  of  the  Navy : 

Navy  Department, 
Washington,  21st  Oct.,  1879. 

Sir:  The  Department  has  received  the  report  of  the  inspection  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  Essex,  made  on  her  recent  arrival  at  League  Island  from  a three  years’ 
cruise  on  the  South  Atlantic  Station;  also  your  report  of  the  qualities  of  that 
ship,  and  the  conduct  of  her  officers  and  crew. 

The  result  of  the  inspection  shows  that  the  Essex  was  in  a condition  most 
creditable  to  the  Commander  and  other  officers,  and  that  there  was  abundant 
evidence  that  throughout  the  cruise  the  most  admirable  discipline  and 
thorough  efficiency  had  been  maintained. 

The  report  of  the  inspection  has  been  exceedingly  gratifying  to  the  De- 
partment, and  none  the  less  so  is  your  own  report  of  the  excellent  qualities  of 
the  Essex,  the  attention  and  skill  of  her  officers  and  the  admirable  conduct 
and  efficiency  of  her  crew. 


ANOTHER  YEAR  IN  THE  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  135 


The  Essex,  after  a cruise  of  unusual  activity  and  often  exposed  to  the 
severest  weather  both  in  the  tropic  and  temperate  zones,  returns  in  an  almost 
perfect  condition  save  ordinary  wear  and  tear,  and  could  again  be  despatched 
at  once  on  distant  service.  All  this  is  most  gratifying  evidence  of  the  excel- 
lent qualities  of  the  ship,  the  faithful  manner  in  which  she  was  fitted  and  her 
able  and  careful  management.  The  fact  that  she  has  sailed  and  steamed  over 
40,000  miles,  without  losing  a spar  or  sail,  is  a high  compliment  to  her  officers 
and  crew,  especially  to  the  apprentice  boys  who  composed  the  greater  part 
of  the  latter. 

I am  glad  to  know  you  have  had  a ship  of  which  you  may  well  feel  proud, 
that  you  have  had  faithful,  skillful  officers  to  second  you,  and  a crew  whose 
conduct  has  left  behind  them  a good  name  at  all  places  visited  and  whose 
seamanlike  qualities  have  been  so  manifestly  marked  and  indicated  in  the 
admirable  condition  of  the  ship  which  they  have  handled. 

To  you  and  to  all  under  your  command  the  Department  tenders  its  con- 
gratulations and  thanks. 

I am,  sir,  very  respectfully  yours, 

R.  W.  Thompson, 

Commander  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N.,  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Commanding  U.  S.  S.  Essex, 

League  Island,  Pa. 

This  letter  was  read  to  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Essex  at 
general  muster,  and  to  it  was  added  the  commander’s  gratifica- 
tion and  thanks  to  the  officers  and  men  for  their  loyal  help  and 
care  in  earning  the  department’s  commendation  for  the  work  of 
the  cruise  just  ended.  On  October  24th  the  commander  was 
detached  and  the  Essex  went  out  of  commission. 

In  those  days  the  ship’s  company  were  required  to  strip  the 
ship  “to  a gantline,”  preliminary  to  detachment,  and  this  was 
done  by  the  crew  of  the  Essex  prior  to  their  discharge  at  the  end 
of  their  long  and  active  cruise. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR;  YEARS  OF  HOHP:  DUTY 

1880-1883 

Only  a short  fortnight  of  rest  was  allowed  after  the  long 
and  arduous  cruise  in  the  South  American  and  African  waters, 
described  in  the  preceding  pages,  when  orders,  dated  November 
5, 1879,  were  received  to  duty  in  Washington,  on  a board  of  which 
Capt.  F.  A.  Roe  was  senior  officer,  with  Capt.  Oscar  A.  Badger 
as  associate  member.  The  purpose  of  this  board  was  to  revise 
and  correct  the  allowance  book  for  the  Navy;  but,  before  this 
could  be  done,  the  various  types  of  vessels  had  to  be  classified; 
many  obsolete  supplies  had  to  be  excised  and  many  articles  which 
new  conditions  had  made  necessary  had  to  be  introduced  to  take 
the  places  of  obsolete  things. 

The  work  required  great  familiarity  with  new  details.  Steel 
rigging  had  replaced  hemp;  iron  had  been  substituted  for  rope 
in  many  places  on  yards  and  masts;  steam  had  replaced  sail; 
tacks  and  sheets  had  been  replaced  by  coal-whips.  The  duty 
of  prescribing  rules  to  determine  the  sizes  and  strength  of  these 
was  left  to  the  board  to  fix  rather  than  to  the  judgment  of  con- 
structors at  the  several  yards.  The  quantities  of  all  things 
needed  by  the  several  vessels,  whose  capacity  to  stow  them  away 
had  been  trenched  upon  by  the  machinery  and  boilers,  which  had 
come  to  stay,  had  to  be  gauged  with  great  care.  Rules  for  the 
size  of  all  wire  rigging  had  to  be  made,  if  vessels  were  to  carry 
sails,  and  were  to  be  determined  entirely  by  the  greatest  area  of 
sail  to  be  exposed  to  the  effect  of  winds  at  a specified  velocity 
upon  the  square  inches  exposed.  Other  questions  of  weight  and 
quantity  also  demanded  care,  thought  and  experience. 

In  addition  to  this  duty,  the  Chief  of  the  Navigation  Bureau 
directed  the  writer,  with  Lieutenant  E.  AV.  A^ery,  to  examine  the 
136 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR 


137 


merits  and  investigate,  experiment  and  report  upon  the  value 
of  the  Bassnett  Patent  Sounder ; that  is  to  say,  determine  if  the 
sounder  presented  to  the  examiners  could  take  the  place  of  the 
old-fashioned  lead  and  line  then  in  use.  Its  merits  were  apparent, 
in  that  it  permitted  accurate  soundings  to  be  taken  from  the  ship 
while  running  at  any  speed,  thus  superseding  the  older  plan 
of  having  the  ship  stopped  in  the  water  to  facilitate  up  and  down 
casts  of  the  lead  by  which  not  only  was  time  lost,  but,  when 
made  on  dark  nights,  some  uncertainty  always  existed.  This 
sounder,  known  now  as  that  of  Sir  William  Thompson,  is  still 
used  with  wonderful  confidence  and  accuracy  in  all  weathers  in 
depths  under  100  fathoms. 

Duty  with  the  board  having  been  concluded,  the  writer  was 
ordered  to  duty  under  the  Lighthouse  Board,  of  which  Com- 
mander George  Dewey  was  Naval  Secretary.  The  district  to 
which  he  was  assigned  was  the  second,  which  included  the  coast 
from  Newburyport  to  Newport,  R.  I.  Its  headquarters  were  in 
Boston.  The  duty  involved  maintaining  lighthouses,  the  buoys 
and  light-ships  in  efficient,  cleanly,  reliable  condition  at  all  times 
of  the  year,  and,  in  all  kinds  of  weather,  to  aid  the  navigator 
using  this  part  of  the  coast  in  prosecuting  his  business. 

This  duty  was  somewhat  different  from  that  required  in  the 
ordinary  life  of  the  naval  officer  on  board  ship,  but  it  brought 
the  inspector  into  touch  with  the  seafaring  class  of  our  people, 
as  well  as  with  the  seafaring  interests  of  the  country.  In  accord- 
ance with  a long-established  custom  of  the  Lighthouse  Board, 
officers  ordered  to  duty  as  inspectors  were  required  to  serve  as 
assistants  for  a month  at  least  to  learn  the  routine  of  inspections, 
the  methods  of  business,  the  system  observed  in  keeping  accounts, 
and  the  regulations  for  the  government  of  the  establishment.  In 
conformity  thereto,  the  writer  served  as  assistant  to  his  classmate, 
friend,  and  companion.  Commander  Sullivan  Dorr  Ames,  for  a 
month,  during  which  time  a thorough  inspection  of  the  light- 
houses and  light-ships,  buoyage  and  light-house  depots  was  made. 
This  service  was  an  agreeable  and  interesting  field  of  duty,  as 
it  gave  the  inspector  ample  opportunity  to  become  acquainted 
with  business  men,  familiar  with  business  methods,  and  the  com- 
mercial values  of  all  classes  of  raw  or  finished  material.  As  a 
school  of  training  for  naval  men  in  the  ways  and  methods  of 


138 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


business  men,  and  in  values  of  merchantable  articles,  there  is  no 
experience  more  useful  in  their  lives. 

The  writer  recalls  no  duty  more  pleasant  nor  more  interesting 
in  his  long  professional  career.  The  friendships  formed  then 
have  been  lasting. 

The  new  inspector,  on  assuming  the  duties  of  the  office,  dis- 
covered that  there  had  been  some  friction  over  appointments  of 
light-keepers  between  the  collector  of  the  port  and  his  predecessor. 
He  decided  not  to  inherit  any  of  the  differences  of  his  prede- 
cessor and,  in  fullest  justice  to  every  employee,  to  form  his  own 
impression  of  their  capacity,  regardless  of  the  influence  of  other 
opinion.  Rather  was  it  held  to  be  right  that  each  one  under  his 
authority  should  establish  his  efficiency  and  worthiness  in  the 
estimation  of  the  new  inspector  by  his  own  work,  uninfluenced 
by  any  predilection  for  or  against  him.  With  this  spirit  at  heart, 
a call  was  made  upon  the  collector  of  the  port,  Hon.  Alanson 
Beard,  whose  office,  under  the  regulations  as  Superintendent  of 
Lights  of  the  Second  District,  gave  him  authority  to  nominate 
for  appointment  all  persons  to  All  vacancies  in  the  lighthouses. 
Mr.  Beard  was  found  to  be  a most  affable  and  genial  gentleman, 
and  a very  reasonable  man  in  his  views  and  opinions.  He  agreed 
at  once  with  the  inspector  that  both  officials  were  interested  only 
in  securing  good  and  reliable  men  for  the  lighthouse  service. 
To  this  end  an  arrangement  was  reached  that  no  one  would  be 
nominated  until  his  qualifications  for  the  place  had  been  deter- 
mined by  examination.  This  agreement  was  adhered  to  for  the 
three  years  of  the  new  inspector’s  duties  and  association  with 
the  collector. 

Commander  Ames,  a life-long  friend  and  classmate,  bore  with 
him,  in  retiring  from  the  office,  the  kindly  regard  and  respect  of 
the  employees  of  the  lighthouse  district. 

He  suggested  to  his  successor  the  possible  chance  of  some 
difficulty  in  keeping  the  light-ships  at  all  times  in  as  excellent 
order  as  the  light-stations  on  shore,  owing  to  the  severity  of 
weather  and  their  greater  exposure  to  the  elements.  He  was  of 
opinion  that  this  task  had  engrossed  his  attention  more  than  all 
else  in  the  district,  and  intimated  that  this  might  be  a field  where 
much  good  work  could  be  accomplished.  The  masters  and  crews 
of  these  vessels  were  all  capable  seamen,  who  had  learned  their 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR 


139 


business  in  the  hardier  school  of  blue- water  service  in  the  years 
gone,  and  were  ready  to  second  the  new  inspector  in  all  efforts 
to  reach  the  highest  condition  of  excellence  at  their  stations. 
Before  six  months  had  elapsed  every  light-ship  in  the  Vineyard 
was  a yacht  in  cleanliness  of  her  decks,  holds  and  engines,  and 
for  the  three  years  of  the  new  inspector’s  service  these  conditions 
never  changed. 

Brookline  was  chosen  as  the  residence  of  the  inspector  for 
the  reason  of  its  advantages  in  quick  transit  to  and  from  the 
office  in  Boston.  Many  warm  friendships  were  formed  during 
the  three  years  of  residence  there,  and  when  the  time  came  to 
go  to  a new  field  of  duty  elsewhere,  much  regret  was  felt  by 
the  inspector  and  his  family.  His  oldest  son,  now  a captain  in 
the  army,  was  a pupil  at  the  Boston  Latin  School ; his  daughter, 
just  in  the  loveliness  of  her  girlhood,  was  educated  carefully  un- 
der competent  teachers,  and  his  youngest  son,  now  a young  sur- 
geon of  some  prominence  in  New  York,  learned  his  letters  at  the 
public  school  at  Coolidge’s  Corner,  in  Brookline.  No  thought  of 
the  days  of  duty  of  that  time  would  seem  complete  to-day  if  it 
did  not  refer  to  this  connection  with  Boston  and  the  happy 
friendships  made  there. 

After  assuming  the  duties  of  inspector,  an  inspection  was 
made  of  one  of  the  important  light-stations  on  the  coast,  which 
revealed  the  fact  that  the  principal  keeper  had  neglected  to  keep 
his  station  in  the  good  order  usual  throughout  the  district.  He 
was  informed  that  another  inspection  would  be  made,  in  about 
a month,  when  better  things  would  be  expected,  and  at  the  same 
time  an  intimation  was  conveyed  that,  if  his  station  were  not 
improved,  it  might  be  necessary  to  refer  the  matter  to  the  Light- 
house Board  at  Washington,  but  this,  the  inspector  hoped,  would 
at  the  next  inspection  be  unnecessary.  Certain  particulars  were 
pointed  out  where  marked  improvements  could  be  made,  and  a 
record  of  the  station’s  condition  over  the  inspector’s  signature 
was  made  in  the  log-book  required  to  be  kept  by  regulations. 

The  inspection  a month  later  disclosed  the  same  neglect  and 
disregard  of  duty,  and  an  issue  was  thus  distinctly  made.  The 
keeper  was  reminded  that  the  matter  would  be  referred  to  the 
board,  with  a recommendation  for  his  removal.  After  this  sug- 
gestion the  keeper  informed  the  inspector  that  he  was  not  the 


140 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


first  person  who  had  undertaken,  without  success,  to  run  up 
against  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  to  whom  the  keeper  owed  his  place. 
All  the  same,  the  keeper  was  reported  and  recommended  for  re- 
moval. A few  days  later  General  Butler  called  upon  the  inspec- 
tor to  inquire  the  reasons  for  the  removal  of  the  keeper.  When 
the  reasons  were  stated  they  were  accepted  as  entirely  satisfac- 
tory. An  incident  was  then  recalled  to  the  general  that  hap- 
pened during  his  command  at  New  Orleans,  when  several  men 
in  one  of  the  regiments  refused  to  drill,  though  ordered  out  for 
the  purpose  by  their  colonel.  To  prevent  further  disaffection  in 
his  regiment  the  colonel,  who  was  a splendid  soldier,  was  forced 
to  shoot  one  or  two  of  the  refractory  ringleaders.  A full  report 
was  made  of  his  action  to  General  Butler,  who  was  said  to  have 
endorsed  on  the  coloneFs  report  in  returning  it:  “Kill  two 

more  if  necessary  to  maintain  discipline.’’  A remark  was  made 
at  the  same  time  that,  while  the  general  was  known  to  be  a good 
friend,  he  was  never  knoAvn  to  support  a friend  who  put  himself 
in  the  wrong. 

His  action  now  settled  the  keeper’s  case;  he  abandoned  his 
cause,  and  during  the  inspector’s  term  of  duty  the  keeper  was 
never  reappointed.  This  was  the  first  time  the  inspector  had 
met  General  Butler,  although  as  a young  lieutenant  he  had  seen 
him  often  when  in  New  Orleans.  The  impression  of  justness  and 
fair-mindedness  left  upon  the  inspector ’s  mind  by  this  interview 
will  be  his  recollection  of  General  Butler. 

Early  in  the  month  of  July,  1881,  the  Boston  morning  papers 
contained  an  item  of  news  from  St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  to 
the  effect  that  the  Lady  Franklin  Bay  Expedition,  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant  A.  W.  Greely,  U.  S.  A.,  had  sailed  for  the 
Arctic  region  in  the  steam  whaler  Proteus.  This  expedition  had 
been  prepared  by  the  Signal  Service,  then  in  charge  of  Brig- 
adier-General W.  B.  Hazen,  U.  S.  A.,  in  conjunction  with  a 
scheme  to  establish  several  stations  around  the  Polar  Basin,  with 
the  view  to  observing  certain  physical  data  at  certain  prescribed 
intervals  of  Gottingen  time. 

Not  long  after  this  item  of  news  appeared,  the  inspector  was 
at  the  CharlestoAvn  Navy-Yard  discussing  the  matter  with  several 
brother  officers.  No  one  appeared  to  be  entirely  familiar  with  the 
purposes  of  the  expedition ; but  it  was  remembered  that  the  year 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR 


141 


before  a scheme  of  polar  colonization  for  exploration  and  investi- 
gating Arctic  phenomena  had  been  urged  by  Lieutenant  IIow- 
gate,  of  the  Signal  Service,  and  that  some  action  had  been  taken 
by  Congress,  authorizing  the  President  to  accept  the  steamer 
Gulnare,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a station  at  Lady  Frank- 
lin Bay.  The  Gulnare  had  been  examined  by  a board  of  naval 
officers,  who  reported  her  to  be  in  no  serviceable  condition  for 
Arctic  work,  and  some  friction  had  taken  place  in  consequence 
between  the  officers  of  the  Signal  Service  and  those  of  the  Navy, 
but  it  resulted  in  the  Gulnare  not  being  accepted  by  the  Govern- 
ment. Notwithstanding  this  report,  the  Gulnare  started  on  her 
voyage  to  Lady  Franklin  Bay,  but  only  got  as  far  as  Disco 
Island  when  she  broke  down  and  proved  to  be  entirely  unfit  for 
this  hard  service.  She  then  returned  disabled  to  the  United 
States,  and  Howgate’s  scheme  for  polar  colonization  fell  through. 
These  things,  happening  only  the  year  before,  had  been  the  sub- 
ject of  much  discussion  in  the  press,  and  this  much  of  the  ques- 
tion had  become  clearly  comprehended. 

The  inspector,  at  that  time,  ventured  the  suggestion  that, 
whatever  the  purpose  of  the  Proteus’s  expedition  might  be,  it 
meant  that  at  no  distant  day  some  poor  naval  officer  would  have 
to  go  after  it,  but  there  was  no  dream,  even  in  his  mind  at  that 
moment,  that  this  duty  of  rescue  was  to  fall  to  his  own  lot  three 
years  later.  However,  the  effect  of  this  conversation  did  stimu- 
late a desire  for  further  inquiry  into  the  object  of  the  new  expe- 
dition, and  that  naturally  led  up  to  greater  interest  and  research 
upon  the  subject  of  Arctic  exploration  generally.  The  literature 
upon  the  subject  was  abundant  from  the  days  of  Sir  Martin 
Frobisher  and  Sir  Hugh  Willoughby,  in  the  time  of  Queen  Eliza- 
beth, to  the  time  of  Sir  George  Nares  with  the  Alert  and  Dis- 
covery,  in  1875.  Nares ’s  route  being  the  same  Greely  was  to 
pursue  in  the  Proteus,  was  therefore  most  interesting  and  in- 
structive. 

Until  the  fall  of  1883  the  duties  and  cares  of  the  post  then  oc- 
cupied engrossed  the  time  and  interest  of  the  inspector.  The  needs 
of  the  sea-going  world,  who  used  the  lights  and  buoys  in  navigat- 
ing that  coast  in  all  weathers,  day  or  night,  were  carefully  consid- 
ered. The  questions  of  supplying  new  lights  or  increasing  the 
visible  range  of  old  ones,  or  eiugmenting  the  audible  range  of 


142 


FORTY-FIA"E  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


fog-signals,  or  changing  their  characteristics  for  easier  or  readier 
recognition  by  mariners,  were  subjects  of  interesting  study  and 
research.  The  matter  of  a uniform  for  all  lighthouse  employees, 
at  that  time  without  designation,  was  suggested  in  a letter  to  the 
board,  proposing  a plan  and  enclosing  drawings.  While  it  was 
only  tentative  as  a suggestion,  it  bore  fruit  later  in  the  simple 
and  neat  uniform  now  worn  by  all  employees  at  light-stations,  on 
board  light-ships  and  buoy-tenders.  The  thought  which  prompted 
the  idea  of  uniforming  the  board’s  employees  was  that  men  in 
any  uniform  take  keener  interest  in  their  work,  and  are  made 
to  realize  more  directly  that  they  are  a permanent  part  of  the 
system  which  employs  them.  As  a means  of  discipline  and  order- 
liness, there  is  nothing  which  helps  so  effectively  to  enforce  and 
maintain  these  conditions.  It  has  now  proved  so  throughout 
an  establishment  w^hose  employees  are  among  the  most  reliable 
and  faithful  servants  of  the  Government. 

The  records  kept  of  vessels  passing  certain  points  during  one 
of  these  three  years  showed  that  225,000  vessels  annually  passed 
in  navigating  these  waters.  This  gives  a larger  showing  than  the 
records  in  1891  of  the  steam  light-ship  at  the  entrance  to  the 
Cattegat,  which  is  the  turning  point  of  the  commerce  of  the  north 
of  Europe  to  and  from  the  Baltic  ports.  It  suggests,  too,  the 
quality  of  alertness  and  high  efficiency  in  the  employees  of  this 
great  establishment. 

The  board  regulations  required  inspections  to  be  made  quar- 
terly and  full  reports  of  the  condition  of  stations  and  the  effi- 
ciency of  keepers  to  be  forwarded  to  Washington  for  informa- 
tion and  action.  All  lights  were  required  to  be  lighted  at  sunset 
and  extinguished  at  sunrise.  A light  reported  as  out  by  anyone 
was  always  the  subject  of  rigid  inquiry  by  the  inspectors.  The 
only  excuse  that  could  extenuate  this  offense  by  a keeper  was 
that  of  accident  beyond  his  capacity  to  repair,  and  during  the 
three  years  passed  in  this  duty  the  writer  does  not  recall  more 
than  one  or  two  instances  of  this  nature  and  then  their  occurrence 
was  due  to  a break-down  in  machinery.  The  three  years  so 
happily  and  so  interestingly  passed  at  this  post  of  duty  came  to 
an  end  on  October  1,  1883.  Gratification  was  enhanced  by  a 
letter  received  from  Vice  Admiral  S.  C.  Rowan,  chairman  of  the 
board,  when  this  duty  had  terminated,  viz.: 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR 


143 


Treasury  Department, 

Office  of  the  Lighthouse  Board, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  October  3,  1883. 

Sir:  Your  letter  of  October  1st,  reporting  that  you  had  on  that  day  turned 
over  the  duties  of  Inspector  of  the  Second  Lighthouse  District  to  your  suc- 
cessor, Commander  Geo.  H.  Wadleigh,  \J.  S.  N.,  has  been  received. 

The  Board  desires  to  express  to  you,  on  your  leaving  the  Lighthouse 
service,  its  appreciation  of  the  manner  in  which  you  have  performed  the  duties 
assigned  to  you  as  Inspector.  Very  respectfully, 

S.  C.  Rowan,  Vice-Admiral,  U.S.N., 
Commander  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N.,  Chairman. 

Lighthouse  Inspector,  Second  Lt.  Ho.  District^ 

Boston,  Mass. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  1883,  the  writer  reported  to  Rear 
Admiral  Earl  English,  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equipment‘and 
Recruiting,  for  duty  and  was  assigned  to  the  division  relating 
to  the  apprentice  system.  The  headquarters  of  this  station  was  at 
Coaster’s  Harbor  Island,  Narragansett  Bay,  about  one  mile  from 
Newport.  The  main  auxiliary  to  the  training  system  was  the 
frigate  Minnesota,  at  the  foot  of  West  Twenty-sixth  Street,  New 
York  City,  where  eighty-odd  per  cent,  of  the  enlistments  of  boys 
over  fourteen  and  under  eighteen  were  made.  These  boys  were 
sent  to  the  old  line-of -battle  ship  New  Hampshire,  at  Coaster’s 
Harbor  Island,  R.  I.,  and  there  trained  for  a year  in  the  various 
rudiments  of  the  young  sailor’s  life.  When  that  was  concluded, 
they  were  sent  to  the  cruising  training  squadron,  composed  of 
the  Portsmouth,  Jamestown  and  Saratoga,  for  six  months  at 
sea.  After  this  cruise  these  youngsters  were  transferred  to  the 
regular  cruisers  for  service  until  their  apprenticeship  expired 
on  reaching  twenty-one  years  of  age. 

There  were  but  few  idle  moments  left  between  revising  the 
regulations  for  this  service,  the  duty  of  frequent  inspections  of  it, 
and  the  additional  duty  imposed  by  an  order  of  November  20th  to 
assist  Captain  P.  C.  Johnson,  as  a member  of  a board  to  ascertain 
and  report  to  the  Navy  Department  the  amounts  which  should 
be  paid  to  the  contractors  for  the  use  of  their  ways  by  the  double- 
turret monitors  Puritan,  Amphitrite,  and  Terror,  and  for  the 
care  thereof.  Although  the  board  had  been  ordered  to  convene 
at  the  department,  the  information  it  required  in  order  to  formu- 
late its  report,  except  as  to  the  length  of  time  these  vessels  had 


144 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FI.AG 


occupied  the  stocks  or  ways  of  the  several  yards,  had  to  be 
obtained  at  the  shipyards  of  William  Cramp  & Sons,  in  Phila- 
delphia; of  John  Roach,  in  Chester,  and  at  the  Harlan  & 
Hollingsworth  Company,  in  Wilmington.  Even  at  these  ship- 
yards it  was  not  easy  to  decide  equitably  to  their  proprietors,  as 
well  as  to  the  Government,  the  proper  basis  upon  which  to  begin 
this  work ; but  in  this  matter  the  board  met  the  greatest  courtesy 
and  obtained  the  fullest  information  from  the  several  proprietors 
to  help  it  to  a fair  solution  of  this  vexatious  question.  Its  recom- 
mendation was  approved  by  the  Secretary,  accepted  by  the  sev- 
eral proprietors  of  the  shipyards,  and  the  amounts  awarded  were 
appropriated  by  Congress  and  paid  by  the  Navy  Department. 

The  question  at  issue  between  the  department  and  the  owners 
of  these  shipbuilding  plants  was  the  occupation  of  their  ship- 
building ways  and  the  care  of  the  vessels  for  several  years,  while 
Congress  had  refused  to  appropriate  the  money  for  their  com- 
pletion. It  was  a complex  question  that  required  most  careful 
regard  for  the  rights  of  both  parties.  To  reach  a fair  settle- 
ment for  each,  the  proprietors  of  these  large  plants  gave  the 
board  every  facility  to  examine  their  books,  with  a view  to  ascer- 
taining what  the  ship-ways  adjoining  these  uncompleted  monitors 
had  earned,  or  lost,  during  the  interval  for  which  remuneration 
was  asked.  The  general  average  for  the  several  years  was  taken 
as  fair  to  the  owner  and  fair  to  the  Government,  and  accepted 
by  both  parties  without  a question. 

On  the  13th  of  September,  1883,  Lieutenant  E.  A.  Garlington 
informed  the  Chief  Signal  Officer,  General  W.  B.  Hazen,  from  St. 
John’s,  Newfoundland^  of  the  total  failure  of  the  expedition 
which  he  commanded  to  relieve  Greely,  owing  to  the  Proteus 
having  been  crushed  in  the  pack  in  Kane  Sea  and  sunk  on  July 
23d.  He  reported  at  the  same  time  the  safety  of  his  party,  with 
all  well,  after  a long  and  hazardous  passage  in  open  boats  from 
the  scene  of  the  disaster,  across  Melville  Bay  to  Upernavik  in 
Greenland,  where  he  was  rescued  by  Commander  Frank  Wildes 
of  the  U.  S.  steamer  Yantic. 

This  expedition  of  Lieutenant  Garlington ’s  was  the  second 
which  had  failed  to  reach  the  Greely  party,  as  that  of  1882,  un- 
der command  of  Sergeant  Beebe  in  the  Neptune,  had  failed  to 
force  its  way  into  the  pack  l)eyond  Littleton  Island,  after  re- 


AS  A LIGHTHOUSE  INSPECTOR 


145 


peated  and  vain  attempts  as  late  as  September  4th  of  that  year. 
No  impression  conld  be  made  upon  the  solid  wall  of  ice  in  Kane 
Sea  by  the  Neptune;  so  Beebe  reluctantly  returned  to  St.  John’s, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  24th  of  September  to  report  failure. 

Garlington’s  failure  to  reach  Greely  in  1883,  from  causes 
that  were  insurmountable  in  the  ice  conditions  in  his  way,  brought 
home  to  the  Government  a realizing  sense  that  the  expedition  to 
Lady  Franklin  Bay  had  been  abandoned,  notwithstanding  the 
efforts  of  its  officers  for  the  two  preceding  years  to  reach  it  with 
the  abundant  means  provided  from  its  resources.  It  was  too  late 
to  attempt  further  relief  that  year,  though  the  conclusion  was 
reached,  after  much  consideration,  and  wisely,  too,  not  to  invite 
fresh  disaster  at  that  season  by  sending  another  chartered  vessel 
into  regions  where  the  ice  conditions  during  the  most  favorable 
months  of  the  year  had  been  impenetrable  and  impassable. 

When  the  situation  thus  presented  had  been  carefully  studied 
out,  the  excitement  grew  from  day  to  day.  The  press  throughout 
the  country  published  the  fullest  resume  of  the  Lady  Franklin 
Bay  Expedition,  the  attempts  which  had  been  made  to  relieve  it, 
their  failures,  with  the  causes  thereof,  with  pages  of  editorial 
censure  or  advice  added.  The  question  was  asked  again  and 
again  what  was  to  be  done  to  save  these  poor  fellows  from  starva- 
tion in  that  Arctic  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE  GREELY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 
1884 

On  the  17th  of  December,  1883,  President  Arthur  convened 
a board,  composed  of  General  W.  B.  Hazen,  Chief  Signal  Officer ; 
Captain  Jas.  A.  Greer,  U.  S.  N.,  and  Captain  Geo.  W.  Davis, 
Fourteenth  Infantry,  U.  S.  A.,  to  consider  the  matter  of  an  expe- 
dition to  be  sent  to  the  relief  of  Lieutenant  A.  W,  Greely  and  his 
party.  This  board  was  required  to  recommend  to  the  Secretary 
of  War,  Hon.  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
Hon.  Wm.  E.  Chandler,  jointly,  what  steps  it  considered  neces- 
sary to  be  taken  to  equip  a relief  expedition,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  suggest  a plan  for  the  control  and  conduct  of  such  relief 
expedition. 

This  board  continued  in  session  for  quite  two  months,  exam- 
ining witnesses  called  before  it,  searching  all  records  referring 
in  any  way  to  the  Lady  Franklin  Bay  Expedition,  and  taking 
the  testimony  of  Arctic  experts.  It  submitted  its  report  on 
January  22d.  A day  or  two  after  the  first  meeting,  the  board 
suggested  to  the  two  secretaries  that  immediate  steps  be  taken, 
looking  to  the  purchase  of  two  suitable  full-powered  steam 
whalers  and  to  fit  them  for  this  service. 

Three  general  plans  were  proposed  to  the  hoard : one  by  Lieu- 
tenant E.  A.  Garlington,  to  equip  an  expedition  of  one  steam 
whaler  and  a relief  ship  to  be  commanded  by  himself,  the  relief 
ship  being  commanded  by  a naval  officer.  Accompanying  this 
suggestion  was  an  outlined  plan  for  the  expedition  to  pursue,  a 
depot  being  established  at  Cape  Sabine,  with  positive  orders  to 
the  relief  ship  to  proceed  as  far  as  Cape  Sabine.  This  scheme 
was  based  upon  the  experience  of  Lieutenant  Garlington  the 
year  before  in  the  Proteus.  A second  plan,  proposed  by  Lieuten- 
ant Commander  McCalla,  was  a purely  naval  expedition,  com- 
posed of  two  steam  whalers  accompanied  by  a naval  relief  ship, 
146 


THE  GREELY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


147 


one  of  the  whalers  to  establish  a complete  depot  at  Littleton 
Island,  and  then,  if  no  news  of  the  party  was  obtained,  to  pass 
on  to  Lady  Franklin  Bay,  the  second  whaler  being  a reserve  to 
press  north  of  Littleton  Island  in  the  event  of  the  first  being  lost 
or  her  absence  so  prolonged  as  to  cause  uneasiness.  The  third 
vessel  w^as  to  push  forward  to  Littleton  Island,  and,  in  case  of 
general  disaster,  to  serve  as  a second  reserve,  or  to  bring  back 
news  if  the  relief  expedition  should  be  detained  over  one  season 
in  the  north.  A third  plan,  proposed  by  Captain  Davis,  was  a 
sort  of  compromise  between  the  two  others,  and  suggested  a 
whaler  as  relief  ship,  with  a naval  ship  as  tender,  the  expedition 
to  be  under  command  of  a naval  officer,  manned  by  men  from 
the  Navy,  and  each  vessel  to  carry  a detachment  of  soldiers,  an 
army  officer  and  a surgeon. 

Secretaries  Lincoln  and  Chandler  addressed  a joint  letter  to 
President  Arthur  on  the  17th  of  January,  1884,  setting  forth 
the  recommendation  of  the  board,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Presi- 
dent transmitted  this  letter  to  Congress  in  a special  message, 
urging  prompt  action  to  enable  those  officers  to  carry  out  the 
plan  of  relief.  Hon.  Samuel  J.  Randall  submitted  a joint  reso- 
lution, with  favorable  recommendation  to  the  House,  granting 
an  unlimited  appropriation,  which  was  passed  with  almost  no 
debate,  on  January  22d.  A day  or  two  afterward  it  was  brought 
up  in  the  Senate  by  Hon.  Eugene  Hale,  who  explained  the  diffi- 
culty of  fixing  the  exact  amount,  on  account,  first,  of  the  fact 
that  if  fixed  too  low  failure  might  ensue,  and,  secondly,  if  too 
high  the  prices  of  vessels  would  be  raised  proportionately.  Much 
discussion,  however,  was  indulged  in,  and  a number  of  amend- 
ments were  proposed,  but,  finally,  after  a little  legislative  tangle, 
the  resolution  was  adopted  on  February  13,  1884,  with  an  amend- 
ment restricting  the  service  to  those  officers  and  men  who  should 
volunteer,  the  expedition  being  regarded  as  a sort  of  forlorn 
hope. 

As  time  was  a most  important  element.  Secretaries  Chandler 
and  Lincoln  took  steps  looking  to  the  purchase  of  suitable  vessels 
in  the  only  markets  available — St.  John’s  and  Dundee — before 
the  joint  resolution  had  passed.  The  Bear  and  Thetis  were 
actually  bought  by  these  officers  on  January  28th  and  February 
4th.  It  was  due  entirely  to  the  prompt  and  decisive  action  of 
11 


148 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


these  two  energetic  secretaries  that  the  necessary  vessels  were 
secured  in  time  to  be  fitted  out  for  this  memorable  and  successful 
expedition. 

In  the  meanwhile  it  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of  Her  Bri- 
tannic Majesty’s  Government  that  the  United  States  was  fitting 
out  an  expedition  to  go  into  the  Arctic  seas  to  rescue  the  one  at 
Lady  Franklin  Bay.  This  was  made  the  occasion  of  a gracefully 
phrased  note  from  Lord  Northbrook,  tendering  the  Alert,  which  » 
had  become  famous  under  Sir  George  Nares  in  1875,  to  the  Gov-  | 

ernment  of  the  United  States,  and  of  an  equally  felicitous  reply  | 

from  our  Minister,  the  Hon.  Jas.  Russell  Lowell,  accepting  the  ' 
ship  on  behalf  of  the  United  States  Government. 

Through  this  friendly  and  pleasing  action  of  Her  Majesty’s 
Government,  the  third  vessel  required  for  the  expedition  was 
obtained.  Her  arrival  at  New  York  under  Lieutenant  Com- 
mander Goodrich,  as  well  as  the  Bear,  under  Lieutenant  L.  L. 
Reamy,  was  prompt  and  timely  for  the  refitting  needed  for  their 
work. 

Long  before  these  arrangements  had  been  completed,  the 
President  had  decided  that  this  expedition  should  be  entirely 
naval,  and  had  placed  the  responsibility  for  its  successful  prepara- 
tion in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  with  his  known  energy 
and  activity,  had  taken  the  matter  of  its  personnel  into  considera- 
tion^,  and  early  in  December  had  sent  for  the  writer  to  ascertain 
his  willingness  and  readiness  for  this  service,  explaining  that,  if 
there  was  any  personal  reason  in  the  way  of  accepting  this  assign- 
ment, it  should  in  no  way  militate  against  his  record  or  his  subse- 
quent preferment  for  duty. 

The  writer  was  of  opinion  that  the  duty  was  rather  in  the 
nature  of  a forlorn  hope,  but  that  no  officer  could  afford  to  refuse 
any  demands  of  duty  without  sacrificing  his  own  self-respect, 
and  if  it  was  necessary  to  volunteer  for  it,  then  he  wished  to 
volunteer.  If  it  was  necessary  to  be  ordered  to  obtain  this  assign- 
ment, he  wished  to  be  ordered.  The  only  condition  suggested  to 
the  secretary,  in  connection  with  this  detail,  was  that,  as  he 
would  be  responsible  to  the  country  as  well  as  to  the  Government, 
the  writer  would  desire  to  make  the  selection  of  the  officers  who 
were  to  help  him  in  the  task  set  by  the  department.  To  this  the 


THE  GREELY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


149 


secretary  readily  assented.  One  other  suggestion  was  that  the 
matter  of  the  detail  for  this  hazardous  duty  might  be  kept  secret 
as  long  as  possible,  so  as  to  shorten  the  days  of  anxiety  and  rest- 
lessness which  he  knew  would  be  felt  in  his  home  by  his  wife 
and  children. 

The  secretary  transferred  the  expedition,  the  detail,  and  all 
business  connected  with  its  supplies,  or  with  the  work  of  pre- 
paring the  vessels  for  service,  into  his  own  office,  with  instructions 
to  ask  for  what  was  needed,  and,  with  Mr.  Lincoln’s  advice  and 
help,  the  necessary  commands  were  given.  The  following  order, 
given  to  the  commanding  officer,  was  in  his  hands  for  a fortnight 
or  more  before  it  was  known  publicly : 

Navy  Department, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  February  18, 1884. 

Commander  Winfield  S.  Schley, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

Sir:  Having  been  selected  for  the  command  of  the  Greely  Relief  Expe- 
dition of  1884,  you  will  make  immediate  and  full  preparation  for  the  perform- 
ance of  your  duties.  You  will  investigate  the  circumstances  of  Lieutenant 
Greely’s  voyage  to  Lady  Franklin  Sound  in  1881  and  of  the  attempts  to  relieve 
him  in  1882  and  1883,  incidentally  familiarizing  yourself  with  the  whole 
subject  of  Arctic  exploring,  and  relief  expeditions.  You  will  examine  the 
Thetis  and  Rear,  and  all  other  ships  which  may  be  designed  for  the  expedition, 
and  cooperate  with  the  chiefs  of  bureaus  in  strengthening  and  equipping 
them,  giving  particular  attention  to  all  the  special  articles  of  outfit  necessary 
in  Arctic  voyaging,  including  boats,  sledges,  dogs,  houses,  provisions,  clothing, 
navigation  instruments,  and  the  whole  material  of  the  expedition. 

You  will  also  consider  and  assist  in  the  selection  of  the  subordinate  officers 
and  the  enlistment  of  the  crew;  and  on  all  points  above  indicated,  and  con- 
cerning any  steps  which  ought  to  be  taken  to  give  success  to  the  expedition, 
you  will,  from  time  to  time,  make  to  the  department  all  suggestions  and  recom- 
mendations which  may  occur  to  you  as  useful  and  important. 

Very  respectfully, 

William  E.  Chandler, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy, 

As  Congress  had  restricted  the  personnel  of  the  expedition  to 
those  who  volunteered  for  its  service,  the  secretaries  further  im- 
posed a physical  examination  upon  each  officer,  in  order  to  be 
certain  that  all  who  volunteered  upon  this  unusual  service  were 
free  from  bodily  defects  which  might  disqualify  them  for  the 
hard  and  exposed  duties  beyond  the  Arctic  Circle.  As  a number 


150 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


of  those  who  reported  for  examination  fell  below  the  standard 
prescribed  by  the  surgeon-general  for  Arctic  service,  the  list  of 
those  as  finally  decided  was  as  follows : 


Thetis. 

Commander  W.  S.  Schley,  Command- 
ing Expedition. 

Lieut.  Uriel  Sebree,  Executive  and 
Navigating  Officer. 

Lieut.  Emory  H.  Taunt,  Watch  Off. 

Lieut.  Sami,  C.  Lemly,  Watch  Off. 

Ensign  Washington  I.  Chambers 
(transferred  at  St.  John’s  to  Loch 
Garry) . 

Ensign,  Chas.  H.  Harlow. 

Chief  Engineer,  Geo.  W.  Mehdlle. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  Ed.  H.  Green. 

Alert. 

Commander  Geo.  W.  Coffin,  Comdg. 

Lieut.  Chas  J.  Badger,  Ex.  and  Navi- 
gating Officer. 


Lieut.  Henry  J.  Hunt,  Watch  Officer. 
Ensign  Chas.  S.  McClain,  Watch  Off. 
Ensign  A.  A.  Ackerman,  Watch  Off. 
P.  A.  Engineer,  Wm.  H.  Nauman. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  Francis  S.  Nash. 
Bear. 

Lieut.  Wm,  H,  Emory,  Commanding. 
Lieut.  Freeman  H.  Crosby,  Ex.  and 
Navigating  Officer. 

Lieut.  John  C.  Colwell,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.  Nathaniel  R.  Usher,  Watch 
Officer. 

Ensign  Lovell  K.  Reynolds,  Watch 
Officer. 

Chief  Engineer,  John  Lowe. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  Howard  E.  Ames. 


The  aim  was  to  assign  an  officer  to  each  ship  who  had  already 
seen  service  in  the  Arctic,  and  Lieutenant  Sebree,  who  had  served 
with  Commander  J.  A.  Greer  in  the  Tigress,  in  her  search  for 
the  Polaris,  and  Chief  Engineer  Melville  of  the  Jeannette,  were 
chosen  for  the  Thetis.  Lieutenant  Colwell,  who  had  accompanied 
Garlington  in  the  Proteus  in  1883,  w^as  assigned  to  the  Bear, 
and  Lieutenant  Hunt,  who  had  served  in  the  Eodgers,  and  En- 
sign Ackerman,  who  was  with  AYildes  in  the  Y antic  the  summer 
before,  were  assigned  to  the  Alert.  These  officers  were  further 
reinforced  by  ice  pilots,  Norman  in  the  Thetis,  Ash  in  the  Bear, 
and  Gifford,  a New  Bedford  whaler,  in  the  Alert. 

So  far,  therefore,  as  this  feature  of  the  expedition  was  con- 
cerned, there  was  no  neglect  to  provide  it  with  the  best  available 
experience  for  the  work  ahead.  A few  weeks’  service,  however, 
in  the  ice  fastnesses  of  the  North,  will  convince  anyone  that  the 
experience  of  others  is  principally  excellent  in  providing  the  ex- 
pedition’s needs,  but  the  w^ork  of  navigating  the  ice  and  taking 
care  of  the  ships  under  conditions  of  constant  peril  from  the  mo- 
ment the  ice-field  is  entered,  must  be  learned  in  the  ‘ ‘ crow  ’s-nest.  ’ ’ 
If  a commander  does  not  come  to  grief  in  the  first  week  or  ten 


THE  GREELY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


151 


days  in  the  ice,  he  will  have  learned  much  that  will  help  him  to 
avoid  ice  dangers  afterward. 

The  crews  composing  each  ship’s  company  were  reduced  to 
a minimum,  while  the  ships  themselves  were  arranged  to  carry 
the  maximum  of  provisions  and  clothing.  The  ships,  though 
phenomenally  strong,  were  additionally  strengthened,  after  their 
arrival  at  the  Brooklyn  Navy- Yard,  in  accordance  with  sugges- 
tions made  by  the  Chief  Constructor  of  the  Navy,  Theodore  Wil- 
son. Every  advantage  that  could  be  gained  in  the  economic  use 
of  provisions  or  coal  or  clothing,  after  the  expedition  sailed,  was 
taken  in  so  far  as  human  forethought  could  provide  before  start- 
ing. Details  were  made  of  the  officers  of  every  ship,  from  the 
moment  they  were  assigned,  and  lists  of  needed  articles  were  re- 
quired from  them,  of  those  daily  delivered,  or  of  daily  inspections 
made  of  those  being  manufactured.  In  this  way  the  commander 
of  the  expedition  was  familiar  every  morning  at  11  o’clock  with 
the  progress  made  in  every  department  through  the  reports  con- 
veyed to  him  as  a whole  from  the  commanding  officers  of  the 
vessels. 

On  the  10th  of  March  matters  had  made  progress  so  satis- 
factorily with  the  ships,  as  well  as  with  their  outfit,  as  to  justify 
the  determination  of  a plan  of  campaign.  The  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  called  upon  the  commander  of  the  expedition  for  the  sub- 
mission of  a scheme,  proposing  dates  of  departure  for  the  ships, 
which  was  replied  to  on  March  17th  in  the  letter  which  follows : 

Washington,  D.  C.,  March  17,  1884. 

Hon.  Wm.  E.  Chandler, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Sir:  In  reply  to  your  letter  of  March  10th,  informing  me  that  it  had  been 
definitely  decided  that  the  Thetis,  Bear,  and  Alert  were  to  be  the  vessels  of  the 
expedition  to  relieve  lieutenant  Greely  and  party  at  I^ady  Franklin  Bay,  I 
would  respectfully  suggest  that  the  Bear,  being  the  vessel  most  advanced  in 
the  strengthening  needed  for  this  service,  should  be  despatched  from  New  York 
on  the  25th  of  April  to  St.  John’s,  Newfoundland,  to  fill  up  with  coal,  to  take 
dogs  on  board,  and  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  ice  in  Davis  Strait,  and 
at  the  earliest  practicable  moment,  to  proceed  to  the  Danish  settlements  of 
Disco  and  Upernavik,  reaching  there  about  the  third  week  in  May,  if  practi- 
cable. 

The  Thetis  should  follow  the  Bear,  leaving  New  York  not  later  than  May 
1st,  stopping  at  St.  John’s  for  coal,  to  take  dogs  on  board,  and  to  convoy  the 
coal  steamer  to  Upernavik,  where  she  ought  to  arrive  about  May  25th. 


152 


FORTY-FI^"E  YExiRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


From  Upernavik  the  Thetis  and  Bear  should  proceed  onward  with  the 
convoy  to  Cape  York  and  lattleton  Island.  Should  the  ice  appear  too  formid- 
able for  the  collier  to  encounter  so  early  in  June,  she  should  remain  at  Uper- 
navik until  the  arrival  of  the  Alert,  which  vessel  would  then  be  charged  with 
the  convoy. 

The  importance  of  convoy  beyond  Upernavik  can  hardly  be  overesti- 
mated in  view  of  the  circumstance  that  the  Government  may  be  obliged  to 
assume  all  responsibility  for  the  coal,  vessel  and  cargo. 

The  Alert  should  be  dispatched  not  later  than  May  10th  from  New  York 
to  St.  John’s,  to  fill  up  with  coal,  and  then  proceed  onward  to  Disco  and  Uper- 
navik, where  she  should  arrive  not  later  than  June  1st. 

Her  movements  should  be  so  timed  that  she  might  reach  Littleton  Island, 
or  Foulke  Fiord,  about  the  1st  of  July,  in  order  to  hd,ve  sufficient  time  to  land 
and  build  the  house,  land  provisions,  coal  and  other  supplies,  to  establish  the 
station  upon  which  the  advance  ship’s  companies  could  retreat  in  the  event 
of  disaster,  and  afterw’ards  to  send  a sled  party  onw^ard  to  examine  the  coast 
on  the  eastern  side  of  Smith’s  Sound  as  far  as  Humboldt  Glacier. 

This  duty  completed  by  September  1st,  and  the  Thetis  and  Bear  not  hav- 
ing returned  to  Littleton  Island,  or  Foulke  Fiord,  the  Alert  should  return  to  St. 
John’s  with  new’s  of  the  expedition. 

I have  the  honor  to  be. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley,  Commander, 
Commanding  Greely  Relief  Expedition. 

The  Bear  was  commissioned  on  March  17th,  the  Thetis  on 
April  2d,  and  the  Alert,  being  in  very  good  condition,  was  con- 
tinued in  commission  after  her  arrival.  The  plan  of  sailing  pro- 
posed was  rigorously  carried  out,  and  the  arrivals  at  the  several 
designated  places  were  as  nearly  coincident  as  the  ice  and  weather 
conditions  permitted.  At  all  events,  the  ships  were  in  no  wise 
delayed  by  the  failure  of  any  one  of  them  to  reach  designated 
points  at  the  times  planned  and  named. 

On  the  day  appointed  each  of  the  three  ships  left  the  Nayy- 
Yard  for  its  destination.  The  occasion  was  made  one  of  great 
demonstration  by  the  hundreds  of  craft  passed  on  the  way  to 
sea,  as  well  as  by  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  lining 
the  river  fronts  on  the  New  V^ork  and  Brooklyn  sides.  The  din 
of  whistles,  mingled  with  the  loud  huzzahs  of  the  people,  wishing 
us  a final  adieu  and  good  luck,  only  showed  how  deep  the  interest 
was  that  followed  us  outward.  It  was  a demonstration  of  en- 
thusiastic approval  of  the  work  the  expedition  was  going  to  do, 
and  a sure  indication  that  if,  in  our  turn,  relief  should  be  re- 


THE  GREEEY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


153 


quired,  there  were  thousands  just  as  ready  as  those  going  forth 
to  risk  all  for  us. 

The  final  orders  of  the  expedition  from  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  are  given  below,  viz. : 

Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.  C., 

April  21,  1884. 

Sir:  The  Thetis,  Bear,  and  Alert,  the  ships  of  the  Greely  Relief  Expedition 
of  1884,  being  ready,  you  are  ordered  to  take  command  of  them  and  to  pro- 
ceed to  the  coast  of  Greenland,  or  farther  north  if  necessary,  and,  if  possible, 
to  find  and  rescue  or  ascertain  the  fate  of  Lieutenant  A.  W.  Greely  and  his 
comrades. 

All  the  officers  and  men  under  your  command  are  hereby  enjoined  to  per- 
form any  duty  on  sea  or  land  to  which  you  may  order  them.  No  detailed 
instructions  will  be  given  you.  Full  confidence  is  felt  that  you  have  both  the 
capacity  and  the  courage,  guided  by  discretion,  necessary  to  do  ail  that  can  be 
required  of  you  by  the  department  or  the  nation  for  the  rescue  of  our  im- 
perilled countrymen. 

With  earnest  wishes  and  high  hopes  for  your  success  and  safe  return,  I am. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  E.  Chandler, 

Commander  Winfield  S.  Schley,  Secretory  of  the  Navy. 

Commanding  Greely  Relief  Expedition. 

Among  the  vessels  which  accompanied  the  Thetis  down  the 
channel  was  the  Tallapoosa,  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and 
a number  of  department  officials  on  board,  and  on  reaching  the 
Swash  Channel  this  signal  was  made  as  she  retraced  her  way  to 
New  York: 

“ I wish  you  and  all  your  comrades  good  health,  good  courage,  and  good 
luck.  Good-bye!”  W.  E.  Chandler, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

During  the  past  few  months  the  work  of  preparing  the  expe- 
dition had  so  engrossed  every  moment  that  there  had  been  no 
thought  of  the  strain,  or  time  to  realize  it,  but  when  the  Thetis 
had  reached  the  Sandy  Hook  Light-ship,  where  the  last  essential 
thing  had  to  be  done — that  of  swinging  ship  for  compass  errors — ■ 
the  commander,  when  this  last  necessary  preparation  was  com- 
pleted, directed  Lieutenant  Sebree  to  lay  a course  for  the  Nan- 
tucket New  South  Shoal  Light-ship,  and  then  he  laid  down  to 
rest  about  4 p.  m.  The  following  day  about  the  same  hour  he 


154 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  tJNDER  THE  FLAG 


awoke  completely  refreshed,  having  slept  almost  the  entire 
twenty-four  hours  uninterruptedly,  and  prepared  for  harder  and 
most  serious  work  still  ahead. 

Congress  had  further  reinforced  its  resolution  of  unlimited 
appropriation  by  a subsidiary  one,  offering  $25,000  reward  to  any 
person  or  persons,  not  in  the  military  or  naval  service,  who  should 
discover  and  rescue,  or  satisfactorily  ascertain  the  fate  of  Lieuten- 
ant A.  W.  Greely  and  his  command,  consisting  of  twenty-four  per- 
sons, which  had  left  the  United  States  in  July  and  had  landed 
at  Discovery  Harbor  in  Lady  Franklin  Sound  in  the  month  of 
August,  1881.  Unprepared  vessels  were  warned  in  the  proclama- 
tion of  the  17th  of  April,  1884,  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
giving  publicity  to  the  resolution  of  Congress,  not  to  incur  the 
extraordinary  peril  or  risk  for  the  sake  of  the  reward  offered,  and 
informing  all  persons  whom  this  offer  might  attract  to  the  search, 
that  the  United  States  would  in  no  event  be  involved  in  any 
future  liability  or  responsibility  beyond  the  said  reward. 

The  commander  of  the  expedition  was  opposed,  from  every 
point  of  view,  to  this  action  of  Congress.  He  realized,  too,  that 
any  objection  offered  to  a scheme,  whose  purpose  was  to  enlarge 
the  body  of  searchers  for  the  missing  expedition,  would  be  at- 
tributed to  service  jealousy.  Notwithstanding  this,  he  did  point 
out  that  the  warning  of  the  Secretary’s  proclamation  would  be 
disregarded  and  that  unprepared  vessels  would  venture  into  those 
regions  with  all  the  more  confidence,  knowing  that  a well- 
equipped  Government  expedition  was  behind  them  to  depend 
upon  if  any  misadventure  in  the  ice  brought  them  to  grief ; that 
he  did  not  think  the  best  chance  Greely  ever  had  ought  to  be  dis- 
counted by  any  delay  which  might  be  necessary  to  rescue  the 
crew  of  such  vessels  as  had  been  attracted  into  these  regions  only 
by  cupidity;  that  Greely ’s  safety  should  not  be  imperilled  by 
any  addition  to  the  numbers  for  whom  our  bounty  had  been 
calculated  at  a time  when  it  would  not  be  possible  to  repair  this ; 
that  the  expedition  as  composed  was  ample  without  help  to  ex- 
amine the  entire  ground  to  be  searched  before  the  winter  should 
set  in,  and  that  it  seemed  unfair  to  increase  further  the  strain  and 
responsibilities  of  the  commander  by  enlarging  the  possibilities  of 
his  work  and  augmenting  his  solicitude  by  throwing  possible  new 
cares  upon  his  shoulders. 


THE  GREEEY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


155 


The  proclamation,  however,  was  distributed  in  the  ports  of 
St.  John^s  and  Dundee,  Its  effect  was  to  occasion  earlier  de- 
parture of  whaling  vessels  from  St.  John’s.  A great  deal  of  use- 
ful information  was  obtained  from  those  old  ice  kings  who  com- 
manded these  vessels,  and  it  served  a good  purpose  later. 

The  third  day  out  from  Sandy  Hook  an  accident  to  the  air- 
pump  connecting-rod  made  it  necessary  to  put  the  Thetis  under 
canvas  for  a day,  while  Melville,  who  was  always  full  of  resource, 
forged  another.  The  delay  on  this  account  was  not  great,  as  the 
ship  in  due  course  reached  St.  John’s.  The  collier  Loch  Garry, 
with  some  600  tons  of  Cardiff  coal,  was  in  port.  As  no  insurance 
could  be  obtained.  Ensign  W.  I.  Chambers  and  two  seamen  were 
transferred  to  her  to  protect  the  Government’s  interests. 

Both  vessels  left  St.  John’s  on  the  morning  of  May  12th,  and, 
gaining  the  open  sea,  ran  into  a dense  fog  which  increased  the 
difficulty  of  threading  the  way  through  the  procession  of  ice- 
bergs moving  majestically  southward  in  the  Labrador  current. 
One  or  two  very  close  shaves  were  made,  and  as  most  of  the  offi- 
cers were  new  to  the  business  some  concern  was  felt  before  we 
had  grown  quite  up  to  the  fact  that  a ship  could  approach  these 
icebergs  nearer  than  a quarter  of  a mile  without  feeling  an  un- 
comfortable proximity.  Our  experience  later  on  in  Melville  Bay 
worked  wonderful  changes  in  the  feeling  of  awe  with  which  a 
berg  was  regarded. 

The  two  vessels  continued  on  the  way  to  Godhaven,  on  the 
Island  of  Disco,  meeting  the  usual  alternating  conditions  of  fair 
and  bad  weather,  with  occasional  fields  of  ice  here  and  there  after 
passing  the  latitude  of  Cape  Farewell,  and  arrived  on  the  22d 
day  of  May.  A southerly  gale  the  following  day  packed  the 
little  harbor  full  of  ice,  causing  delay,  but  the  time  was  agreeably 
passed  with  Mr.  Andersen,  the  royal  inspector,  and  the  govern- 
or, Mr.  Peterson.  It  was  with  their  assistance  that  we  secured 
the  services  of  an  Eskimo,  David  Danielson,  as  dog-driver,  and  as 
David  had  made  a cruise  in  the  Proteus  the  year  before,  he  had 
learned  enough  English  to  act  as  interpreter. 

The  Thetis  and  Loch  Garry  sailed  from  Godhaven  on  the 
morning  of  May  24th,  the  former  breaking  the  way  through  the 
ice  for  the  latter.  At  the  north  fiord  the  solid  ice-pack  extended 
westward  as  far  as  could  be  seen  from  the  “crow’s-nest”  with  no 


156 


rORTY-nVE  YE^\RS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


signs  that  could  be  interpreted  by  the  commander.  In  fact,  the 
Thetis  and  Loch  Garry  were  ‘ ‘ up  against  ’ ’ the  problems  in  earn- 
est, and,  after  searching  east  and  west  for  an  opening,  were 
obliged  to  lie  for  the  night  fast  in  the  pack.  Fair  weather  being 
the  exception  and  bad  weather  the  rule  in  the  Polar  regions,  we 
did  not  have  to  wait  long  for  changes  to  vary  the  monotony  of 
one  or  the  other  condition.  The  following  day  a southerly  gale 
came  on,  making  it  prudent  to  send  the  Loch  Garry  back  to  God- 
haven  to  wait  till  it  had  blown  over,  while  the  Thetis  forced  her 
way  into  the  pack  to  lay  it  out  there. 

The  “crow's-nest,’’  for  the  first  week  or  ten  days  in  the  pack, 
is  the  best  point  of  vantage  from  which  to  study  the  problem 
of  ice  work,  and,  if  one  does  not  fall  a victim  to  inexperience 
in  that  interval,  he  is  fairly  safe  for  the  task  before  him.  When 
that  task  involved  such  responsibilities  as  the  commander  of  the 
expedition  was  bearing,  the  study  of  every  phenomena  had  an 
interest  bearing  upon  the  main  purpose  of  the  work.  This  held 
him  often  twelve  or  fifteen  hours  there  examining,  reading  and 
trying  to  interpret  signs  in  the  distance.  The  experience  of  Se- 
bree  and  Melville,  both  of  whom  had  been  in  these  Polar  regions, 
was  valuable  in  the  extreme. 

The  fight  for  advantages  in  the  open  water  was  constant ; the 
unceasing  changes  of  the  ice  in  motion  required  unremitting 
vigilance  to  avoid  damage  from  “pan”  and  “pack  ice,”  driven 
by  wind  or  tide  into  one’s  way.  From  Waigat  Straits  onward  to 
Upernavik  progress  was  slow  and  only  made  by  keeping  on  the 
inshore  side  of  the  ice.  It  was  more  certain  withal  than  venturing 
outward  into  the  middle  pack,  where  the  chances  were  even  to  be 
beset  and  drifted  helplessly  back  to  Davis  Strait,  as  happened 
some  years  before  to  Sir  Leopold  McClintock. 

After  various  mishaps  with  icebergs,  gales,  snow  storms,  and 
fogs,  which  obscured  the  land  and  shut  out  all  leads,  the  Thetis 
reached  Upernavik  on  the  morning  of  May  29th,  and  for  the  first 
time  the  commander  understood  what  was  meant  by  the  anxious 
strain  of  many  consecutive  hours  in  the  “crow’s-nest.” 

Emory  came  on  board  to  report  his  arrival  the  day  before 
from  Brown  Island,  and  gave  an  interesting  bit  of  news  of  the 
condition  of  the  Arctic  whaling  fleet  before  and  behind  the 
Thetis.  There  was  a rumor  current  about  Upernavik  that  five 


THE  GREELY  RELIEF  EXPEDITION 


157 


white  men  were  somewhere  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  York,  but  no- 
body could  be  found  who  had  brought  the  story,  or  who  could 
vouch  for  its  truth.  It  was  decided,  however,  that  the  relief 
squadron  should  push  on,  no  matter  what  the  ice  outlook  was. 

At  Upernavik  the  Polynia,  the  Nova  Zemhla,  and  the  Triune 
were  found.  The  Arctic  and  Wolf  followed  the  Thetis  closely, 
and  the  Cornwallis,  Narivhal,  and  Aurora  were  at  Brown  Island 
north  of  Upernavik.  This  comprised  the  Dundee  whaling  fleet, 
which  was  to  contest  the  honors  of  the  passage  through  the  pack 
ice  of  Melville  Bay  with  the  relief  squadron. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


THE  RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS 

1884 

Everyone  who  wishes  to  penetrate  the  gateway  to  the  Polar 
seas  must  of  necessity,  as  a matter  of  information  for  his  guid- 
ance, carefully  inspect  the  prepared  charts,  as  well  as  the  litera- 
ture relating  the  experiences  of  other  navigators  who  have  pre- 
ceded him  into  this  region,  when  everything  is  left  behind  save 
hope.  The  entrance  through  w^hich  the  relief  expedition  was  now 
to  pass  had  been  followed  by  Baffin,  in  1616,  by  Sir  John  Frank- 
lin, in  1845,  by  Englefield,  in  1852,  by  Doctor  Kane  in  the  second 
Grinnell  expedition  of  1853,  by  Doctor  Hayes,  in  1861,  by  Hall 
in  the  Polaris,  in  1871,  by  Nares  in  the  Alert  and  Discovery,  in 
1875,  by  Greely  in  the  Proteus,  in  1881,  and  by  others,  as  well 
as  by  Hartstene,  Leopold  McClintock,  Sir  Allen  Yoimg,  and 
Commander  J.  A.  Greer  in  the  searches  conducted  by  them  for 
missing  expeditions.  The  route  from  Upernavik  to  the  Duck 
Islands  had  been  only  hurriedly  surveyed  and  was  filled  with 
countless  submerged  dangers  which  the  covering  of  ice  completely 
shut  out  of  view. 

The  Governor,  Mr.  Elborg,  of  North  Greenland,  in  which 
Upernavik  was  situated,  was  unremitting  in  his  courteous  atten- 
tions and  assistance  to  the  expedition.  His  long  residence  in  that 
remote  settlement  had  afforded  exceptional  opportunities  to  be- 
come familiar  with  the  natives,  the  weather  and  the  ice  conditions 
of  a region  visited  from  time  to  time  by  explorers  or  those  who 
led  expeditions  for  missing  parties.  Much  profit  was  derived 
from  his  recital  of  generally  prevailing  conditions,  but  not  much 
encouragement  from  the  reported  ice  conditions  further  north 
at  this  early  period  of  the  season. 

Nevertheless,  it  was  decided  to  push  northward  to  Kingatok 
Island  and,  if  possible,  to  gain  Tassuisak,  the  most  northerly  civ- 
ilized settlement  on  the  west  coast  of  Greenland.  The  ice  found 
158 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  159 


in  Melville  Bay  was  much  too  dangerous  to  risk  the  collier  Loch 
Garry^  which  was  left  behind  at  Upernavik  to  await  the  Alert, 
now  well  on  her  way.  Kingatok  was  reached  by  the  Thetis  and 
Bear  on  the  afternoon  of  May  29th,  after  some  difficulty,  but 
they  were  driven  to  the  north  side  by  a southerly  gale  which 
broke  up  the  harbor  ice,  destroying  the  ice  foot  on  the  1st  of 
June.  The  effect  of  this  gale  upon  the  ice  beyond  opened  a lead 
which  eventually  reached  as  far  north  as  the  settlement  of  Tas- 
suisak,  not,  however,  without  some  damage  to  the  Bear,  whose 
energetic  commander  followed  an  opening  which  a submerged 
cluster  of  rocks  out  of  sight  blocked  and  upon  which  the  ship 
struck  heavily,  damaging  her  apron  and  fore-foot.  This  was  an 
accident  to  be  expected  in  this  wild  and  unknown  region,  but  it 
did  not  diminish  the  spirit  of  the  energetic  fellows  of  the  Bear, 
nor  did  it  impair  the  confidence  of  the  commander  in  the  judg- 
ment of  the  Beards  officers. 

From  this  time  until  the  Duck  Islands  were  passed,  frequent 
gatherings  of  the  captains  of  the  several  vessels  were  had  on  board 
one  or  the  other  of  the  relief  ships.  These  were  known  in  the 
whaling  vernacular  as  “mollies,”  which,  interpreted,  meant  a sort 
of  “smoker”  where  experiences  in  the  ice  regions  were  related. 
As  the  commander’s  ice  experience  was  limited  to  knowledge  ac- 
quired from  reading  the  literature  upon  this  subject,  he  was 
receptive  on  these  occasions  rather  than  communicative.  The 
thrilling  adventures,  the  hairbreadth  escapes,  the  suffering  and 
exposures,  when  caught  and  crushed  by  the  ice,  were  harrowing 
yet  fascinating.  But  from  these  descriptions  of  those  veritable 
old  sea  vikings  much  that  was  valuable  afterward  was  derived. 
Some  among  the  relief  officers  were  inclined  to  infer  that  our 
lack  of  these  experiences  would  discount  the  chances  of  success. 
Not  so,  however,  with  the  commander,  who  reached  the  conclu- 
sion, during  these  conferences,  that  the  experiences  related  were 
to  be  considered  excellent,  if  the  object  was  to  catch  whales ; but 
where  the  purpose  was  to  relieve  Greely,  risk,  rather  than  too 
much  caution,  was  to  be  the  rule  of  action.  The  value  of  experi- 
ence may  be  overestimated  in  this  work ; it  sometimes  begets  con- 
servatism; and  nothing  is  more  true  in  ice  work  than  that  they 
who  know  nothing  fear  nothing.  This  proved  the  dominant  factor 
in  the  expedition ’s  work. 


160 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


A dangerous  nip  of  the  Thetis  off  Horse  Head,  west  of  Tas- 
suisak,  brought  new  sensations  in  the  crackling  of  timbers,  as  if 
the  ship  was  being  ground  to  pieces,  but  they  passed  off  when  we 
learned  that  some  relief  came  from  the  use  of  torpedoes.  The 
struggle  onward  to  the  Duck  Islands  was  constant,  with  favoring 
advantages  to  the  whalers  or  the  relief  ships  as  good  luck  in  the 
leads  occirrred  near  one  or  the  other  until  June  7th,  when  this 
goal  was  reached. 

In  crossing  Melville  Bay  the  Duck  Islands  are  regarded  as 
the  extreme  outpost  for  an  advance.  The  detention  there  until 
the  11th,  by  the  unbroken  pack  over  the  bay,  was  a period  of 
anxious  restlessness.  This  was  all  the  harder  to  bear  from  the 
fact  that  the  weather  was  fine  for  these  regions,  if  occasional  snow 
storms  and  fogs  are  excepted.  This  time  was  not  actually  lost, 
however,  as  Sebree  and  Crosby  improved  the  delay  to  verify  the 
accuracy  of  the  charts,  and  they  found  the  Duck  Islands  about 
six  miles  out  of  position  as  placed  on  the  chart. 

The  outlook  to  the  northwest  was  most  unpromising  indeed; 
no  signs  of  a movement  were  discernible  beyond  small  water 
spaces  about  the  base  of  some  of  the  icebergs,  but  this  sign  was 
encouraging.  One  learns,  however,  after  a little  experience  in 
the  Arctic,  that  changes  are  kaleidoscopic  and  take  place  quickly. 
On  the  11th  a change  occurred  which  the  relief  ships  and  the 
whaling  fleet  sought  to  turn  to  profit.  The  real  contest  now  began 
in  this  vast  solitude  of  ice  and  snow,  and  we  were  to  know,  before 
reaching  Cape  York,  which  of  the  two  contestants  in  this  struggle 
was  to  win  the  honors.  In  this  broad,  unbroken  field  of  ice  it 
would  be  proved  whether  the  conservatism  which  grows  from 
larger  experience  in  dangers,  or  the  daring  ventures  which  the 
supposed  desperate  straits  of  the  Greely  party  justified,  were 
finally  to  win. 

No  one  who  has  never  had  experience  in  the  ice  can  imagine 
the  tension  of  twenty  hours  continuously  in  the  “crow’s-nest,’’ 
and  yet  to  take  the  best  advantage  of  changes  it  is  sometimes 
necessary  to  exceed  even  that  interval.  If  the  expedition  had 
stopped  to  rest  often,  when  it  was  sorely  tempted,  or  if  it  had 
delayed  often  when  it  could  have  been  excused,  Greely  and  his 
comrades  would  never  have  been  returned  alive  to  friends  and 
families. 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  161 


As  the  needle  points  with  unvarying  constancy  to  the  pole, 
in  like  manner  the  camp  of  Greely,  wherever  it  might  be,  was  the 
unvarying  objective  of  the  relief  squadron.  From  start  to  finish 
there  was  but  one  resolve  in  these  ships,  and  to  this  the  lives  and 
sacred  honor  of  the  officers  and  men  were  loyally  pledged. 

The  battle  during  the  11th,  12th,  13th,  and  14th  of  June  with 
the  ice  conditions  varying  with  the  winds  or  tides,  or  the  attract- 
iveness of  leads,  or  the  channels  through  it,  resulted  sometimes 
in  favor  of  one  or  the  other.  It  resembled  somewhat  the  sparring 
for  wind  between  two  pugilists  in  a boxing  contest,  the  main 
purpose  being  to  size  up  the  opponent.  Much  risk  had  to  be  run 
to  gain  more  or  less  advantageous  positions,  and  no  thought  could 
be  taken  of  dangers  in  a region  where  it  is  of  no  use  to  cross 
bridges  until  they  are  reached.  It  resulted  in  a division  of  the 
whaling  fleet,  the  more  conservative  captains  seeking  safety  by 
regaining  the  Duck  Islands,  while  the  more  dashing,  like  Guy  in 
the  Arctic,  Fairweather  in  the  Aurora,  and  Burnett  in  the  Wolf, 
remained  with  the  relief  ships  in  the  pack  some  twenty  miles 
northwest. 

June  15th  opened  with  more  encouraging  prospects,  and 
although  the  Thetis  and  Bear  had  gained  an  advantage  of  some 
four  miles  over  all  the  ships  of  the  whaling  fleet,  a streak  of  bad 
luck  deprived  them  of  some  of  its  benefits,  for  the  break  that 
came  that  day  was  nearer  to  the  Arctic  and  Wolf  than  to  the  relief 
ships,  and  by  this  bad  luck  several  hours  were  lost  in  running 
through  a neck  of  ice  into  open  water.  The  advantage  of  the 
Arctic  and  the  Wolf  was  only  temporary,  however,  for  after  a 
run  of  quite  thirty-five  or  forty  miles,  they  were  overtaken  in  a 
bight  of  the  ice  where  further  progress  was  not  possible.  The 
last  glimpse  of  the  whalers  beset  to  the  eastward  of  the  Duck 
Islands  was  had  just  after  the  relief  ships  had  gained  the  open 
water  leading  to  the  northwest. 

June  16th  and  17th  favored  substantial  advances.  The  large 
open  water  spaces  about  the  ships  forced  them  into  constant  mo- 
tion to  avoid  the  drifting  floes  to  escape  being  crushed.  Tenta- 
tive leads  opened  now  and  then  to  the  southward  and  westward, 
but  when  watched  carefully  with  eyes  which  were  now  trained  to 
some  extent  in  ice  movements,  the  relief  ships  were  not  lured  into 
them.  The  Arctic,  always  dashing,  could  not  resist  the  invitation. 


162 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  but  for  the  fact  that  the  opening  closed  before  the  Aurora 
and  Wolf  could  enter,  both  of  these  vessels,  like  the  Arctic,  would 
likewise  have  been  thrown  out  of  the  contest.  She  was  not  seen 
again  by  the  Thetis,  but  the  more  lucky  Aurora  and  Wolf  re- 
turned to  the  relief  ships  and  shared  their  luck  with  vary- 
ing advantages  up  to  a point  distant  about  ten  miles  from  Cape 
York  on  the  morning  of  June  19th.  At  this  point  both  the 
Aurora  and  Wolf  gave  up  the  fight  after  many  complimentary 
expressions  and  wishes  that  good  luck  would  attend  the  relief 
ships.  They  then  started  for  the  open  water,  to  the  southwest, 
en  route  to  the  fishing  grounds  of  Lancaster  Sound. 

Being  loath  to  lose  any  advantage  that  might  offer  in  the 
open  water  to  the  westward,  the  Bear  was  ordered  to  proceed 
in  that  direction,  and,  if  success  resulted,  to  visit  the  Cary  Islands 
and  rejoin  the  Thetis  at  Littleton  Island.  In  the  meantime,  a 
sledge  party  was  sent  over  the  ice  to  Cape  York  in  charge  of 
Lieutenant  Colwell,  with  directions  to  rejoin  the  Thetis.  A hasty 
breakfast  was  partaken  of,  after  which  the  commander  took  his 
position  in  the  “crow’s-nest’’  to  examine  the  situation  about 
Cape  York  with  a powerful  telescope,  always  a necessary  part 
of  the  ship’s  outfit.  The  Bear  at  this  time  was  out  of  sight,  or 
she  would  have  been  recalled,  as  ominous  black  lines,  over  which 
the  significant  ‘ ‘ water-blink  ’ ’ — a reflection  of  water  on  the  mists 
above — were  seen  under  Cape  York  and  to  the  northward.  Ice 
anchors  were  tripped  immediately.  The  ice  was  skirted  first  east- 
ward, then  north,  and  finally  westward  to  a point  directly  under 
Cape  York,  where  Colwell,  seeing  the  ship  advancing,  awaited 
her  arrival  with  a native  Eskimo  from  whom  he  had  ascertained 
that  Greely  had  not  reached  that  point.  No  time  was  to  be  lost, 
however,  as  the  information  obtained  was  conclusive  that  Greely 
must  be  looked  for  farther  to  the  north.  As  the  ice  had  moved 
bodily  off  the  coast  several  hundred  feet  with  ominous  streaks 
ahead,  the  Thetis  pushed  on  alone  close  to  the  land,  carefully 
inspecting  it  for  smoke,  or  signals,  as  she  passed  onward  to  Con- 
ical Rock,  where  she  arrived  about  four  o ’clock  the  same 
afternoon. 

As  Conical  Rock  was  the  turning  point  to  lower  Smith’s 
Sound,  it  was  important  to  leave  there  the  first  message  for 
Emory  and  Coffin,  in  order  that  they  might  know  the  com- 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  163 

mander’s  movements  and  purposes  on  their  arrival.  One  of  the 
cardinal  principles  of  explorers,  or  of  those  who  enter  the  Polar 
regions  on  any  purpose,  is  to  leave  at  certain  prearranged  points 
complete  records  of  movements  intended,  and,  no  matter  what 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  may  be,  these  points  must  never  be 
passed  without  the  risk  of  confusion  or  possible  misadventure  to 
those  who  are  to  follow.  So  important  is  this  rule  to  those  who 
search  that  failure  to  do  this  may  involve  calamitous  disaster. 
Sebree  ascended  this  rock,  about  three  hundred  feet  high,  and 
built  a cairn  of  stone,  with  a pole  projecting  through  the  top 
bearing  a black  flag  that  might  easily  be  picked  out  on  the  white 
background,  and  buried  in  the  ground  a bottle  hermetically 
sealed  containing  this  record. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  the  outlook  from  this  high  eleva- 
tion was  not  promising,  as  the  sea,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach, 
appeared  blocked  with  impassable  ice  rafted  in  many  places  and 
studded  with  countless  icebergs  of  great  height.  But  after  the 
experiences  from  Disco  Island  through  Melville  Bay  to  this  ad- 
vanced position,  there  was  no  longer  any  obstacle  that  could 
check  the  restless  desire  to  push  on.  The  ships  had  been  tested  in 
ramming,  as  well  as  in  squeezes  of  the  ice  floes;  the  officers  had 
become  accustomed  to  the  shocks  and  grinding  of  the  ice  pack 
and  their  judgment  had  matured  so  fully  that  no  timidity  was 
apparent  in  the  many  risks  they  ran.  Above  all,  confidence 
in  their  ships  was  now  complete,  and  no  hazard  was  too  great 
which  put  the  ship  into  a position  nearer  to  our  beleaguered 
countrymen. 

Off  Cape  Dudley  Diggs  lay  a string  of  rafted  ice  of  great 
thickness  across  which  open  water  was  seen  as  far  as  Wosten- 
holme  Island.  It  cost  a deal  of  time  and  hard  work  to  pass  this 
formidable  barrier,  but  persistent  attacks  with  torpedoes  assisted 
by  the  indefatigable  labor  of  the  officers  and  crew  for  many 
hours,  were  crowned  with  success.  Perhaps  at  no  other  point  of 
the  voyage  was  such  tremendous  ramming  done  by  the  stanch 
old  Thetis.  At  times,  in  the  ‘‘crow’s-nest,”  it  was  thought  her 
masts  must  go  in  the  violent  shocks  against  the  hard,  blue  paleo- 
cristic  ice;  but  she  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  Passing  through 
into  the  narrow  lead  and  on  between  the  heavy  floes  blocking  it 
at  intervals,  the  lesser  shocks  were  hardly  noticed. 

12 


164 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


She  reached  the  western  end  of  Wostenholme  Island  at  about 
midnight,  when  another  cairn  was  erected  containing  records  for 
the  ships  following.  Some  little  time  was  required  to  build  sub- 
stantial cairns,  and  some  difficulty  was  had  at  times  to  find  and 
gather  the  stones  necessary;  but,  this  done,  the  Thetis  was  off 
again  in  time  to  arrive  at  Saimders  Island  about  2.30  a.  m.  At 
this  point  a number  of  Eskimos  were  met  in  sleds  coming  off  to 
the  ship,  as  the  nature  of  the  ice  did  not  allow*  the  Thetis  to 
approach  the  island  nearer  than  a mile  or  more.  From  these 
natives,  Avho  were  fine  specimens  physically,  it  was  learned  that 
Greely  had  not  been  among  them,  and,  from  the  stories  of  their 
hunting  parties  in  the  direction  of  the  Cary  Islands  earlier  in 
the  spring  before  there  was  danger  of  the  ice  breaking  up,  they 
had  seen  no  signs  on  these  islands  to  indicate  the  presence  of 
anyone. 

This  information  was  conclusive  that  Greely  was  still  farther 
north,  and  that  no  delay  must  occur  in  continuing  the  search. 
Therefore,  as  soon  as  Lieutenant  Colwell  returned,  the  Thetis 
again  got  under  way  for  Cape  Parry,  about  thirty  miles  away, 
at  4.30  in  the  morning  of  Jime  20th.  The  ice  met  en  route  pre- 
sented occasional  difficulties  where  the  hummocks  were  just  low 
enough  to  pass  under  the  boats  swinging  at  the  davits,  but  the 
leads  through  it  were  so  marked  that  the  ship  following  them 
sustained  only  rude  shocks  at  times,  though  now  and  then  the 
propeller  would  fetch  up  all  standing  against  the  spurs  of  hum- 
mocks projecting  from  them  under  water.  Cape  Parry  was 
reached  at  about  2 p.  m.  the  same  afternoon,  but  some  little  delay 
was  caused  by  having  to  follow  a lead  off  shore  which  eventually 
led  up  near  enough  to  the  beach  to  effect  a landing  and  to  build  a 
cairn  to  contain  a record  for  the  ships  following  and  to  ascertain 
that  Greely  had  not  reached  this  point. 

From  Cape  Parry  to  Northumberland  and  Hakluyt  islands, 
the  way  across  Whale  Sound  was  through  loose  ice-floes,  broken 
somewhat  by  the  tidal  action.  After  getting  clear  of  the  ice  about 
Cape  Parry,  the  Thetis  struck  a rock  in  the  lead  she  was  follow- 
ing, though  without  material  injury,  as  she  was  going  at  slow 
speed.  Between  Northumberland  and  Haklu>i:  islands  the 
ice  lay  jammed,  but  not  to  such  extent  as  to  prevent  the  Thetis 
passing  through  to  search  the  shore  lines  for  signals  or  other  evi- 


THE  THETIS. 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  165 


denees  of  the  missing  party.  Being  fully  satisfied  upon  this 
point,  the  Thetis  pushed  her  way  on  through  the  ice  to  the  north. 
During  the  night  the  wind  increased  to  a moderate  gale  from 
the  southwest,  with  fiurries  of  snow  which  interfered  with  making 
the  passage  through  this  belt  of  icebergs  of  great  size,  extending 
to  the  westward  many  miles.  This  belt  was  twenty  miles  in 
breadth,  and  many  of  the  bergs  were  at  least  three  hundred  feet 
in  height. 

This  formidable  belt  proved  to  be  the  last  barrier  met  on  the 
passage  to  Littleton  Island,  and  after  passing  through  it  the 
Thetis  emerged  into  open  water  free  from  ice  as  far  as  could  be 
seen  from^  the  ‘ ‘ crow  ’s-nest.  ’ ’ It  was  the  long-looked-f or  ‘ ‘ north 
water,”  which,  at  this  early  season,  had  only  begun  its  movement 
southward.  The  wind  increased  to  a gale,  before  which  the 
Thetis  sped,  with  steam  and  sail,  for  Littleton  Island,  which  was 
reached  at  2.30  a.  m.  on  the  morning  of  June  21st,  but  not  with- 
out having  run  upon  a submerged  rock  not  marked  on  the  chart. 
She  hung  for  five  or  ten  minutes  and  tore  off  some  sheathing,  but 
not  enough  to  cause  worry.  On  her  way  to  this  point,  every  inch 
of  the  coast  between  Cape  York  and  Littleton  Island  had  been 
swept  with  telescopes  for  signs,  signals,  or  smoke  sure  to  be  made 
by  the  missing  party.  The  passage  from  Disco,  through  quite 
seven  hundred  miles  of  ice,  to  Littleton  Island,  had  been  a sevefe 
trial  for  the  ship  and  a trying  test  of  endurance  to  the  personnel. 
The  commander  did  not  spare  himself,  so  he  felt  fully  justified 
in  requiring  of  all  others  what  he  imposed  as  a duty  upon  him- 
self in  that  ceaseless  combat,  and  his  officers  and  men  loyally 
did  their  duty. 

From  the  17th  of  June  to  the  21st  there  was  hardly  a moment 
of  relaxation  from  the  strain  and  anxiety  of  work  in  the  perils 
of  the  ice  packs.  The  commander  was  rarely  out  of  the  ‘‘crow’s- 
nest”  during  these  days  of  danger.  The  one  hope  which  ani- 
mated all  hands  was  to  reach  and  rescue  the  lost  expedition  be- 
fore it  was  too  late.  It  was  a race  with  time. 

On  the  afternoon  of  June  21st  the  wind  had  increased  to  a 
heavy  gale,  with  blinding  snow  squalls,  which  made  the  work 
of  the  searching  parties  on  ashore  most  difficult;  but,  notwith- 
standing these  hindrances,  they  succeeded  in  finding  evidences  in 
the  undisturbed  caches  of  provisions  left  there  to  indicate  that 


166 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Littleton  Island  had  not  been  visited  by  any  of  the  missing 
expedition. 

The  delay,  however,  caused  by  this  stormy  weather,  brought 
new  anxieties.  The  Bear,  which  had  been  parted  from  at  Cape 
Y^ork,  had  not  yet  rejoined  the  Thetis,  as  was  hoped,  and  the 
enforced  delay  of  twenty-four  hours  was  one  of  restless  im- 
patience. 

Kane  Sea  was  now  to  be  entered  to  continue  the  search  further 
north,  and  it  would  not  have  been  prudent  to  set  out  from  Little- 
ton Island  without  knowing  whether  the  Bear  had  escaped  the 
dangers  besetting  her  route  from  Cape  York.  The  next  day, 
Sunday,  at  noon,  after  notices  had  been  deposited  on  McGarry 
Island  for  Emory  and  Coffin,  the  lines  of  the  Thetis  were  being 
cast  off  from  a grounded  berg,  just  north  of  Littleton  Island,  to 
set  out  for  Cape  Sabine,  when  the  commander  saw  from  the 
“crow’s-nest’’  the  Bear  coming  up  through  the  rifts  in  the  snow 
squalls.  It  was  a moment  of  great  delight. 

Emory  came  on  board  the  Thetis  upon  arrival  to  report  the 
incidents  of  his  cruise  after  separating  from  the  commander  at 
Cape  York  on  the  19th.  As  no  open  w^ater  to  the  northwest  had 
been  found,  he  was  obliged  to  retrace  his  steps  during  the  day 
to  Cape  York,  which  he  found  beset  with  heavy  ice,  closing  all 
passages  of  the  morning,  as  the  pack  had  drifted  back  closing  up 
the  lead  so  opportunely  seized  that  morning  by  the  Thetis  to 
reach  Conical  Rock.  The  Bear  had  two  or  three  narrow  escapes 
while  battling  with  the  dense  pack  off  Cape  York,  and  when  she 
did  succeed  in  passing  that  point  she  saw  the  Aui'ora  was  in 
trouble  and  had  lowered  her  boats  as  if  the  danger  were  serious ; 
but  she  was  too  far  away  for  Emory  to  get  to  her,  so  he  continued 
toward  Littleton  Island,  touching  en  route,  as  his  orders  required, 
at  the  Cary  Islands. 

By  a piece  of  good  luck  the  leads  along  the  land  had  closed 
up,  leaving  a bit  of  open  water  off  shore,  and  this  fact  facilitated 
somewhat  his  passage  to  the  Cary  Islands,  where,  on  his  arrival 
at  8 P.  M.,  June  20th,  he  found  the  caches  of  provisions  undis- 
turbed, thus  verifying  the  information  given  the  Thetis  by  the 
Eskimos  at  Saunders  Island.  Emory’s  voyage  through  the  ice 
to  open  water  was  one  of  much  peril,  but  the  gale  felt  by  the 
Thetis  had  evidently  done  its  work  further  south,  as  three  hours 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  167 


after  the  Bear  left  the  Cary  Islands  she  ran  into  open  water  and 
arrived  at  Littleton  Island  a little  after  noon  on  Sunday,  June 
22d. 

The  objective  point  was  now  Cape  Sabine  as  the  next  in  the 
line  of  search,  and,  although  the  weather  was  very  bad  and  the 
wind  blowing  with  fury  during  the  snow  squalls,  the  sea  was 
tolerably  clear  of  heavy  ice.  The  start  was  made  by  the  relief 
ships  at  or  near  2 p.  m.  for  Cape  Sabine,  where  both  vessels  ar- 
rived about  9 p.  M.,  impeded  a good  deal  by  heavy  pack  ice  ex- 
tending two  or  three  miles  off  the  land.  A passage,  however,  was 
forced  after  some  heavy  ramming  into  the  harbor  ice  of  Payer 
Harbor,  where  both  ships  made  fast  with  ice  anchors  to  the  ice 
which  had  not  yet  broken  up.  Parties  were  detailed  to  examine 
simultaneously  the  cairns  on  Brevoort  Island,  Stalknecht  Island, 
the  coast  line  around  the  bay  and  Cape  Sabine.  When  these 
parties  had  left  the  ship  it  was  blowing  heavily  from  the  south- 
ward, with  biting  snow  squalls,  which  impeded  somewhat  the 
search. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  commander  had  gone  to  his  room  to  take 
some  rest  to  prepare  for  the  battle  through  Kane  Sea  if  perchance 
the  search  about  Cape  Sabine  should  reveal  no  tidings  of  the 
missing  expedition.  His  berth  against  the  ship’s  side  was  near 
the  water-line,  or,  more  properly,  the  ice-line.  While  no  sound 
could  be  heard  on  deck  because  of  the  roaring  of  the  wind 
through  the  rigging,  he  distinctly  heard  what  appeared  to  be 
cheering.  Hastening  on  deck  to  inform  Lemly,  who  was  the  deck 
officer,  he  learned  from  him  that  he  had  heard  nothing  and  could 
see  nothing  for  the  falling  snow,  which  shut  out  the  islands  and 
the  cape.  The  commander  returned  to  his  room,  leaving  instruc- 
tions to  keep  a sharp  lookout.  A second  time  cheering  was  dis- 
tinctly heard,  and  this  time  unmistakably.  The  sounds  had  been 
borne  by  the  ice  against  the  ship’s  side  almost  to  the  ear.  A 
little  thought  recalled  the  excellent  conducting  qualities  of  ice 
and  explained  all.  Returning  again  to  inform  Lemly  that  there 
was  no  doubt  about  hearing  cheering,  a rift  in  the  squall  disclosed 
seaman  Jewell  running  over  the  ice  from  Brevoort  Island  toward 
the  Thetis,  holding  up  and  waving  a package.  A few  minutes 
later  Harlow  signalled  that  Greely’s  records  had  been  found  on 
Stalknecht  Island. 


168 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  excitement  in  both  ships  when  this  fact  became  known 
was  most  intense,  and  when  seaman  Jewell  came  over  the  side  to 
deliver  the  package  Taunt’s  party  had  found  on  Brevoort  Island, 
with  the  information  added  that  the  records  showed  that  Lieu- 
tenant Greely  and  party  were  at  Cape  Sabine,  no  words  could 
express  the  surpassing  emotions  of  joy  which  filled  every  soul  on 
board.  Realizing  that  he  who  rejoices  last  rejoices  best,  these  rec- 
ords were  carried  below  to  the  cabin  to  be  carefully  read  over 
to  the  officers  left  on  board.  To  the  horror  of  all,  they  bore  date 
of  ‘ ‘ Sunday,  October  21,  1883,  ’ ’ the  last  visit  made  to  this  cairn 
by  members  of  the  Greely  party.  This  was  eight  months  before 
the  relief  ships  had  arrived.  The  most  disturbing  information  in 
the  records  was  that  the  party  would  winter  under  desperate  cir- 
cumstances and  in  danger  of  starvation,  having  only  forty  days 
of  available  rations!  Could  they  be  alive  on  June  22,  18841 

The  story  told  in  these  records  was  a wonderful  one,  and  so 
affected  most  present  that  there  was  hardly  a dry  eye.  The  next 
move  was  a pressing  issue  only  to  be  solved  by  immediate  action, 
and  to  this  there  was  but  one  answer.  No  time  could  be  wasted. 

The  general  call  of  three  long  whistle  blasts  from  the  Thetis 
was  sounded  to  recall  all  searching  parties.  The  commander 
went  on  board  the  Bear  to  hasten  on  to  the  wreck  camp  cache 
near  Cocked  Hat  Island,  about  six  miles  away  around  Cape 
Sabine,  though  in  an  air-line  across  the  ice-covered  mountains 
it  was  hardly  more  than  three.  The  Thetis  was  left  to  follow 
after  picking  up  all  the  searching  parties. 

The  Bear,  followed  closely  by  the  Thetis,  arrived  off  the 
wreck  camp  cache  about  10  p.  m.,  and  there  found  Lieutenant 
Greely  and  six  of  his  comrades  in  a tent  which  the  violent  gale 
had  blown  down  over  the  party  as  they  lay  in  their  sleeping-bags. 
The  other  eighteen  of  his  party  had  perished,  some  while  seeking 
relief  toward  Cape  Isabella;  some  drowned  while  sealing;  some 
had  starved  to  death.  The  graves  of  a number  were  on  a little 
ridge  hardly  two  hundred  feet  away. 

The  condition  of  the  survivors  was  desperate  in  the  extreme, 
while  the  squalor  of  the  camp  as  found  was  heartrending  and 
distressing.  One  of  the  whistle  blasts,  blown  to  recall  the  search- 
ers, was  heard  in  the  camp,  and  Brainard  and  Long  went  out  to 
the  cliff  overlooking  Kane  Sea  to  learn  what  it  might  mean.  To 


RESCUE  OF  GREELY  AND  SIX  COMPANIONS  169 


their  joy,  the  promise  was  real : for  not  long  afterward  the  her- 
alded ships  were  in  sight. 

All  those  rescued  were  at  the  last  limit  of  their  endurance,  as 
their  swollen  joints  and  great  weakness  indicated  only  too  plainly. 
Life  was  a question  of  a few  days  at  most  to  that  noble  band. 
It  is  a matter  of  grave  doubt  had  the  relief  ships  been  delayed 
forty-eight  hours  whether  a living  soul  would  have  been  found 
of  the  party.  It  is  even  more  certain  that  if  their  rescue  had  de- 
pended upon  the  whalers  they  could  not  have  been  reached  in 
time. 

There  were  many  touching  incidents  of  this  memorable  night’s 
work  in  the  bleakness  of  that  awful  night  in  the  Arctic,  and  the 
commander  hoped  then  that  he  might  never  again  have  to  look 
upon  a scene  of  such  sulfering  and  sorrow.  Doctors  Green  and 
Ames  nursed  these  sulfering  ones  back  to  strength,  life  and  fur- 
ther usefulness. 

The  success  of  the  relief  ships  in  1884  was  made  possible  in 
the  fullest  measure  by  the  officers  and  men  who  shared  the  dan- 
gers and  exposures  with  the  commander,  and  who  were  willing 
to  undergo  any  privation  or  to  undertake  any  risk  to  reach  and 
rescue  their  imperilled  countrymen. 

They  did  so  with  much  credit  to  themselves  and  with  much 
renown  to  the  Navy  and  to  the  Nation. 


CHAPTER  XVII 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 
1884 

The  search  having  been  completed,  the  relief  ships  returned 
to  Cape  Sabine  with  the  living  and  the  dead  of  the  Lady  Franklin 
Bay  Expedition  on  board.  After  the  strenuous  work  of  the  past 
twenty-four  hours,  a rest  of' six  hours  was  ordered  for  all  hands. 

The  day  following  the  rescue  the  Bear  was  directed  to  return 
to  the  wreck  camp  with  Sebree,  Melville,  and  Crosby,  to  make 
a second  search,  covering  a wider  area  to  the  eastward  and  west- 
ward of  the  camp,  with  a view  to  recovering  anything  that  the 
search  of  the  day  before  might  have  overlooked.  This  was  neces- 
sary, as  none  of  the  rescued  party  had  sufficiently  recovered  from 
their  deplorable  physical  and  mental  state  to  give  any  definite 
idea  of  their  belongings,  or  whether  any  material  matter  had 
been  left  behind.  This  second  search  did  not  add  a scrap  of  in- 
formation, nor  an  additional  article  to  those  found  and  brought 
on  board  through  the  thoroughness  of  the  first  day ’s  search  under 
Emory’s  direction.  The  region  searched,  however,  embraced  an 
area  of  more  than  two  miles  outside  the  camp  and  the  snow-house 
that  had  been  occupied  by  Greely  and  his  party  since  October 
of  1883. 

The  gale  of  the  past  two  or  three  days  had  subsided  somewhat, 
and  the  ice  in  Kane  Sea,  held  to  the  northward  of  Cape  Sabine, 
began  moving  south;  so  that  the  Bear,  in  returning,  had  a fortu- 
nate escape  from  the  crush  of  ice  as  it  impinged  upon  that  rocky 
headland  just  after  she  had  passed  to  join  the  Thetis  at  Payer 
Harbor.  The  moment  Emory  reported  the  result  of  this  second 
search  both  ships  were  forced  to  hurry  to  Littleton  Island  to 
escape  being  cut  off  by  the  densely  packed  ice  fast  closing  down 
on  them  from  Kane  Sea. 

At  Littleton  Island  six  of  the  dead  were  transferred  to  the 
Bear,  and  directions  were  given  to  prepare  their  bodies  for  trans- 
170 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


171 


portation  home.  In  both  ships  this  was  carefully  and  tenderly 
done  by  the  surgeons  and  a detail  of  officers,  who  identified  per- 
fectly each  body  from  the  last  photograph  taken  of  the  party  be- 
fore it  had  sailed  from  home  on  this  ill-fated  journey.  The  prob- 
able effect  of  a change  of  temperature  in  going  south  suggested 
their  preservation  in  alcohol  as  the  best  means  of  getting  them 
home  safely  to  friends.  Before  this  operation  could  be  completed 
the  ominous  “ice  blink’’  to  the  north  indicated  the  sure  approach 
of  the  pack  moving  south.  This  warned  the  commander  that 
another  retreat  must  be  made  past  Cape  Olsen  to  Foulke  Fiord, 
but  on  arriving  there  the  ice  in  the  bay  had  not  yet  broken  up. 

It  was  evident,  therefore,  that  the  relief  ships  must  begin 
to  retrace  their  course  toward  Northumberland  and  Hakluyt 
islands  to  watch  for  a break  in  the  pack  in  the  direction  of  Cape 
Parry.  Much  the  same  ice  conditions  met  by  the  Thetis  were 
again  encountered  by  the  Thetis  and  Bear,  now  in  company,  and, 
that  Emory  might  know  the  commander’s  intentions,  he  was  in- 
structed to  keep  as  close  to  the  Thetis  as  wind,  weather  and  ice 
would  allow ; but  if  any  misadventure  separated  the  ships  he  was 
to  proceed  to  Upernavik,  which  was  the  appointed  rendezvous. 
Just  north  of  Northumberland  Island,  the  same  broad  belt  of  ice- 
bergs was  again  fallen  in  with,  but  the  weather  was  a little  more 
favorable  at  this  time  for  passing  this  formidable  barrier,  yet,  in 
passing  through,  it  was  necessary  once  or  twice  to  brace  the 
Thetis’s  yards  “sharp  up,”  to  squeeze  by  one  or  two  of  these 
immense  mountains  of  ice. 

Arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  Northumberland  Island,  the  ice 
appeared  to  be  closed  up  as  if  it  had  never  been  open.  The  Bear 
was  beset  about  a half  mile  north  of  the  position  chosen  by  the 
Thetis  in  the  pack  between  the  two  islands.  A change  of  tide  and 
wind  later  loosened  the  ice  about  the  Bear,  thus  permitting  her 
to  work  in  near  the  Thetis  and  await  further  developments. 
These  came  early  on  June  25th,  when  small  openings  to  the  south- 
west of  Hakluyt  Island  tempted  the  relief  ships  to  a position 
that  was  not  altogether  safe,  if  the  tide  and  wind  had  set  the  ice 
toward  the  land.  Fortunately,  the  changes  that  did  occur  dis- 
closed patches  of  open  water  six  miles  from  Cape  Parry,  and  an- 
other ramming  experience  past  the  south  side  of  Northumber- 
land Island  enabled  the  ships  to  reach  that  cape  about  10  p.  m. 


172  FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 

The  records  left  at  this  point  were  taken  up,  and  a new  one  left, 
informing  Coffin  of  the  successful  rescue,  with  directions  to  re- 
turn to  Upernavik,  the  appointed  rendezvous.  This  same  course 
was  pursued  at  Wostenholme  Island  and  at  Conical  Rock,  as  the 
relief  ships  in  time  and  turn  reached  and  passed  them. 

Soon  after  midnight  of  June  26th,  as  the  relief  ships  were 
steaming  south  through  the  leads  near  Saunders  Island  toward 
the  looser  ice,  several  whalers  were  sighted  from  the  masthead. 
It  was  3 A.  M.  when  the  relief  ships  came  up  with  them  and  an- 
nounced the  successful  rescue  of  Greely,  with  full  details  of  the 
incident.  This  point  was  more  than  two  hundred  miles  below 
Cape  Sabine,  and  was  the  most  northerly  point  that  any  of  this 
Dundee  whaling  fleet  had  reached  six  days  after  the  Thetis 
passed  north.  If,  by  any  chance,  the  relief  ships  had  been  dis- 
abled in  the  struggle,  it  would  have  been  too  late  when  the  whaling 
fleet  arrived  at  Cape  Sabine  to  have  saved  Greely  or  any  of  his 
party  alive,  for  their  lease  of  life  on  June  22d  was  not  more  than 
forty-eight  hours,  according  to  the  most  liberal  estimate  of  the 
surgeons  of  the  relief  ships. 

On  reaching  Saunders  Island  the  weather  outlook  was  bad, 
with  the  barometer  only  a little  above  29  inches.  It  was  decided 
to  remain  a few  hours  in  this  better  anchorage  to  await  develop- 
ments from  the  moderate  northerly  gale  then  blowing.  The 
weather  continuing  the  same,  notwithstanding  the  low  barometer, 
a further  advance  was  made  toward  Conical  Rock,  but  before 
arriving  there  the  wind  changed  to  the  southward,  packing  the  ice 
so  densely  that  some  unimportant  mishaps  occurred  to  the  Thetis. 
After  some  delay  she  arrived  on  the  morning  of  June  27th. 
After  a short  sojourn  at  that  point,  the  ships  were  off  again  for 
Cape  York  and  the  passage  of  Melville  Bay  to  Upernavik.  Ap- 
proaching the  vicinity  of  Cape  York,  dense  fog  and  snow  en- 
veloped the  relief  ships,  compelling  them  to  follow  leads  wher- 
ever these  appeared  to  offer  the  least  obstruction  up  to  Cape 
York,  where  the  ice  pack  had  jammed  in  against  the  coast,  forcing 
a detour  of  about  eighteen  or  twenty  miles  to  reach  the  Bushnan 
Islands,  which  lie  east  of  the  headland. 

The  passage  across  Melville  Bay  was  confronted  with  almost 
as  much  difficulty  as  in  going  north.  It  was  realized  that  as  much 
care  was  to  be  taken  to  reach  and  hold  a place  in  the  open  water 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


173 


as  when  passing  the  other  way.  Icebergs  had  lost  their  terror, 
however,  for  us  now,  as  we  had  used  them  so  often  as  a barrier 
against  the  drifting  floes,  or  as  secure  moorings  when  all  else  ap- 
peared to  be  moving.  Ramming  the  ice  was  of  daily  occurrence. 
The  Thetis  and  Bear  had  shown  great  capacity  for  this  work, 
but  an  experience  of  the  Thetis  on  the  afternoon  of  June  29th, 
when  about  sixty  or  seventy  miles  to  the  southeast  of  Cape  York, 
in  attempting  to  force  a passage  through  some  stubborn  ice,  re- 
sulting in  knocking  everyone  down  on  deck  and  nearly  throwing 
the  commander  from  the  “crow’s-nest,”  suggested  that  it  would 
be  wiser  to  wait  for  the  winds  and  tide  to  do  their  work.  Sebree 
resecured  the  rudder-head,  injured  in  clearing  a false  lead  in 
Melville  Bay  on  the  way  north  during  the  delay  this  stubborn 
obstruction  occasioned. 

On  the  following  day,  June  30th,  the  change  of  wind  to  the 
east  caused  the  ice  to  ease  off  to  the  westward,  leaving  open  leads 
in  which,  however,  there  were  strings  of  tough  ice  through  which 
the  relief  ships  rammed  their  way  toward  the  Devil ’s  Thumb  and 
the  Sugar  Loaf  Mountain,  in  sight  on  the  Greenland  coast  north 
of  the  Duck  Islands.  It  was  felt  that  the  worst  of  the  dangers 
had  been  passed,  although  there  were  yet  two  hundred  miles  or 
more  of  ice  to  be  worked  through. 

Late  on  the  afternoon  of  June  30th  the  Alert  and  Loch  Garry 
were  sighted  from  the  “crow’s-nest,”  beset  in  the  pack  off  the 
Devil’s  Thumb,  in  latitude  74°  30'  north,  exposed  to  the  dangers 
of  the  Melville  Bay  ice.  It  was  early  in  the  season  for  a vessel  of 
the  Alert’s  small  engine  power  to  have  worked  so  far  along  in  the 
pack,  hampered  as  she  was  by  the  iron  collier,  Loch  Garry.  Much 
credit  was  due  to  Commander  Coffin  for  the  energy  and  courage 
he  had  shown  in  venturing  so  early  within  this  zone  of  danger 
with  a vulnerable  collier.  Commander  Coffin’s  report  to  the 
commander  on  his  arrival  near  the  Alc7't,  showed  how  contin- 
ous  the  work  of  himself,  his  officers  and  men,  had  been  to  ad- 
vance safely  in  the  face  of  such  difficulties,  and  often  how  rapidly 
ice-docks  had  to  be  resorted  to,  in  order  to  save  the  Loch  Garry 
from  being  crushed  in  nips. 

As  soon  as  all  details  of  the  rescue  had  been  explained,  and 
the  plans  for  the  return  of  the  vessels  arranged  with  Coffin  and 
Emory,  the  relief  squadron  set  out  for  Upernavik  with  the  Thetis 


174 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


leading.  The  wind  being  from  the  southward,  and  the  tide  flood- 
ing, all  leads  were  closed  up,  and  to  these  difficulties  a dense  fog 
was  added,  which  arrested  any  further  movement  to  the  south. 
This  fact  obliged  the  squadron  to  anchor  to  the  floe  ice  until  the 
conditions  should  change. 

From  this  moment  until  the  squadron’s  arrival  at  Upernavik 
in  the  forenoon  of  July  2d,  there  had  been  several  changes  in 
the  places  of  the  ships,  with  a view  to  facilitating  their  passage 
of  the  ice.  The  Thetis^  being  the  most  powerful  ice-breaker,  was 
in  the  lead  of  the  column,  the  Bear,  usually  next,  was  assigned  to 
different  positions,  as  the  Alert  or  Loch  Garry  was  found  to 
do  better  following  closely  the  Thetis,  or,  if  jammed  by  the  ice 
closing  in  the  wake  of  the  leader,  the  Bear  could  best  break  them 
out.  After  a tedious  passage,  winding  in  and  out  among  ice- 
bergs and  through  leads  in  the  floes  over  this  dangerous  un- 
charted region,  the  Bear  had  the  misfortune  to  strike  another 
group  of  rocks  and  to  injure  her  sore  fore-foot  still  further ; but 
after  a couple  of  hours  of  work  she  was  pulled  off  by  the  Thetis 
and  Alert.  Her  leak  had  increased  only  a very  small  amount 
from  this  second  misadventure,  so  it  gave  no  serious  concern. 

During  the  passage  from  Cape  Sabine  to  Upernavik  the  res- 
cued members  of  the  Greely  party  improved  with  each  day, 
except  poor  Elison,  whose  condition  grew  graver.  The  mani- 
festation of  symptoms  of  blood  poisoning,  originating  in  the 
limbs  that  had  been  frozen,  gave  the  attending  surgeons  serious 
alarm.  The  hope  to  be  able  to  bring  him  home  alive,  alas,  was 
not  to  be  realized.  On  the  passage  through  Melville  Bay,  as 
strength  was  gained  physically  and  mentally  little  by  little,  the 
story  of  the  experiences  of  the  sufferers  during  those  last  months 
at  the  wreck  camp  cache  was  gathered  together.  It  was  a won- 
derful story  of  heroic  incidents,  and  still  more  heroic  deaths,  in 
the  face  of  Arctic  desolation. 

Whether  the  Lady  Franklin  Bay  expedition  accomplished 
much  or  little,  or  whether  it  was  wise  to  venture  beyond  regions 
ordinarily  accessible,  matters  not ; the  heroic  courage  with  which 
its  brave  fellows  faced  all  perils,  even  that  of  the  last  enemy,  will 
live  in  the  song  and  verse  of  the  language. 

On  arriving  in  the  vicinity  of  Upernavik,  where  the  anchoring 
ground  was  limited,  the  Alert  and  Loch  Garry  were  directed  to 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


175 


proceed  onward  to  Godhaven  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  Thetis 
and  the  Bear.  In  going  north,  a quantity  of  coal  had  been 
landed  at  Upernavik  as  a reserve,  and  as  soon  as  this  was  taken 
on  board  and  the  Eskimo  pilot  discharged,  a good-by  was  said 
to  Governor  Elborg  and  the  settlement  at  Upernavik  on  the  after- 
noon of  July  3d.  As  the  relief  ships  steamed  out  of  the  harbor, 
the  Governor  honored  their  departure  with  a salute  of  six  guns, 
which  had  to  be  acknowledged  by  steam  whistles  and  by  dipping 
the  colors  as  there  were  no  cannon  on  board. 

Although  the  ice  had  not  disappeared,  the  passage  south  was 
not  much  interrupted  as  far  as  the  Waigat  Straits.  The  day 
following  was  July  4th,  our  natal  day  as  a nation,  and  at  noon, 
although  it  was  snowing,  the  national  flags  were  displayed  at  the 
mastheads.  Passing  Waigat  Straits  the  ice  was  left  behind,  and 
with  it  the  sensation  of  striking  and  butting  the  pack  ice  to  which 
all  hands  had  grown  so  accustomed  in  the  1,300  miles  of  work  in 
the  ice-fields  which  had  been  passed  through.  It  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  it  took  some  time  to  become  used  to  the  ships  in  pass- 
ing into  the  open  sea,  where  the  rising  and  falling  of  waves 
was  a more  familiar  and  agreeable  movement.  The  Thetis  and 
Bear  arrived  at  Godhaven  on  the  early  morning  of  July  5th, 
and  rejoined  the  Alert  and  Loch  Garry.  At  this  time,  poor 
Elison’s  condition  had  become  so  grave  that  the  surgeons,  after 
consultation,  decided  that  the  only  chance  for  his  life  was  to 
amputate  his  feet  first  and,  after  a sufficient  interval,  when  the 
patient  had  recovered  from  the  shock,  his  hands.  Exposure  to 
extraordinary  conditions  for  the  long  interval  at  Cape  Sabine, 
together  with  the  depletion  of  his  reserve  of  strength  owing  to 
lack  of  proper  food,  had  done  its  fatal  work,  and,  despite  the 
skill  and  care  of  the  surgeons,  poor  Elison  died  quietly  and 
apparently  unconscious  the  third  day  after  the  operation. 

Christiansen,  the  Eskimo,  who  had  perished  during  the  win- 
ter at  Cape  Sabine,  was  buried  at  Disco  in  accordance  with  the 
desire  of  Inspector  Andersen,  who  received  the  body  at  the  land- 
ing, accompanied  the  funeral  cortege  to  the  little  church  and 
afterward  to  the  little  cemetery,  where  an  Eskimo  minister  com- 
mitted the  body  to  the  tomb  after  an  eloquent  and  beautifully 
simple  discourse. 

The  injury  to  the  rudder  of  the  Thetis  had  been  repaired 


176 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


only  temporarily  in  Melville  Bay  and  was  too  serious  to  venture 
to  sea  without  shipping  in  its  place  the  spare  one  on  board.  The 
smooth  water  in  the  completely  landlocked  harbor  of  Godhaven 
facilitated  the  operation  of  unshipping  the'  old  and  shipping 
the  spare  rudder  and  was  improved  for  this  purpose  while  cer- 
tain necessary  repairs  to  the  Alert’s  engines  were  being  made  by 
her  own  mechanics.  The  9th  of  July,  the  day  appointed  for 
the  departure  for  St.  John’s,  came  and,  at  six  o’clock  in  the 
morning,  the  relief  squadron,  after  delivering  some  two  hundred 
rations  to  the  inspector  to  relieve  a stress  brought  about  by  the 
non-arrival  of  the  usual  supply  ship  from  Denmark,  bade  fare- 
well to  the  kindly  Greenlanders  and  sailed  away. 

Passing  the  latitude  of  Cape  Farewell  and  over  on  the  Labra- 
dor side  in  the  polar  current,  which  sets  south,  the  squadron  fell 
in  with  and  passed  a large  number  of  stately  icebergs,  as  they 
floated  majestically  onward  to  the  warmer  waters  of  the  Atlantic 
about  Cape  Race.  During  clear  weather  the  scene  was  superb,  as 
the  glints  of  sunlight  were  reflected  in  prismatic  colors  in  the  halo 
of  the  mist  about  them.  But  during  foggy  weather  these  mon- 
sters constituted  a danger  which  required  constant  vigilance  to 
avoid.  Fortunately,  however,  we  had  learned  something  about 
icebergs  during  the  weeks  passed  in  their  company  in  the  ice 
regions,  where,  as  they  were  moved  about,  it  was  observed  that 
they  dropped  off  patches  of  ice  which  strung  out  from  them  and 
were  known  as  “tailings.”  When  these  “tailings”  were  met 
going  south  in  fogs  a sheer  of  the  helm  always  carried  the  ships 
clear. 

Off  the  Funk  Islands  a gale  sprang  up  in  the  night,  accom- 
panied by  a heavy  fog,  separating  the  Thetis  and  Bear  from  the 
Alert.  Although  the  speed  of  the  squadron  had  been  reduced 
to  two  or  three  knots  an  hour,  and  the  steam  whistles  were 
sounded  to  keep  touch  with  each  other,  the  Alert  fell  astern  and 
could  not  be  picked  up  the  next  evening  at  the  appointed  ren- 
dezvous,. twenty-five  miles  northeast  of  Cape  Spear.  From  the 
Funk  Islands  onward  to  St.  John’s  the  fog  was  dense.  The 
course  of  the  relief  squadron  carried  it  directly  on  to  a rock- 
bound,  dangerous  coast,  and  this  fact  obliged  the  most  cautious 
navigation. 

On  the  morning  of  Jiily  17th  the  town  clock  in  St.  John’s 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


177 


was  heard  striking  nine,  and  as  there  was  only  one  place  imme- 
diately opposite  the  narrow  opening  where  the  clock  could  be 
heard  outside,  the  Thetis  was  headed  directly  for  this  opening. 
Within  ten  minutes  she  was  in  the  entrance  within  plain  sight 
of  the  town  and  passed  in  out  of  the  dense  fog  bank. 

Before  sailing  from  New  York,  it  was  realized  that  the  news 
which  the  relief  squadron  was  to  bring  back  would  be  anxiously 
awaited.  An  arrangement  had  been  made  through  Mr.  Cyrus 
W.  Field  to  the  effect  that  if  the  squadron  should  return  in  the 
fall,  or  if  it  should  be  sighted  to  the  north  of  St.  John’s  at  any 
time,  the  cable  to  New  York  should  be  held  by  the  agent  at  St. 
John’s  so  as  to  give  despatches  to  the  Government  the  preference 
over  all  others  referring  to  the  squadron’s  work,  or  the  news  it 
was  to  bring  of  the  missing  expedition.  This  arrangement  was 
made  and  faithfully  kept.  The  first  telegram  sent  that  morn- 
ing was  one  to  Washington,  as  follows: 

St.  John’s,  N.  F.,  July  17,  1884. 

Hon.  Wm.  E.  Chandler, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy, 

Washington,  D.  C.: 

Thetis,  Bear,  and  Loch  Garry  arrived  here  to-day  from  West  Greenland,  all 
well,  separated  from  Alert  yesterday  150  miles  north.  At  9 p.  ivi.,  June  22d, 
five  miles  west  of  Cape  Sabine,  in  Smith  Sound,  Thetis  and  Bear  rescued,  alive. 
Lieutenant  A.  W.  Greely,  Sergeant  Brainard,  Sergeant  Fredericks,  Sergeant 
Long,  Hospital  Steward  Bierderbick,  Sergeant  Elison,  and  Private  Connell, 
the  only  survivors  of  the  Lady  Franklin  Bay  Expedition. 

Sergeant  Elison  had  lost  both  hands  and  feet  by  frost  bite,  and  died  at 
Godhaven,  July  8th,  three  days  after  amputation,  which  had  become  impera- 
tive. Seventeen  of  the  twenty-five  persons  composing  the  expedition  perished 
by  starvation  at  the  Point  where  found;  one  was  drowned  while  seeking  to 
procure  food.  Twelve  bodies  of  the  dead  were  recovered  and  are  now  on 
board  the  Thetis  and  Bear.  One  Eskimo,  Frederick,  was  buried  at  Disco  in 
accordance  with  the  desire  of  the  Inspector  of  North  Greenland.  Five  bodies 
buried  on  the  ice  foot  near  the  camp  were  swept  away  to  sea  by  winds  and 
currents  before  my  arrival  and  could  not  be  recovered.  - 

Names  of  the  dead  recovered  with  date  of  death  as  follows:  Sergeant 
Cross,  January  18,  1884;  Frederick,  Eskimo,  April  5th;  Sergeant  Linn,  April 
6th;  Lieutenant  I.ockwood,  April  9th;  Sergeant  Jewell,  April  12th;  Private 
Ellis,  May  19th;  Sergeant  Ralston,  May  23d;  Private  Whistler,  May  24th; 
Sergeant  Israel,  May  27th;  Lieutenant  Kislingbury,  June  1st;  Private  Henry, 
June  6th;  Private  Schneider,  June  18th.  Names  of  the  dead  buried  on  the  ice 
foot,  with  date  of  death,  whose  bodies  were  not  recovered,  as  follows:  Sergeant 


178 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Rice,  April  6, 1884;  Corporal  Salor,  June  3d;  Private  Bender,  June  6th;  A.  A. 
Surgeon  Pavy,  June  6th;  Sergeant  Gardiner,  June  12th.  Drowned  by  break- 
ing through  newly  formed  ice  while  sealing:  Jens  Edwards,  Eskimo,  April 
24th.  I would  urgently  suggest  that  bodies  now  on  board  be  placed  in  metallic 
cases  here  for  safe  and  better  transportation  in  a seaway.  This  appears  to  me 
imperative. 

Greely  abandoned  Fort  Conger  August  9,  1883,  reached  Baird  Inlet  Sep- 
tember 29th  following,  with  party  all  well.  Abandoned  all  his  boats  and  was 
adrift  for  thirty  days  on  ice  floe  in  Smith’s  Sound.  His  permanent  camp  was  es- 
tablished October  21 , 1883,  at  point  where  he  was  found.  During  nine  months 
this  party  had  to  live  upon  a scant  allowance  of  food  brought  from  Fort  Conger, 
that  cached  at  Payer  Harbor  and  Cape  Isabella  by  Sir  George  Nares,  in  1875, 
but  found  much  damaged  by  lapse  of  time;  that  cached  by  Beebe  at  Cape 
Sabine  in  1882;  and  the  small  amount  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the  Proteus  in 
1883,  and  landed  by  Lieutenants  Garlington  and  Colwell  on  beach  where 
Greely’s  party  was  found  camped.  When  these  provisions  were  consumed, 
party  was  forced  to  live  upon  boiled  sealskin  strips  from  their  sealskin  clothing, 
lichens  and  shrimps  procured  in  good  weather  when  they  were  strong  enough 
to  make  exertion.  As  1500  shrimps  were  required  to  fill  a gill  measure,  the 
labor  was  too  exhausting  to  depend  upon  them  to  sustain  life  entirely. 

Channel  between  Cape  Sabine  and  Littleton  Island  did  not  close,  on 
account  of  violent  gales,  all  winter;  so  that  240  rations  at  latter  point  could 
not  be  reached.  All  Greely’s  records  and  all  instruments  brought  by  him 
from  Fort  Conger  are  recovered  and  are  on  board. 

From  Hare  Island  to  Smith’s  Sound  I had  a constant  and  furious  struggle 
with  ice.  Impassable  floes  and  solid  barriers  were  overcome  by  watchfulness 
and  patience;  no  opportunity  to  advance  a mile  escaped  me,  and  for  several 
hundred  miles  ships  were  forced  to  ram  their  way  from  lead  to  lead  through 
ice  ranging  in  thickness  from  three  to  seven  feet  and,  where  rafted,  much 
greater. 

Thetis  and  Bear  reached  Cape  York  June  18th  after  passage  of  twenty 
days  in  Melville  Bay,  with  two  advance  ships  of  the  Dundee  whaling  fleet, 
and  continued  to  Cape  Sabine.  Returning  seven  days  later,  fell  in  with  seven 
others  of  the  fleet  off  Wostenholme  Island,  and  announced  Greely’s  rescue  to 
them  that  they  might  not  be  delayed  from  their  fishing  grounds  nor  tempted 
into  the  dangers  of  Smith’s  Sound  in  view  of  the  reward  of  $25,000  offered  by 
Congress. 

Returning  across  Melville  Bay,  fell  in  with  Alert  and  Loch  Garry  off  Devil’s 
Thumb,  struggling  through  heavy  ice.  Commander  Coffin  did  admirably  to 
get  so  far  along  with  transport  so  early  in  the  season,  before  an  opening  had 
occurred.  Lieutenant  Emory  with  the  Bear  has  supported  me  throughout 
with  great  skilfulness  and  unflinching  readiness  in  accomplishing  the  great 
duty  of  relieving  Greely.  I would  ask  instructions  about  the  Loch  Garry  as 
the  charter  party  held  by  her  master  differs  in  several  important  particulars 
from  mine. 

Greely  party  are  much  improved  in  health  since  rescue,  but  condition 
was  critical  in  extreme  when  found  and  for  some  days  after.  Forty-eight 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


179 


hours’  delay  in  reaching  them  would  have  been  fatal  to  all  now  living.  Season 
north  is  late  and  closest  for  years.  Kane  Sea  was  not  open  when  I left  Cape 
Sabine.  Winter  about  Melville  Bay  most  severe  for  thirty  years. 

This  great  result  is  entirely  due  to  the  prompt  action  and  unwearied 
energy  of  yourself  and  Secretary  of  War  in  fitting  this  expedition  for  the  work 
it  has  had  the  honor  to  accomplish. 

W.  S.  Schley,  Commander. 

This  telegram  was  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
who,  at  the  time,  was  at  West  Point,  on  the  Hudson,  and  replied 
to  it  as  follows : 

July  17,  1884. 

Commander  W.  S.  Schley  : 

Receive  my  congratulations  and  thanks  for  yourself  and  your  whole 
command  for  your  prudence,  perseverance,  and  courage  in  reaching  our  dead 
and  dying  countrymen.  The  hearts  of  the  American  people  go  out  with  great 
affection  to  Lieutenant  Greely  and  the  few  survivors  of  his  deadly  peril.  Care 
for  them  unremittingly  and  bid  them  be  cheerful  and  hopeful  on  account  of 
what  life  has  yet  in  store  for  them.  Preserve  tenderly  the  heroic  dead;  pre- 
pare them  according  to  your  judgment  and  bring  them  home. 

William  E.  Chandler, 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

The  news  of  the  expedition’s  successful  search  was  soon 
flashed  over  the  country  and  throughout  the  world,  and  before 
the  sun  had  set  that  day  hundreds  of  telegrams  from  the  cham- 
bers of  commerce  of  the  several  large  cities  and  from  many 
prominent  national  and  State  officials  were  received  congratulat- 
ing the  expedition  upon  its  splendid  work.  All  day  long  the 
ships  were  visited  by  the  kind  people  of  St.  John’s,  anxious  to 
say  one  word  to  the  rescued  of  the  pleasure  they  felt  that  good 
fortune  had  favored  the  expedition  in  reaching  them  in  time. 
Sir  John  Glover,  the  governor,  and  Lady  Glover,  together  with 
the  other  officials  and  principal  residents  of  St.  John’s,  were 
bountiful  in  their  courtesy  and  attention.  During  the  week  of 
the  relief  ships’  stay  in  port,  it  would  have  been  impossible  to 
find  time  to  accept  the  many  invitations  to  dinners,  dances, 
receptions,  and  teas  tendered  to  the  officers  and  men  by  those 
hospitable  people.  Our  consul,  Mr.  Molloy,  and  his  wife  took 
Greely  under  their  hospitable  roof  for  a few  days. 

On  the  26th,  when  the  squadron  sailed  from  St.  John’s  for 
home,  it  was  escorted  out  of  port  by  a fleet  of  steam  vessels  of 


13 


180 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


all  sizes  loaded  down  with  the  kind  islanders,  who  took  this 
method  of  testifying  their  great  interest  and  respect  for  those 
who  had  been  rescued.  When  the  relief  ships  were  well  out 
toward  Cape  Spear,  the  accompanying  fleet  passed  in  succes- 
sion around  the  relief  squadron,  sounding  their  whistles,  dip- 
ping their  flags  as  a salute,  and  giving  it  a farewell  cheer  on  its 
way  home. 

It  was  the  intention  to  reach  Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  on  the  2d  of 
August,  reasonable  allowance  having  been  made  for  the  contrary 
southwesterly  winds,  usual  in  the  summer  along  the  North 
American  coast;  but  after  passing  Cape  Pace  the  wind  shifted 
into  the  east  and,  blowing  fresh  for  a day  or  two,  set  the  squadron 
a day  ahead  of  the  time  announced  to  arrive.  Nearing  the  har- 
bor, it  was  observed  that  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  Rear 
Admiral  S.  B.  Luce,  commanding,  reinforced  by  the  Training 
Squadron,  were  at  anchor  in  the  lower  harbor.  On  arriving 
within  the  port,  it  was  learned  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
and  the  Chief  Signal  Officer  of  the  Army  were  present  to  greet 
and  give  official  welcome  to  the  survivors.  The  presence  of  the 
North  Atlantic  Squadron  was  to  give  evidence  of  the  honor  felt 
throughout  the  service  at  the  distinguished  success  of  its  repre- 
sentatives in  the  relief  squadron. 

During  the  brief  stay  of  three  or  four  days  the  relief  ships 
attracted  much  attention  from  the  many  visitors  from  all  parts 
of  the  country.  The  city  of  Portsmouth  honored  the  occasion 
by  extending  the  freedom  of  the  city  to  the  officers  and  men  of 
the  relief  ships,  and  by  giving  a grand  civic  reception  to  the  res- 
cued and  rescuers,  which  grew  into  an  enthusiastic  ovation  as 
the  procession  of  bluejackets  and  marines  and  citizen  soldiery 
passed  through  its  streets.  At  night  a formal  public  reception 
was  tendered  the  officers  and  men  of  the  relief  squadron  by  the 
city  officials.  Senator  Eugene  Hale,  General  B.  F.  Butler,  Sec- 
retary W.  E.  Chandler,  and  other  distinguished  officials  present 
made  eloquent  and  touching  addresses  of  welcome  and  congratu- 
lation. 

On  August  5th  the  squadron  sailed  for  New  York  under  the 
secretary’s  instructions,  and  not  long  after  passing  Cape  Ann 
was  enveloped  in  a dense  fog  which  lasted  almost  without  inter- 
ruption until  Fire  Island  light  was  sighted,  in  consequence  of 


THE  RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION 


181 


which  the  squadron  was  delayed  more  than  twenty-four  hours 
in  reaching  New  York,  where  it  arrived  on  the  morning  of 
August  8th.  As  the  squadron  approached  Governor’s  Island, 
the  military  headquarters  of  the  Department  of  the  East,  it  was 
received  with  a salute  of  twenty-one  guns  from  Fort  Columbus. 
The  bodies  of  the  rescued  dead  were  delivered  to  Major  Gen- 
eral Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  commanding;  the  Secretary  of 
War,  the  Hon.  Robert  T.  Lincoln;  Lieutenant  General  Philip  H. 
Sheridan,  Brigadier  General  Wm.  B.  Hazen,  Commodore  T. 
Scott  Fillebrown,  and  many  other  distinguished  officers  being 
present.  The  bodies  were  received  by  a battery  of  the  Fourth 
and  one  of  the  Fifth  Artillery,  and  a salute  of  minute  guns. 

The  work  of  the  relief  ships  having  been  concluded,  they 
proceeded  to  the  Navy-Yard,  where  they  were  put  out  of  com- 
mission, the  officers  detached,  and  the  crews  discharged. 

During  the  year  1886  the  Legislature  of  Maryland  spread 
upon  its  journal  a ‘‘joint  resolution  of  thanks,”  and  voted  a 
gold  chronometer  watch,  bearing  a beautiful  inscription  of  its 
appreciation  of  this  service  of  the  commander,  who  was  a resi- 
dent of  that  commonwealth.  The  Massachusetts  Humane  So- 
ciety awarded  the  commander  a first-class  gold  medal,  to  express 
its  approval  of  the  duty  done  in  saving  life. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


CHIEF  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 
1885-1889 

A FEW  days  before  the  relief  ships  went  out  of  commission 
President  Arthur  came  to  New  York,  taking  quarters  at  the 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  where  the  commander  and  other  officers  of 
the  three  relief  ships  were  received  in  special  audience,  being 
presented  to  his  Excellency  by  the  Hon.  Win.  E.  Chandler,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  Hon.  Robert  T.  Lincoln,  Secre- 
tary of  War,  under  whose  joint  supervision  the  expedition  had 
been  equipped  for  the  work  it  had  just  completed  so  triumph- 
antly. President  Arthur  thanked  the  officers  and  men,  and 
added  those  of  the  nation,  for  their  zealous  devotion,  and  for 
their  successful  performance  of  the  duties  with  which  he  had 
charged  them.  After  a pleasant  chat  of  a half  hour,  he  in- 
formed the  commander  that  he  had  directed  the  secretary  to 
promote  him  to  the  position  of  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equip- 
ment and  Recruiting  in  the  Navy  Department,  just  vacated  by 
the  assignment  of  Rear  Admiral  Earl  English  to  the  European 
station.  At  the  same  time,  the  President  informed  the  com- 
mander that  he  had  instructed  the  secretary  to  give  to  Com- 
mander Coffin  and  to  Lieutenant  Emory  any  duty  they  preferred 
as  most  pleasing  to  them  commensurate  with  their  rank. 

This  information,  so  far  as  it  related  to  the  commander,  came 
with  so  much  surprise  that,  in  thanking  the  President,  he  stam- 
mered in  effect  the  suggestion  that  he  was  being  rewarded  far 
beyond  what  his  services  merited.  The  President,  with  great 
courtliness  and  dignity,  replied  that  he  believed  he  was  the 
better  judge,  and  that  he  only  wished  the  law  permitted  him  to 
reward  the  commander  more  substantially. 

Coffin  asked  assignment  to  equipment  duty  at  the  Navy-Yard, 
New  York,  in  order  to  afford  to  his  beautiful  young  daughter 
183 


CHIEF  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 


183 


just  budding  into  sweet  maidenhood  the  advantages  of  the  su- 
perior schools  of  that  great  metropolis. 

Emory  asked  assignment  to  the  command  of  the  Despatch, 
used  at  that  time  as  the  President’s  yacht,  but  urged  the  point 
that  he  did  not  wish  the  command  until  the  term  of  duty  of 
his  friend.  Lieutenant  Reeder,  had  expired. 

Both  assignments  were  ordered  by  the  secretary  as  nearly 
coincident  as  possible  with  the  commander’s  assignment  as  chief 
of  the  Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruiting.  When  the  relief 
ships  had  been  put  out  of  commission,  the  officers  and  men 
were  granted  the  respite  they  so  much  needed  after  the  taxing 
strain  and  trying  exposure  of  their  duties  in  the  fields  of  ice  and 
snow  in  high  northern  latitudes. 

The  new  field  to  which  the  President  had  assigned  the  com- 
mander embraced  duties  that  were  new  and  almost  unknown 
to  him.  They  were  approached  with  some  misgivings,  lest  this 
post  of  honor,  with  its  multifarious  ramifications,  might  tran- 
scend the  business  capacity  of  the  new  appointee ; but  some  com- 
fort was  derived  from  the  secretary’s  assurance  that  he  had  full 
faith  that  the  new  duties  would  be  fulfilled  as  acceptably  as  those 
which  had  passed  into  history  with  such  credit  to  the  Navy. 
The  duties,  as  well  as  the  personnel,  of  the  bureau  had  to  be 
studied  with  some  care  before  changes  could  be  made,  or  its  sys- 
tems of  business  modified  in  any  particular.  In  time,  however, 
the  laws  governing  the  administration  of  its  business  had  be- 
come familiar  and  the  scale  of  worth  of  the  clerks  had  been 
decided.  Some  changes  in  duties  took  place  for  the  better 
transaction  of  the  bureau’s  business,  but  no  changes  in  the  per- 
sonnel were  necessary. 

A notable  feature  which  first  impressed  the  new  chief  was 
the  absence  of  any  plan  of  indexing,  recording  and  filing  the 
bureau’s  large  correspondence  of  many  thousands  of  letters 
received  annually,  embracing  almost  every  subject,  with  a view 
to  readily  recall  what  had  been  done.  It  was  not  possible  to 
remember  the  action  taken  in  many  thousands  of  cases;  there- 
fore a system  had  to  be  devised,  or  borrowed,  by  which  the  set- 
tlement reached  in  all  cases  could  be  expeditiously  turned  to, 
with  all  the  papers  referring  to  the  subject. 

Some  months  of  inquiry  and  examination  resulted  in  the  adop- 


184 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


tion  of  a scheme  which  made  the  indexing,  numbering,  filing  and 
recording  of  this  voluminous  correspondence  so  simple  that  only 
a few  moments  were  necessary  to  decide  what  the  bureau ’s  action 
upon  any  matter  had  been,  and  the  exact  spot  where  hands  could 
be  laid  upon  it. 

In  the  fall  of  the  year  1884  the  presidential  election  took 
place,  the  contest  being  between  the  Hon.  Grover  Cleveland, 
Democrat,  and  the  Hon.  James  G.  Blaine,  Kepublican.  The  con- 
test was  one  of  unusual  activity  and  excitement,  and  much  as  it 
was  to  be  regretted,  personalities  and  abuse  of  both  candidates 
increased  as  the  campaign  advanced.  The  result  was  a defeat 
of  the  Eepublican  candidate,  whose  brilliant,  magnetic  person- 
ality and  commanding  connection  with  the  policy  and  politics 
of  his  party  for  thirty  years  had  made  him  hosts  of  friends  as 
well  as  enemies.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of 
March,  1885,  and  the  Hon.  W.  C.  Whitney  succeeded  the  Hon. 
W.  E.  Chandler  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Long  control  of  the 
Government  by  the  Republican  party  and  the  supposed  excesses 
growing  up  under  it,  led  to  an  investigation  of  the  affairs  in  the 
Navy  Department,  but  revealed  nothing  wrong  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  its  responsibilities. 

The  construction  of  the  new  Navy,  begun  in  1882  under  the 
Republican  administration,  was  advanced  and  given  additional 
impetus  under  President  Cleveland,  during  whose  administra- 
tion a number  of  formidable  vessels  were  added  to  the  Navy  list. 
The  bureau’s  connection  with  these  new  vessels  embraced  every- 
thing relating  to  their  rigging,  galley  and  furniture,  anchors, 
chains,  sails,  awnings,  hangings  and  furnishings  of  officers’ 
quarters,  coal,  enlistment  of  men,  and  many  other  details  con- 
nected with  the  outfits  of  naval  supplies  and  stores  for  them. 

With  the  demand  for  increased  space  in  the  new  vessels  came 
also  the  need  of  reducing  the  weight  of  outfits  carried  and  a 
decrease  in  the  sizes  of  all  rigging  supporting  spars  which  forced 
the  substitution  of  steel  where  iron  had  formerly  been  used.  The 
specifications  setting  forth  the  physical  characteristics  of  this 
newer  material,  possessing  the  minimum  of  size  with  the  maxi- 
mum of  strength,  occasioned  some  friction  between  the  depart- 
ment officials  and  the  manufacturers,  who,  in  some  instances,  ex- 
pressed the  belief  that  what  the  department  demanded  could  not 


CHIEF  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 


185 


be  produced  in  the  United  States.  Some  ventured  the  opinion 
that  the  department  officials  did  not  know  anything  of  the  diffi- 
culties to  be  met  in  making  what  was  required  under  the  high 
standards  specified.  In  plainer  English,  some  thought  these 
department  officials  ‘ ‘ didn ’t  know  what  they  were  talkin  ’ about.  ’ ’ 
It  resulted  that  the  manufacturers  produced  the  material  re- 
quired, and  it  was  not  long  before  they  were  asking  for  harder 
conditions  still,  and  met  them  with  the  same  skill  and  prompt- 
ness. 

Under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Whitney  the  matter  of  uni- 
forming the  men  of  the  service  was  suggested,  the  idea  prominent 
in  the  suggestion  being  to  cheapen  the  outfit  to  the  men  as  well 
as  to  standardize  the  colorings  of  cloths  used  in  the  Navy  uni- 
form, and  to  simplify  the  system  of  the  grade  marks  that  the 
ranks  of  the  non-commissioned  petty  officers  might  be  more  easily 
distinguished ; in  other  words,  to  adopt  a smart  uniform  for  the 
men  as  a means  to  better  discipline  to  grow  out  of  their  increased 
self-respect  in  wearing  it.  A board  of  officers  was  ordered  by 
Mr.  Whitney  to  consider  the  matter  and  to  report  the  conclu- 
sions reached,  which  were  in  effect  in  accordance  with  the  sug- 
gestions made  at  the  outset  of  the  matter.  A fully  illustrated 
book  of  regulations  of  the  uniform  was  published,  containing 
plates,  grade  marks,  colors  of  all  articles,  and  every  essential 
needed  to  standardize  the  uniform  for  officers  and  men. 

On  the  26th  of  June,  1885,  President  Cleveland  directed  the 
chief  of  equipment  and  recruiting  to  perform,  in  addition  to  his 
own  duties,  those  of  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Provisions  and 
Clothing.  This  assignment  naturally  brought  under  review  the 
living  conditions  of  the  men  on  board  ship  and  the  consideration 
of  the  component  elements  of  the  Navy  ration,  which  for  many 
years  had  varied  little.  The  improvements  and  variety  in  the 
systems  of  preparing  and  preserving  meats,  vegetables,  flours, 
milks,  etc.,  then  in  vogue,  gave  larger  scope  to  interpret  what 
was  meant  by  preserved  meats,  or  flours,  or  vegetables,  in  the 
law  which  specified  these  elements.  The  purpose  in  view  was  to 
include  many  things  which  the  newer  preparations  made  avail- 
able, in  order  that  the  diet  supplied  by  the  Government  to  its 
sailors  might  be  more  palatable  and  nutritious  because  it  was 
more  varied.  It  was  not  alone  in  this  one  direction  that  inter- 


186 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


est  was  manifested  in  the  sailor’s  welfare.  The  law  which 
allowed  honorably  discharged  men  the  advantage  of  three 
months’  pay,  as  if  continuously  in  service,  reenlisting  for  three 
years  within  three  months  from  the  date  of  discharge,  appeared 
to  justify  the  effort  to  secure  for  such  men  the  privilege  of 
living  on  board  receiving-ships  whenever  they  might  elect  dur- 
ing this  period,  subject  to  existing  regulations,  a ration  to  be 
authorized  each  day  while  so  living. 

To  encourage  the  habit  of  thrift  and  saving  among  the  crews 
of  ships,  and,  as  w^ell,  to  throw  around  them  the  protecting  care 
of  the  Government,  Congress  was  asked  to  and  did  enact  the  law 
authorizing  enlisted  men  to  deposit  all  earnings  they  might  save 
with  the  paymaster  of  the  ship  in  which  they  were  serving,  the 
Government  allowing  interest  at  4 per  cent,  per  annum  upon  all 
sums  so  deposited,  to  be  paid  upon  discharge  of  the  men.  To 
encourage  the  young  apprentice  who  entered  the  service  intend- 
ing it  to  be  his  career,  and  to  avoid  the  discouragement  of  a load 
of  debt  for  outfit  of  clothing  in  beginning  his  service.  Congress 
granted  an  outfit  of  clothes  not  to  exceed  in  value  $40.  This 
amount  was  sufficient  to  clothe  the  lad  on  beginning  his  service. 
Supplementing  this  by  one  ration  a day,  the  beginner  immedi- 
ately began  to  earn  a small  daily  stipend. 

It  was  held,  too,  that  in  a republican  government  there  should 
be  no  discrimination  against  the  advancement  to  any  position 
the  lad  might  be  able  to  attain;  that  the  restriction  which  lim- 
ited the  promotion  of  seamen  to  the  grade  of  warrant  officer 
should  be  removed,  to  permit  the  worthy  to  pass  from  the  fore- 
castle to  the  quarter-deck  annually  in  certain  limited  numbers. 
This  view  was  sustained  by  the  fact  that,  in  the  monarchical 
countries  of  Europe,  it  was  possible  for  the  enlisted  man  to  attain 
commissioned  grades  through  some  heroic  devotion  to  duty 
whereby  the  country’s  glory  was  enhanced. 

In  the  Army  this  recognition  of  merit  had  long  been  the  rule ; 
hence  the  discrimination  against  the  Navy  appeared  only  the  more 
unjust.  Letters  were  written  to  the  chairman  of  the  Naval  Com- 
mittee, at  that  time  the  Hon.  Hilary  A.  Herbert,  afterward  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy,  with  the  approval  of  President  Cleveland 
and  Secretary  Whitney,  advocating  legislation  to  this  end ; but 
service  opposition  to  the  measure  at  that  period  overthrew  action 


CHIEF  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 


187 


and  it  was  not  until  the  Spanish- American  war  occurred  and  the 
splendid  work  of  the  ‘‘men  behind  the  guns”  became  world- 
renowned,  that  the  needed  legislation  was  had  removing  the  bar- 
rier. It  was  suggested,  too,  in  the  interest  of  a higher  efficiency, 
and  to  attach  men  to  the  Navy  in  that  same  sense  of  loyalty  as 
the  officer,  to  pension  them  after  a certain  term  of  continuous 
service  when  no  longer  able  to  work.  This  was  all  the  more  im- 
portant from  the  fact  that  their  companions  in  arms  in  the  Army 
enjoyed  this  bounteous  provision  of  a grateful  Government  when 
full  of  years  honorably  served  for  home  and  country.  This 
legislation  occurred  as  well  after  the  war  of  1898  had  attracted 
the  nation’s  attention  to  the  value  of  the  sailor’s  service  to  his 
country.  Be  it  said  to  the  honor  of  these  noble  public  servants 
that  the  flag  in  their  keeping  has  never  gone  dovm  in  defeat 
from  1776  to  1898. 

These  things,  to  the  advantage  of  the  men,  were  advocated  a 
little  before  the  Navy,  usually  conservative,  was  ready  for  them ; 
but  there  was  so  much  confldence  felt  in  the  spirit  of  fairness  of 
the  American  people  and  their  dignifled  common  sense  in  adopt- 
ing all  questions  when  fairly  presented  that  the  earlier  advocate 
felt  sure  that  success  was  merely  a matter  of  time. 

With  the  new  ships  building  for  the  Navy,  wherein  “coal- 
whips”  had  replaced  “tacks  and  sheets,”  it  was  apparent 
that  a change  in  the  system  of  educating  men  for  this  change 
was  at  hand.  To  meet  this  new  condition,  a school  of  instruc- 
tion was  established  at  the  Washington  Navy-Yard,  and  at 
the  torpedo  station  at  Newport.  One  hundred  and  fifty  men 
annually  were  sent  to  these  schools,  to  become  familiar  with 
gun  construction  and  to  acquire  skill  in  the  manufacture  and 
handling  of  auxiliary  engines  used  for  so  many  purposes  on 
board  modern  ships.  At  Newport  their  instruction  embraced 
high  explosives,  torpedoes,  the  management  and  control  of  dyna- 
mos, electric  lighting,  the  care,  preservation  and  manufacture 
of  gun-cotton,  nitro-glycerine,  etc.  The  year  of  instruction  being 
concluded  they  were  graded  in  merit  as  seaman-gunners,  pass- 
ing back  into  the  general  service,  where  farther  advancement 
depended  upon  practical  competence,  reliability  and  good 
conduct. 

From  this  beginning  infinite  good  to  the  service  has  resulted 


188 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  much  of  the  high  efficiency  of  its  enlisted  personnel  is  due. 
It  is  a matter  of  deep  satisfaction,  in  the  later  years  of  life,  to 
have  been  identified  with  measures  of  such  vital  consequences 
in  bettering  some  of  the  conditions  in  the  life  of  the  enlisted 
men  of  the  service,  and  to  have  helped  in  improving  the  status 
under  which  they  serve ; for,  after  all,  it  is  on  their  skill  behind 
the  gun,  or  before  the  furnace,  that  we  are  to  depend  for  victory 
in  the  combats  of  the  future. 

The  business  connections  of  the  bureau  and  a residence  in 
Washington  necessarily  brought  its  chief  into  personal  and  offi- 
cial relations  with  many  of  the  prominent  men  of  that  period. 
It  broadened  the  horizon  of  observation  and  enlarged  oppor- 
tunities for  observing  men  and  motives  in  the  great  arena  of 
political  life.  As  a center,  Washington  is  the  Mecca  of  all 
Americans.  Most  of  the  distinguished  statesmen  of  the  coun- 
try and  men  of  eminence  in  the  various  professions,  as  well  as 
the  noted  men  in  the  naval  and  military  services,  are  met  in  the 
Capital.  Kings  and  queens  of  other  countries  are  not  visitors, 
though  princes  representing  the  royal  houses  of  Europe  have 
visited  the  city. 

Foreigners  of  almost  every  other  grade  have  been  visitors  to 
study  our  methods  and  customs  and  to  contrast  them  with  those 
of  older  peoples  of  Europe.  The  science  of  popular  govern- 
ment in  full  operation  is  there  to  be  witnessed  by  them,  and  from 
time  to  time  it  has  been  discussed  in  the  foreign  monthlies,  not 
always  in  fairness.  But  the  nation  has  grown  so  phenomenally 
great  in  numbers,  in  wealth  and  in  culture,  that  it  invites  critical 
comparison  with  composure. 

It  surely  is  the  one  place  in  America  where  discussions  of 
business,  or  the  price  of  stocl^s,  are  fully  intermixed  with  all 
the  other  subjects  that  are  interesting  to  the  people.  As  an 
intellectual  center  it  attracts  the  scientific  men  of  the  nation 
and  world.  Its  museums  and  galleries  are  replete  with  subjects 
for  the  student  of  art  and  science  and  literature. 

It  was  the  chief’s  privilege  to  meet  and  know  at  different 
times  the  notable  men  of  civil  and  military  life  living  in  Wash- 
ington or  who  visited  it.  The  list  included  a large  number  of 
those  who  had  been  prominent  in  Congress,  in  the  Cabinets,  in 
the  great  departments,  and  in  the  sister  military  service. 


CHIEB^  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 


189 


Among  these  latter  were  Generals  Sherman,  Sheridan,  Hancock, 
Schofield,  Miles,  Johnston,  Longstreet,  Gordon,  and  many  others 
who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the  great  Civil  War;  and, 
in  his  own  profession,  its  foremost  captains,  like  Admirals  Por- 
ter, Worden,  Jouett,  Roe,  Rodgers,  and  many  others  who  had 
won  renown.  At  close  range  all  these  men  were  accessible,  pleas- 
ing in  conversation,  interesting  in  relating  experiences,  simple  in 
their  modes  of  life,  and  forceful  in  character.  At  their  enter- 
tainments there  were  gathered  about  the  tables  the  most  distin- 
guished men  and  women  of  the  day. 

On  one  occasion  an  incident  recalled  to  General  Sheridan 
the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Five  Forks,  and  his  charmingly 
simple  admission  astonished  one  of  the  party.  He  was  asked 
what  his  sensations  were  in  that  fierce  onslaught  when  the  air 
seemed  filled  with  whizzing  bullets.  This  lion-hearted  little 
warrior,  the  Murat  of  the  Civil  War,  replied  that  “if  anybody 
supposed  he  liked  it,  or  was  undisturbed  in  that  or  any  other 
fight  in  which  he  had  taken  part,  it  was  a mistake  ! ‘ Why,  my 

heart  used  to  thump  pretty  hard,  and  I think  it  was  about  the 
same  with  us  all!’  ” Bayard  Taylor  says,  “The  bravest  are  the 
tenderest,  the  loving  are  the  daring.”  He  could  have  said,  the 
real  hero  is  always  simple,  always  modest,  always  truthful. 

During  the  writer’s  service  in  Washington  he  had  frequent 
opportunities  to  meet  and  to  know  and  admire  General  Sheridan, 
as  did  every  one  who  came  within  his  range ; and  when  he  passed 
over  into  the  shades  of  the  other  shore  at  Nonquit,  Mass.,  in 
August,  1888,  the  nation  was  in  mourning,  so  profoundly  had 
he  graven  his  name  and  his  fame  on  the  hearts  of  the  people. 

In  the  term  of  service  in  Washington,  another  presidential 
election  came  round,  with  President  Cleveland  the  Democratic 
and  General  Benjamin  Harrison  the  Republican  candidates,  re- 
sulting in  General  Harrison’s  election.  Being  in  the  caldron  of 
politics  at  that  time,  though  in  no  way  connected  with  the  issues, 
the  writer  saw  political  excitement  run  up  to  the  high-water 
mark.  The  personalities  of  the  previous  campaign  were  dis- 
carded and  discouraged,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  leaders 
of  both  factions;  and  when  the  election  was  decided  all  excite- 
ment disappeared  the  day  following  and  the  people  quietly 
returned  to  business. 


190 


FORTY-FI^TE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


On  the  4th  of  March,  1889,  President  Harrison  was  inaug;u- 
rated,  and  General  B.  F.  Tracy,  of  New  York,  replaced  Mr. 
Whitney  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Mr.  Tracy  was  a distin- 
guished lawyer  of  New  York;  his  great  reputation  and  high 
personal  character  had  preceded  him.  Like  most  laymen,  in 
taking  up  the  cares  and  responsibilities  of  a technical  depart- 
ment, he  entertained  some  misgivings  as  to  his  capacity  to  master 
the  duties  of  this  important  place,  except  with  the  loyal  help  of 
his  commodores,  as  chiefs  of  bureaus  were  then  kno^vn.  Dur- 
ing a call  made  upon  him  at  the  Hotel  Arno  the  day  after  his 
arrival,  he  intimated  this  doubt,  but  when  the  suggestion  was 
made  that  he  would  find  no  difficulties  in  his  way,  if  he  studied 
to  be  as  good  a judge  as  he  w^as  an  advocate,  he  seemed  to  derive 
more  confidence.  Mr.  Tracy,  like  Mr.  Whitney,  was  an  excel- 
lent secretary,  and  left  an  abiding  impression  upon  the  Navy, 
which  they  both  did  so  much  to  build  up  to  a greatness  com- 
mensurate with  that  of  the  nation. 

As  the  chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equipment  had  striven  hard, 
working  with  conscientious  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  office 
for  more  than  four  years,  helping  three  secretaries  with  all  his 
energy  to  equip  and  fit  for  active  service  the  new  vessels  ap- 
pearing from  month  to  month,  the  desire  to  get  back  to  the 
sea  life  and  in  touch  with  the  changing  conditions  developing 
in  it  impelled  him  to  ask  for  service  on  that  element  where  so 
many  years  had  been  spent.  His  desire  was  supplemented  by 
considerations  of  a personal  nature  which  were  pleaded  for  the 
relief  sought.  The  secretary  kindly  considered  them. 

The  writer  had  been  promoted  in  April  of  1888  to  the  lineal 
grade  of  captain  by  President  Cleveland,  and  in  September 
of  that  year  was  renominated  and  confirmed  as  chief  of  bureau 
for  another  term  of  four  years.  But  after  the  accession  of  Sec- 
retary Tracy  a high  sense  of  loyalty  to  him  prompted  a reten- 
tion of  the  office  until  the  new  secretary  had  acquired  perfect 
familiarity  with  the  duties  of  the  bureaus,  before  carrying  into 
effect  the  understanding  reached  when  the  new  assignment  was 
requested. 

On  June  21,  1889,  the  following  letter  was  addressed  ten- 
dering resignation  of  the  office: 


CHIEF  OF  BUREAU  IN  WASHINGTON 


191 


Navy  Department, 
Bureau  Equipment  and  Recruiting, 
Washington,  D.  C., 

June  21,  1889. 

Sir:  For  reasons  of  a personal  nature  already  explained  to  you,  I have 
the  honor  to  tender  my  resignation  as  Chief  of  this  Bureau,  to  take  effect  July 
31,  1889. 

I avail  myself  of  this  occasion  to  thank  you  for  the  uniform  courtesy  and 
confidence  accorded  to  me  during  our  association,  and  to  wish  your  adminis- 
tration the  best  and  fullest  success. 

With  high  regard. 

Your  obedient  servant, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Hon.  B.  F.  Tracy,  Chief  of  Bureau. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Four  days  after  this  communication  had  reached  the  secre- 
tary the  latter  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  chief  of 
bureau : 

Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.  C., 

June  25,  1889. 

Sir:  I have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  21st  instant, 
tendering  your  resignation  as  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruit- 
ing in  the  Navy  Department,  to  take  effect  July  31  next. 

In  complying  with  your  wish  to  leave  the  Navy  Department  for  personal 
reasons  which,  in  conversation,  you  have  fully  explained  to  me,  I hereby  accept 
your  resignation  as  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equipment  and  Recruiting,  to  take 
effect  July  31  next. 

In  so  doing  I wish  to  express  to  you  the  kindR  feeling  which  has  attended 
our  mutual  relations  and  duties,  and  to  assure  you  of  my  regret  that  an  inter- 
course so  pleasantly  begun  should  be  so  soon  terminated. 

If  you  have  any  choice  as  to  your  immediate  future  employment,  I shall 
be  glad  to  meet  your  views,  so  far  as  practicable,  in  your  assignment  to  duty. 

With  every  wish  for  your  success  in  the  various  positions  to  which  your 
future  naval  career  may  carry  you,  and  with  renewed  assurances  of  my  esteem 
and  respect, 

Believe  me,  my  dear  Commodore, 

Very  truly  yours, 

B.  F.  Tracy, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Commodore  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 

Chief  Bureau  Equipment  and  Recruiting, 

Navy  Department. 

In  a conversation  a few  days  afterward  the  secretary  stated 
that  he  was  not  as  familiar  then  as  he  hoped  soon  to  be  with 


192 


FORTY-FI^"E  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  officers  of  the  Navy,  intimating  his  desire  for  a suggestion 
from  the  retiring  chief  as  to  whom  he  had  been  considering  a 
suitable  successor.  AVithout  question  or  reserve,  Captain  George 
Dewey  was  named  on  account  of  his  merit  as  an  executive  officer 
of  long  experience  and  his  high  professional  character.  His 
familiarity  with  business  methods  and  his  acquaintance  with 
business  men,  growing  out  of  his  service  as  naval  secretary  of 
the  Lighthouse  Board,  fitted  him  in  an  especial  degree  for  this 
post.  AYhether  the  suggestion  was  influential  or  had  any  weight 
is  unknown,  but  Dewey  was  named  for  the  place  and  relieved 
the  retiring  chief  on  the  31st  of  July,  1889. 

In  the  interval  between  the  date  of  the  retiring  chief’s  first 
conversations  with  the  secretary  and  his  letter  of  resignation 
several  interviews  were  had  with  him  relating  to  the  assignment 
most  preferred.  The  cruiser  Baltimore^  then  nearing  comple- 
tion at  the  AVilliam  Cramp  & Sons’  shipbuilding  works  at  Phila- 
delphia, having  been  named  for  the  commeri3ial  metropolis  of 
Alaryland,  it  was  believed  that  it  would  gratify  the  people  of  the 
State  if  a son  of  Maryland  w^as  assigned  to  command  her.  Mr. 
Tracy  assented  immediately  to  this  view,  and  supplemented  the 
decision  with  the  statement  that,  as  the  Baltimore  was  in  all  re- 
spects an  up-to-date  ship,  she  should  make  the  cruise  preferred 
by  her  commander.  As  a new  vessel  of  high  poAver  and  great 
speed,  it  was  thought  wiser  to  keep  her  on  the  Atlantic  coast  for 
a fcAV  months  to  test  thoroughly  her  machinery,  guns  and  equip- 
ments before  leaAung  for  a cruise  around  the  world,  as  originally 
intended.  Orders  to  her  commander  were  issued  the  day  folloAV- 
ing  the  secretary’s  letter  accepting  the  retiring  chief’s  resigna- 
tion, as  follows : 

Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.  C., 

June  26,  1889. 

Sir:  Upon  the  termination  of  5'our  duties  as  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Equip- 
ment and  Recruiting  on  the  31st  of  July  next,  you  will  proceed  to  the  works 
of  Messrs.  Cramp  and  Sons,  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  and  report  by  letter  to  the  com- 
mandant of  the  Navy  Yard,  League  Island,  Pa.,  for  the  command  of  the  U.  S.  S. 
Baltimore.  Very  respectfully, 

B.  F.  Tracy, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Commodore  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 

Chief  Bureau  Equipment  and  Recruiting, 

Navy  Department, 

Washington,  D.  C. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


ERICSSONS  BODY  TAKEN  TO  STOCKHOLM 
1890 

In  conformity  with  the  secretary’s  order,  the  neivly  ap- 
pointed commander  of  the  Baltimore  proceeded  to  Philadelphia 
on  August  1st,  and  reported  by  letter  to  Captain  H.  B.  Seeley, 
commandant  of  the  League  Island  yard,  for  her  command.  In 
the  interval  before  relinquishing  the  bureau,  several  informal 
conversations  were  had  with  Secretary  Tracy,  referring  to  the 
detail  of  the  officers  who  were  to  serve  in  the  cruiser.  While 
the  secretary  was  disposed  to  leave  the  matter  of  their  selection 
to  the  commander,  he  suggested  that,  if  it  would  be  entirely  agree- 
able, he  w^ould  like  to  have  Lieutenant  Jas.  H.  Sears,  son  of 
his  intimate  friend,  Mr.  Charles  Sears,  of  Binghamton,  in- 
cluded in  the  list  of  the  Baltimore’s  officers.*  As  Lieutenant 
Sears  was  an  officer  of  excellent  reputation  and  character,  there 
could  have  been  no  objection  to  his  detail.  The  executive,  or 
aid  to  the  commanding  officer,  being  in  closer  touch  and  com- 
munication with  the  commander,  was  Lieutenant  Commander 


* Officers  of  the  Baltimore: 
Captain,  W.  S.  Schley,  Commanding. 
Lt.  Comdr.,  Uriel  Sebree,  Ex.  Officer. 
Lieut.,  Edward  Sturdy,  Navigator. 
Lieut.,  Sidney  H.  May,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  Henry  McCrea,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  Robt.  M.  Doyle,Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  Jas.  H.  Sears,  Watch  Officer. 
Lieut.,  (Jr.  grade)  H.  O.  Dunn,  Watch 
Officer. 

Ensign,  B.  W.  Wells,  Captain’s  Secre- 
tary. 

Ensign,  W.  S.  Cloke. 

Med.  Ins.,  John  H.  Clarke,  Surgeon. 
P.  A.  Surgeon,  Oliver  Diehl. 


Asst.  Surgeon,  E.  R.  Stitt. 
Paymaster,  W.  W.  Woodhull. 

Chief  Eng.,  Chas.  E.  DeValin. 

P.  A.  Eng.,  C.  P.  Howell. 

P.  A.  Eng.,  Wm.  Rowbotham. 

Asst.  Eng.,  Geo.  R.  Salisbury. 
Chaplain,  J.  P,  McIntyre. 

Captain,  H.  Clay  Fisher,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
Naval  Cadets,  J.  B.  Patton,  W.  D. 
McDougall,  Philip  Williams,  Julius 
Prochazka,  George  L.  Fermier, 
John  R.  Edie,  L.  H.  Everhart, 
L.  H.  Moses,  C.  B.  Price. 

Gunner,  P.  Hanley. 

Carpenter,  J.  S.  Waltemeyer. 

193 


194 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FI.AG 


Uriel  Sebree,  who  had  served  as  executive  officer  of  the  Thetis 
in  the  Greely  relief  expedition  of  1884.  His  great  ability  and 
good  judgment  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to  success  on  that 
occasion.  The  cruise  in  the  Baltimore  added  new  laurels  to  his 
worth  as  an  officer ; the  excellent  order  and  happiness  of  the  ship 
were  due  in  large  measure  to  his  tact  and  sound  judgment. 

Sebree  reported  for  duty  soon  after  the  commander.  To- 
gether, with  overalls,  we  inspected  the  ship,  studied  and  famil- 
iarly learned  it  from  double  bottoms  to  the  military  tops.  For 
several  weeks  daily  examinations  were  continued  until  the  ship, 
her  construction,  every  detail  in  her  fittings,  the  lead  and  pur- 
pose of  every  pipe,  the  steering  engines,  with  the  lead  of  the 
steering-gear,  the  dynamos,  including  the  electric  system,  the 
steam  capstans,  engines,  boilers,  distillers,  magazines,  draining 
systems,  and  in  fact  every  feature  of  the  ship  was  known  abso- 
lutely and  completely.  In  plainer  English,  the  commander  and 
Sebree  knew  the  ship  before  she  sailed  from  the  shipyard  as 
perfectly  as  an  eel  knows  the  channels  of  a river.  It  was  be- 
lieved then,  as  it  is  believed  now,  that  a ship  can  not  be  efficiently 
commanded  except  her  captain  knows  her  absolutely  from  stem 
to  stern,  from  keel  to  truck. 

From  the  moment  the  commander  came  into  contact  with 
the  members  of  the  firm  of  Wm.  Cramp  & Sons,  they  were 
constant  in  their  attention  and  kindnesses.  They  appointed  the 
foreman  of  each  of  the  departments  of  the  work  to  accompany 
him  daily  in  his  inspections  to  point  out  and  explain  any  mat- 
ter needing  explanation.  Any  suggestion  from  him  which 
tended  to  increase  her  efficiency,  or  to  simplify  the  details  for 
easier  handling  of  the  ship,  was  accepted  and  acted  on  at  once 
by  the  firm.  They  w'ere  proud  of  the  ship,  as  they  had  every 
reason  to  be,  for  she  was  splendidly  built  and  had  been  fitted 
out  with  unsparing  hands.  The  remembrance  of  many  kind- 
nesses from  this  splendid  firm  will  last  among  the  pleasing 
memories  and  pleasant  experiences  of  the  commander’s  life. 

The  Baltimore^  being  completed  before  her  battery  had  been 
entirely  finished,  was  ordered  into  commission  and  left  Phila- 
delphia, January  13,  1890,  for  the  navy-yard  at  Norfolk,  where 
she  arrived  a day  or  two  afterward.  Her  main  battery  had 
been  sent  from  the  gun  factory  at  Washington,  but  there  was 


THE  BALTIMORE. 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  195 

some  delay  in  its  arrival,  the  cause  for  which  was  never  ascer- 
tained. The  moment  the  guns  and  carriages  did  turn  up,  little 
time  was  lost  by  the  Baltimore’s  crew  in  getting  them  on  board 
and  in  place.  The  secondary  battery,  having  been  manufactured 
by  outside  firms,  got  lost  for  a while  in  the  official  turns  of  red 
tape,  though  after  a little  search  was  found  at  the  New  York 
yard,  possibly  because  somebody  had  forgotten  to  inform  the 
manufacturer  where  the  Baltimore  was  to  be  fitted  out  after 
she  left  the  Cramps’  shipyard. 

When  all  these  matters  had  been  adjusted,  the  Baltimore 
went  to  sea  on  April  26th,  with  her  battery,  ammunition,  and 
all  stores  on  board,  to  make  her  final  trial  at  sea  off  Cape  Henry, 
Va.,  with  the  Board  of  Inspection.  The  first  admiral’s  flag 
that  she  wore  was  that  of  Bear  Admiral  L.  A.  Kimberly,  presi- 
dent of  the  board.  She  developed  excellent  seagoing  qualities, 
carried  her  weights  easily,  and  showed  high  speed.  Returning 
to  Hampton  Roads,  Va.,  orders  were  found  directing  her  to  pro- 
ceed to  Baltimore,  in  response  to  the  request  of  Mayor  David- 
son, General  Agnus,  and  other  prominent  citizens,  that  the  peo- 
ple might  be  permitted  to  see  and  visit  the  cruiser  named  after 
their  city. 

On  the  8th  of  May  the  Baltimore  arrived  in  the  harbor  and 
anchored  off  Fort  McHenry.  From  that  day  until  the  14th  of 
the  same  month,  when  she  sailed,  the  ship  remained  open  to  the 
public,  and  it  was  estimated  that  one  hundred  thousand  persons 
improved  the  opportunity  to  inspect  the  vessel.  At  the  same 
time  the  citizens  entertained  the  officers  and  men  at  banquets  of 
unsurpassed  magnificence,  receptions,  theatre  parties,  drives, 
excursions,  etc.  It  was  a gala  week  in  the  city,  which  is  world- 
wide in  fame  for  its  generous  and  hospitable  reception  of 
guests.  Surely  no  officer  or  man  of  the  Baltimore’s  crew  could 
ever  forget  the  delicate  attentions  or  the  refined  elegance  of 
the  entertainments  formulated  for  their  pleasure  and  extended 
so  boundlessly  by  the  good  people  of  the  Monumental  City. 
Afterward  it  always  marked  an  incident  in  the  cruise  from 
which  most  others  were  reckoned  in  fixing  dates. 

This  delightful  experience  over,  the  Baltimore  sailed  for 
Key  West,  under  orders  for  temporary  service  in  the  North 

Atlantic  Station,  arriving  in  that  port  on  the  20th  of  May, 
14 


19G  FORTY-FIA^E  YEARS  LENDER  THE  FLAG 

Admiral  Gherardi  shifted  his  flag  to  the  cruiser  on  ]\Iay  24th, 
and  the  following  day  sailed  for  Port  Royal,  S.  C.,  spending 
a day  off  Jacksonville,  Fla.,  in  quarterly  target  practice,  and 
arrived  at  his  destination  on  the  28th;  passing,  after  a few 
days’  stay,  to  Charleston,  S.  C.,  off  which  port  the  squadron 
lay  until  the  8th  of  June.  It  was  the  first  visit  the  commander 
had  ever  made  to  this  historic  city,  so  that  there  was  much  in 
the  surrounding  forts  and  defenses  and  the  city  itself  to  excite 
attention  and  interest.  The  ravages  of  war  had  disappeared, 
the  city  had  regained  its  activity,  its  people  were  prosperous, 
happy,  and  unfailingly  courteous  in  their  warm  and  enthusias- 
tic reception  of  the  squadron’s  officers.  Nothing  was  omitted 
by  them  to  make  the  squadron’s  stay  delightful  and  memorable 
in  the  short  time  spent  among  them. 

During  the  passage  to  New  York,  where  the  squadron  arrived 
the  12th  of  June,  squadron  evolutions  were  practised  while 
good  w^eather  lasted,  as  it  did  for  two  or  three  days  until  after 
Cape  Hatteras  was  passed.  After  that  the  weather  became 
loAvering,  culminating  in  squally  weather,  accompanied  by  un- 
usual manifestations  of  electric  discharges,  with  violent  rain, 
making  it  impossible  at  night  to  see  anything  except  in  the  ter- 
rific flashes  of  lightning.  Toward  morning  fog  settled  down 
over  the  waters,  but  soundings  every  half  hour  at  slow  speed 
brought  the  squadron,  led  by  the  flagship,  up  to  the  Sandy 
Hook  lightship.  From  that  point  in  to  the  anchorage  off  Tomp- 
kinsville  was  easily  accomplished  by  a skilful  NeAv  Y^ork  pilot. 
Reaching  the  anchorage  about  7 a.  m.,  the  anchor  was  eased 
down  so  noiselessly  that  the  admiral  was  not  awakened  by  it. 
Everything  was  so  shut  out  by  the  fog  and  things  were  so 
quiet  on  board  that  when  he  did  awake  he  had  to  inquire  where 
the  ship  w^as. 

Two  of  the  eight  guns  of  the  Baltimore's  main  battery  had 
been  unfinished  at  the  moment  of  sailing  from  Norfolk;  hence 
orders  were  awaiting  the  admiral  to  send  the  ship  to  Norfolk 
to  take  them  aboard.  By  the  22d  of  June  this  duty  had  been 
completed  and  the  ship  was  back  again  in  New  Y^ork  ready  to 
continue  her  cruise  along  the  coast  to  Bar  Harbor,  touching 
en  route  at  Portland  and  Bath.  At  both  these  cities  the  squad- 
ron’s arrival  was  an  occasion  of  many  festivities  and  much 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  197 

rejoicing.  The  ships  were  open  daily  to  visitors,  who  from  10 
A.  M.  until  late  in  the  afternoon  improved  the  occasion  to  visit 
and  inspect  the  several  vessels.  Their  arrival  at  Bath,  on  the 
Kennebec  River,  on  July  12th,  almost  made  a holiday.  A wel- 
come was  rung  out  from  the  church  bells  of  the  city,  the  steam- 
ers in  the  river  and  the  manufacturing  establishments  along 
its  banks  saluted  with  whistles  and  sirens,  and  the  people  along 
the  water-front  joined  their  huzzas  to  the  chorus  of  joy  over 
this  stately  squadron  anchored  within  its  hospitable  harbor. 

Several  days  were  passed  in  this  beautiful  port  enjoying 
the  courtesies  of  its  people,  among  whom  General  Thomas  Hyde 
and  General  Sewall,  afterward  a candidate  for  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency, the  mayor,  and  others  are  recalled  with  delightful  mem- 
ories of  those  days. 

Bar  Harbor,  the  summer  paradise  of  the  coast,  was  in  turn 
visited  on  the  18th,  amid  the  same  manifestations  of  pleasure. 
The  season  being  at  its  height,  this  delightful  resort  was  crowded 
with  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  country;  and  the  invitations 
to  entertainments  included  officers  of  the  squadron.  So  kind 
and  generous  were  the  attentions  extended  to  them,  it  was  almost 
impossible  to  find  time  to  keep  up  with  the  social  demands  of 
these  hospitable  entertainers. 

From  July  18th  to  August  4th  the  good  people  at  Bar  Har- 
bor omitted  no  attention  that  would  enhance  the  pleasures  of 
the  squadron.  Amid  all  this  gaiety  orders  came  to  proceed 
to  New  York  to  carry  General  Harrison,  President  of  the  United 
States,  from  that  port  to  Boston.  Only  a short  time  after  the 
Baltimore  left  Bar  Harbor  she  ran  into  one  of  those  dense  fogs 
so  common  on  that  part  of  our  coast  in  summer  months;  but  as 
the  date  was  specified  when  she  must  arrive  at  New  York  in 
order  to  coal  up  for  her  trip  to  Boston,  it  was  necessary  to  main- 
tain high  speed,  fog  or  no  fog.  All  that  night  was  passed  on 
the  bridge.  Fortunately  no  accident  from  collision  occurred, 
although  one  or  two  close  shaves  did  take  place.  The  cruiser 
reached  New  York  safely  on  the  6th  of  August,  coaled  up  and 
was  ready  to  leave  on  the  9th,  with  the  President  and  two  or 
three  members  of  his  Cabinet,  who  reached  the  vessel  about  3 
o’clock  that  afternoon. 

The  President  preferred  the  route  through  Long  Island 


198 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Sound  and  over  Nantucket  Shoals,  rather  than  outside  around 
the  South  Shoal  lightship,  to  Boston.  This  made  necessary  a 
passage  through  Hell  Gate,  which  was  considered  a little  dan- 
gerous for  so  large  a ship ; but,  with  twin  screws  to  handle 
the  vessel,  there  was  no  thought  of  danger.  The  passage  was 
made  as  easily  as  a tug  could  have  made  it,  and  the  Baltimore 
arrived  off  Nantucket  at  7 a.  m.  Sunday,  August  10th.  On 
JMonday  morning,  August  11th,  at  9 o’clock,  the  cruiser  was 
again  under  way,  passing  out  of  the  sound  by  the  south  channel 
past  Long  Point,  and  arrived  off  the  bar  at  Boston  at  3 p.  m., 
to  await  high  water,  an  hour  or  two  later,  when  she  passed  up 
the  harbor  amid  great  demonstrations  of  the  people. 

On  the  night  of  the  cruiser’s  arrival  the  commander-in-chief 
and  the  commander  dined  with  the  President  and  his  Cabinet 
at  the  Vendome.  It  was  at  this  dinner  that  Secretary  Tracy 
communicated  to  the  commander  the  information  that  the  Balti- 
more had  been  selected  to  carry  the  remains  of  John  Ericsson 
back  to  Sweden,  and  that  the  date  set  for  her  departure  was 
August  23d. 

To  prepare  the  Baltimore  for  the  cruise  it  was  necessary  to 
sail  at  once  for  New  York,  where  she  arrived  on  August  15th, 
having  made  the  passage  through  Long  Island  Sound  and  Hell 
Gate  in  order  to  gain  every  possible  hour  for  filling  up  with 
coal,  stores,  etc.,  and  to  exchange  all  short-service  men  for  those 
having  longer  terms  to  serve.  The  weather  was  tryingly  hot; 
the  sun  beating  down  upon  the  steel  sides  of  the  vessel  heated 
her  to  an  almost  insupportable  degree.  Men  working  in  the 
bunkers,  shut  off  from  air,  had  to  be  relieved  at  short  intervals 
to  avoid  exhaustion  or  prostration.  Never,  however,  did  a crew 
work  with  more  will,  or  more  earnestly,  to  get  the  ship  ready 
in  time  for  the  duty  assigned. 

On  the  22d  of  August,  the  day  before  that  appointed  to  sail, 
the  Baltimore  dropped  down  to  an  anchorage  off  the  Statue  of 
Liberty.  On  the  afternoon  of  August  23d  the  remains  of  John 
Ericsson  were  delivered  to  the  commander  for  transportation 
to  Sweden  by  Secretary  Tracy,  Colonel  Church,  Rear-Admiral 
John  L.  Worden,  Rear  Admiral  Daniel  L.  Braine,  and  a deputa- 
tion of  Swedish  citizens.  Colonel  Church,  in  a graceful  address, 
extolled  the  services  and  career  of  the  deceased  in  committing 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  199 

his  body  to  our  care,  which  the  commander  received  with  ex- 
pressions of  the  high  sense  in  which  the  honor  confided  upon 
the  officers  and  crew  of  the  Baltimore  was  regarded. 

The  squadron  of  Admiral  Walker,  which  had  been  directed 
to  join  in  honoring  the  occasion,  took  up  its  position  south  of 
the  Baltimore’s  anchorage  in  column,  and,  as  the  cruiser  passed 
outward  to  sea,  each  ship  of  Admiral  Walker’s  squadron  fired  a 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns.  The  ships  composing  the  squadron 
were  the  Dolphin,  Pensacola,  Enterprise,  Chicago,  Atlanta, 
Yorktown  and  Despatch.  The  noise  of  many  guns,  with  the 
screaming  of  whistles  and  sirens  of  the  river  craft  filling  the 
harbor,  and  the  drifting  clouds  of  powder  smoke,  combined  to 
produce  a spectacle  of  wonderful  effect.  It  was  surely  a worthy 
tribute  to  the  distinguished  inventor  and  builder  of  the  Monitor. 

The  trip  across  was  without  special  incident;  the  weather 
was  mild,  the  sea  smooth,  and  the  winds  were  moderate.  After 
reaching  the  waters  of  Denmark,  it  was  necessary  to  anchor  every 
night,  as  the  pilots  refused  to  be  responsible  after  sundown,  and 
from  this  cause  the  voyage  to  Stockholm  was  lengthened  sev- 
eral days.  Finally  the  cruiser  reached  her  destination  on  Sep- 
tember 12th,  and  cast  anchor  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day  in 
Stockholm  harbor,  not  far  from  King  Oscar’s  palace.  From  the 
sea  to  the  city,  a distance  of  fifty  miles  or  more,  the  cruiser 
passed  through  a labyrinth  of  straits,  some  of  which  were  nar- 
row, winding  her  way  to  the  “ Venice  of  the  North.”  The 
cruiser’s  sojourn  was  from  September  12th  until  September  23d. 

On  the  Sunday  following  arrival  Ericsson’s  remains  were 
formally  delivered  to  Vice  Admiral  Peyron,  who  received  them 
in  behalf  of  Sweden  with  imposing  ceremonials.  A catafalque 
especially  prepared  and  draped  with  black  velvet  ornamented 
with  golden  stars,  was  used  to  receive  the  casket,  and  as  the 
funeral  cortege  passed  from  ship  to  shore,  escorted  by  the 
cruiser’s  boats,  with  colors  at  half-staff,  a salute  of  twenty-one 
minute  guns  was  fired  from  the  Baltimore.  When  the  cortege 
reached  the  shore,  the  casket  was  received  with  royal  honors  by 
the  Crown  Prince,  the  Ministers  of  State,  the  Diplomatic  Corps,, 
various  Swedish  societies,  the  military  about  Stockholm  and  many 
thousands  of  citizens,  and  in  this  presence  was  reverently  placed 
upon  a draped  catafalque  erected  to  receive  the  remains.  Here 


200 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


an  impressive  funeral  service  was  held  in  the  presence  of  many 
thousands  of  the  people,  after  which  a military  band  played  the 
national  hymn  of  Sweden  amid  the  salvos  of  a minute-^n  salute 
fired  near  by. 

When  these  beautiful  and  simple  services  were  concluded, 
the  casket,  bearing  all  that  was  mortal  of  John  Ericsson,  was 
borne  to  the  railway  station  to  be  placed  upon  a special  train 
in  waiting  to  carry  it  back  to  his  native  town.  The  route  to 
the  station  was  lined  by  thousands  of  people,  wdio  had  gathered 
to  pay  the  last  earthly  tribute  of  respect  to  their  great  coun- 
tryman. Many  years  before  Ericsson  had  left  his  country  to 
seek  his  fortune  and  fame  in  the  land  of  the  stranger.  He  was 
poor  and  untitled,  but  ambitious.  He  was  received  back  almost 
with  royal  honors,  to  be  buried  in  the  native  soil,  surrounded  for- 
ever by  the  scenes  of  his  younger  days. 

The  day  following  King  Oscar  received  the  commander  and 
his  officers  in  special  audience,  during  which  he  expressed  the 
great  satisfaction  felt  by  himself  and  his  people  that  the  Gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  had  so  honored  this  great  and 
eminent  Swede  and  had  so  complimented  his  countrymen  and 
country  by  sending  his  remains  back  to  his  home,  with  such 
graceful  thoughtfulness,  in  the  magnificent  cruiser  Baltimore.  He 
invited  the  Minister,  the  Hon.  W.  W.  Thomas;  the  commander, 
and  all  officers  who  could  be  spared  from  duty  to  dine  with  the 
royal  family  at  Drottningholm  the  next  day ; the  royal  yacht  to 
convey  us  from  the  city  through  the  beautiful  Lake  IMalar  to 
this  splendid  palace  built  on  its  shore.  King  Oscar,  with  mem- 
bers of  the  royal  family,  accompanied  by  the  Ministers  of  State 
and  the  United  States  Minister,  visited  the  Baltimore  on  the 
18th  and  lunched  with  the  commander  and  his  officers.  Fol- 
lowing this  an  exquisite  banquet  was  tendered  to  the  officers  by 
the  King’s  Cabinet,  at  which  several  hundred  officers  of  the 
Army  and  Navy  and  many  distinguished  civilians  were  present, 
all  of  whom  manifested  the  high  appreciation  felt  throughout 
Sweden  for  the  generous  and  courtly  act  of  our  Government  in 
acceding  so  handsomely  to  the  universal  wish  of  the  Swedish 
people  to  have  the  remains  of  the  great  Swede  within  the  soil 
of  his  native  land,  honored  by  his  fame  and  his  eminent  achieve- 
ments as  an  engineer  and  inventor. 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  201 


Every  day  the  Baltimore  remained  in  the  harbor  thousands 
of  people  visited  her  to  inspect  the  place  where  the  remains  of 
their  honored  countryman  had  rested  during  the  voyage  over 
and  to  add  their  gratitude  to  that  of  the  king’s  for  this  splendid 
tribute  of  honor  from  America  to  their  nation. 

On  the  23d  of  September,  just  before  the  cruiser  sailed  for 
Kiel,  the  king  presented  a gold  medal  to  the  commander,  a silver 
medal  to  each  officer,  and  a bronze  medal  to  each  man  of  the 
Baltimore's  crew,  which  he  had  caused  to  be  struck  to  com- 
memorate this  occasion  and  this  service.  Two  years  afterward 
Congress,  by  resolution,  authorized  their  acceptance.  The  run 
through  the  Baltic  to  Kiel  was  short,  the  cruiser  arriving  on  the 
25th  of  September,  being  detained  by  fog,  so  general  in  these 
waters  during  the  summer  and  fall  months. 

On  the  way  over  to  Stockholm  it  was  found  that  the  cruiser ’s 
bottom  had  fouled  up  considerably  since  her  last  docking,  in 
March,  the  visit  to  Kiel  having  in  view  the  facilities  of  that  port, 
where  every  courtesy  was  met  at  the  hands  of  the  German  Gov- 
ernment and  its  officials.  Only  a day  or  two  after  the  Baltimore ’s 
arrival.  Prince  Henry,  the  emperor’s  brother,  opened  his  castle 
at  Kiel  to  receive  and  entertain  the  commander  and  his  officers 
during  their  stay.  On  the  28th  he  received  the  commander  and 
his  officers  in  special  audience  and  entertained  them  at  luncheon 
after  calling  in  person  on  the  28th.  A round  of  entertainment 
by  the  officers  and  civilians  of  Kiel  followed  while  the  Baltimore 
was  in  dock.  It  became  the  pleasure  of  the  officers  to  meet  his 
royal  highness  and  the  princess  on  several  occasions  and  to  en- 
tertain them  on  the  cruiser  before  sailing.  Both  spoke  English 
as  fluently  as  we  did  ourselves  and  without  any  trace  of  accent 
whatever,  which  induced  the  suggestion  that  their  royal  high- 
nesses must  think  in  English.  To  this.  Princess  Irene  replied 
that  she  wrote  weekly  letters  to  her  majesty  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land and  Empress  of  India,  her  grandmother,  and,  in  order  that 
her  children  might  be  conversant  with  English,  she  and  the 
prince  usually  talked  to  them  in  English,  as  they  spoke  German 
to  their  associates  and  to  their  governess  at  all  times.  There 
was  no  apprehension  manifested  that  their  German  speech  might 
be  affected  by  this  accomplishment  in  another  language. 

Captain  von  Diederich,  then  in  daily  anticipation  of  being 


202 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


advanced  to  higher  rank,  was  the  superintendent  of  the  dock 
yard,  and  entertained  the  conunander  and  his  officers  at  a hand- 
some luncheon,  where  a number  of  prominent  Germans  were  met. 
The  occasion  was  conspicuous  for  the  good  feeling  and  kindly 
expressions  of  the  host  and  his  guests  toward  the  great  nation 
whose  empire  was  far  off  towards  the  setting  sun. 

The  United  States  consular  agent,  Mr.  Sartor i,  a wealthy 
merchant  of  Kiel,  extended  every  hospitality  to  the  officers  in 
his  delightful  home,  where  they  were  permitted  to  meet  and 
mingle  with  German  residents  who  were  not  of  the  official  or 
military  class.  The  canal,  then  being  pushed  forward,  was  in- 
spected for  a considerable  distance. 

To  the  commander,  whose  progenitors  in  the  long  ago  were 
Germans  from  the  principality  of  Bavaria,  this  visit  to  Kiel  was 
an  especial  pleasure.  It  gave  an  opportunity  to  meet  and  know 
specimens  of  the  brawn  and  muscle  possessed  by  his  German 
ancestors,  who  brought  to  the  new  home  in  America  that  striking 
sense  of  economy  and  love  of  order  that  made  them  influential 
citizens. 

The  Baltimore's  stay  at  Kiel  was  terminated  by  orders  to 
proceed  to  Copenhagen.  She  sailed  on  the  afternoon  of  October 
8th  through  the  Belt  past  Elsinore,  arriving  off  Copenhagen  on 
the  evening  of  October  9th  in  time  to  participate  in  a handsome 
reception  given  that  evening  by  our  Minister,  Hon.  Clarke  E. 
Carr. 

The  King,  Christian  XII,  received  the  commander  and  officers 
of  the  cruiser  quite  informally  the  day  after  her  arrival,  im- 
proving the  occasion  to  invite  them  to  dine  with  the  royal  family 
the  next  day  at  Bernstoff,  their  summer  palace  near  Copenhagen. 
This  dinner  was  simple  but  sumptuous,  served  in  faultless  taste, 
and  lasted  but  little  over  an  hour.  When  the  repast  was  con- 
cluded the  King  and  Queen,  with  the  royal  family,  withdrew  to 
the  salon,  where  general  conversation  for  a half  or  three-quar- 
ters of  an  hour  was  indulged  with  them,  the  King  and  Queen 
exchanging  some  pleasant  words  with  each  guest.  The  charm- 
ing simplicity  of  this  royal  family  was  impressive ; the  grace  and 
ease  manifested  by  every  one  in  their  presence  was  that  usual 
to  this  charming  home,  where  every  guest  was  made  to  feel  the 
simple  elegance  noticeable  in  cultivated  society  everywhere. 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  203 


The  Queen  suggested  that  it  would  he  pleasing  to  visit  the 
Baltimore  at  any  time  most  agreeable  to  the  commander,  and 
was  informed  that  their  majesties  need  only  appoint  the  day, 
when  it  would  aiford  the  officers  much  pleasure  to  receive  them 
on  board.  At  the  same  time  it  was  suggested,  if  their  majesties 
would  lunch  with  the  commander  and  officers  on  the  occasion 
of  their  visit,  it  would  give  them  great  pleasure. 

On  the  morning  of  October  14th  the  Marechal  de  la  Cour 
addressed  a note  to  the  commander  naming  October  16th  for 
the  visit  of  the  royal  family,  and  thoughtfully  mentioned  the 
number  who  would  compose  the  royal  party  to  lunch  with  the 
officers. 

The  weather  on  the  day  appointed  was,  fortunately,  fair. 
The  royal  party  was  prompt  to  arrive  on  the  minute  named. 
The  honors  accorded  were  those  established  by  international 
usage  for  the  reception  of  the  sovereign  heads  of  all  nations — 
the  officers  and  men  in  full  dress,  the  crew  at  quarters,  and  a 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns,  with  the  Danish  flag  at  the  main. 

The  stay  of  the  royal  party  was  so  delightful  that  they 
remained  on  board  for  quite  four  hours,  during  which  a minute 
inspection  was  made  of  every  part  of  the  ship.  The  culinary 
arrangements  and  the  exquisite  cleanliness  of  the  ship  every- 
where attracted  the  attention  and  praise  of  the  Queen  again 
and  again.  She  complimented  Sebree,  whose  work  it  was  to 
keep  house,  most  heartily,  and,  on  leaving  the  ship,  almost  her 
last  words  were  that  the  Baltimore  was  a perfect  model  of  order 
and  cleanliness.  A day  or  two  afterward  the  commander  re- 
ceived an  autograph  photograph  of  the  King  and  Queen  and  the 
Crown  Prince  and  Princess  as  a souvenir  of  their  visit. 

On  the  18th  the  cruiser  sailed  from  Copenhagen  under  orders 
from  Washington,  bound  for  Lisbon  to  await  orders.  The 
weather  was  threatening,  but  a storm  did  not  develop  until  the 
Skaw  lightship  in  the  Cattegat  was  reached.  Most  of  the  day 
the  cruiser  was  accompanied  by  a German  torpedo  boat  bound 
for  Williamshaven,  but  the  wind  and  sea  increased  so  much  be- 
fore gaining  the  open  ocean  that  her  commander  was  obliged 
to  seek  refuge  on  the  Swedish  coast.  As  it  was  the  first  good 
opportunity  she  had  had  in  bad  weather,  the  Baltimore  was 
pushed  to  sea  to  test  her  qualities  in  a gale,  wffiich  increased  to 


204 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


great  violence  during  the  night.  She  was  under  full  boiler 
power,  except  force  draft,  for  the  trial,  and,  notwithstanding  the 
heavy  «ea,  she  showed  herself  a perfect  sea  boat,  her  heaviest 
roll  not  exceeding  26°.  As  a gun  platform,  she  demonstrated 
that  wild  night  her  ability  to  have  fought  her  guns  with  ease 
and  safety  had  that  been  necessary. 

In  forty  hours  after  leaving  Copenhagen  she  reached  the 
Straits  of  Dover,  after  a rough  and  boisterous  passage  across 
the  North  Sea,  where  in  high  winds  the  sea  is  unusually  turbu- 
lent on  account  of  its  comparative  shallowness.  The  passage 
through  the  English  Channel  was  made  with  fair  weather  and 
comparatively  smooth  sea,  and  that  across  the  Bay  of  Biscay 
was  unexpectedly  fine. 

Lisbon  was  reached  on  the  morning  of  October  23d,  after 
a passage  of  five  days,  during  which  the  engines  were  in  no 
way  forced  to  their  full  power,  though  the  Baltimore  easily 
passed  the  many  steamers  encountered  en  route. 

For  the  first  few  days  after  the  cruiser’s  arrival  the  King 
was  absent  from  the  capital,  but  on  his  return  the  commander 
and  his  staff  were  presented  at  a special  audience  on  October  28th. 
His  Majesty  expressed  the  warmest  wish  to  visit  and  inspect 
the  Baltimore  when  he  returned  the  call,  if  that  should  be  agree- 
able. As  at  Copenhagen,  he  was  informed  that  the  day  which 
might  be  selected  by  him  would  be  agreeable  to  the  officers. 
Accordingly,  on  November  1st,  the  King,  with  several  members 
of  his  Cabinet,  visited  the  cruiser  and  was  received  with  the 
honors  of  a sovereign.  These  included  his  reception,  with  a 
salute  of  twenty-one  guns,  the  royal  standard  at  the  main,  the 
officers  and  crew  in  full-dress  uniform  at  quarters,  and  the  band 
playing  the  national  hymn  of  the  country;  the  same  ceremonies 
being  observed  as  the  sovereign  leaves  the  ship  for  the  shore  as 
is  done  when  similar  visits  are  made  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  national  vessels. 

Lisbon  is  a picturesque  city,  built  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Tagus,  covering  a large  area.  The  city  rises  from  the  river  up 
the  hills  bordering  the  river.  During  the  night,  with  lights 
glittering  in  its  streets,  public  squares,  palaces  and  houses,  it 
presents  a beautiful  appearance.  During  the  day  its  vari- 
colored buildings  are  attractive,  the  Portuguese  being  noted  for 


Ericsson’s  body  taken  to  Stockholm  205 


their  taste  and  neatness  as  a people.  The  season  of  gaiety  had 
begun.  Operas  and  other  amusements  afforded  the  officers  and 
men  much  diversion  and  enjoyment.  Cintra,  a fashionable  re- 
sort in  the  mountains  back  of  Lisbon,  overlooking  the  sea,  was 
visited  and  enjoyed  by  all  visitors  to  the  capital.  Its  refresh- 
ing temperature  constitutes  an  attraction  in  the  warmer  months, 
while  the  grand  view  from  its  high  altitude  overlooking  the 
country  and  the  sea  is  unsurpassed. 

From  Lisbon  to  Port  Mahon,  through  the  Straits  of  Gibral- 
tar, was  the  next  voyage  of  the  cruiser,  which  was  begun  under 
easy  steam,  and  ended  on  November  13,  1890,  in  this  ideal  land- 
locked harbor  of  the  Balearic  Islands.  In  those  days  the  rela- 
tions between  Spain  and  the  United  States  were  most  cordial. 
The  cruiser’s  arrival  in  that  port  was  the  occasion  of  much 
pleasure  to  the  people. 

In  years  gone  by  Port  Mahon  had  been  the  headquarters  of 
the  American  Mediterranean  Squadron,  and  so  popular  was 
this  port  among  the  seamen  of  those  days,  that  whenever  vessels 
were  bound  there  the  refrain  usually  sung  on  deck,  or  hummed 
below,  was : 


“At  Cape  de  Gatte  I lost  my  hat, 

And  where  do  yon  think  I found  it? 
At  Port  Mahon  under  a stone 
With  all  the  girls  around  it." 


CHAPTER  XX 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 
1891 

Only  a few  days  had  been  passed  in  that  beautiful  harbor 
of  Port  Mahon,  in  order  to  make  the  usual  visits  of  ceremony 
to  the  island  officials,  when  the  Baltimore  was  off  again  for 
the  Bay  of  Naples,  so  famed  in  the  song  and  harmonious  verse 
of  all  languages.  The  course  across  to  Naples  was  laid  to  pass 
south  of  the  beautiful  island  of  Sardinia,  in  sight  of  Cagliare, 
and  thence  through  the  Tyrrhenian  Sea  directly  for  the  Bay 
of  Naples,  where  the  cruiser  arrived  on  November  20th. 

At  early  daylight  land  was  made,  with  Mt.  Vesuvius  outlined 
in  the  golden  colorings  of  the  sunrise  before  the  mists  of  later 
morning  hours  had  dimmed  the  view.  The  wind  was  light  from 
the  northeast  and  blew  the  cloud  cap  of  smoke  from  the  crater 
southward,  permitting  the  cone  of  this  noted  volcano  to  be  seen 
in  the  gorgeous  colors  of  the  background  streaked  with  the  rays 
of  the  rising  sun.  As  the  cruiser  drew  nearer  and  nearer  the 
coast,  point  after  point  rose  as  if  from  the  sea  into  the  splendor 
of  a panorama  of  great  beauty.  On  the  left  Ischia  was  seen 
and  on  the  right  beautiful  Capri.  As  the  coast  was  neared, 
villas  and  villages  grew  in  distinctness  until  the  city  of  Naples 
itself,  nestled  upon  its  hills  with  its  villas  extending  from  the 
water’s  edge  upward  and  outward,  presented  a scene  of  charm- 
ing beauty  as  the  Baltimore  moved  in  to  her  assigned  anchorage 
behind  the  mole. 

Some  repairs  needed  to  the  steering  engines  and  boilers  de- 
tained the  cruiser  until  December  11th.  Advantage  was  taken 
of  the  delay,  after  the  usual  visits  of  ceremony  to  the  officials, 
to  visit  the  several  places  of  interest  in  and  about  Naples,  a 
list  of  which  would  be  incomplete  without  Pompeii  and  the 
island  of  Capri.  So  much  has  been  written  and  sung  of  these 
206 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


207 


interesting  places  that  no  words  could  be  added  to  what  has 
been  so  delightfully  written  by  many  others,  for  nothing  could 
add  to  the  descriptions  already  given  of  these  repositories  of 
art  and  wonders  of  former  ages.  Roaming  through  the  deserted 
streets  of  Pompeii,  exhumed  from  its  ashes,  amid  the  evidences 
left  behind  of  the  customs  and  life  of  that  period,  the  thought 
kept  rising  that  Vesuvius  had  really  preserved  Pompeii,  and 
that  modern  excavations  were  really  destroying  it  by  leaving 
its  treasures  exposed  almost  without  care  to  the  rude  elements. 
Rain,  dust  and  neglect  were  effacing  the  colorings  upon  the  in- 
terior walls  and  destroying  the  walls,  atriums  and  pavements. 

Capri,  with  its  old  villas  and  walls,  and  the  deeply  worn 
steps  in  its  rock  stairways,  with  the  bewildering  charm  of  its 
grottos,  will  always  attract  and  hold  the  admiration  of  won- 
dering visitors. 

The  great  museum  at  Naples,  with  its  numberless  treasures 
of  art  brought  from  the  world  of  the  ancients,  will  always  be 
the  Mecca  of  students,  who  can  discover  in  its  wonders  the  truth 
that  after  all  human  thought  in  all  ages  has  been  about  the 
same;  that  human  skill  develops  on  about  the  same  lines;  and 
that  human  civilization  is  an  evolution  rather  than  a creation. 
A day  or  two  can  be  profitably  passed  among  the  treasures 
stored  in  this  great  repository,  and  the  impression  left  after 
doing  so  will  likely  be  that,  while  much  has  been  learned,  much 
still  can  be  copied  profitably  from  the  handiwork  and  graceful 
creations  of  a few  thousand  years  ago.  Turning  from  these 
associations,  made  more  delightful  by  the  hospitalities  of  friends, 
the  Baltimore  sailed  from  Naples  for  Spezzia  on  the  morning 
of  December  11th.  Steaming  north  along  the  Italian  coast, 
when  abreast  of  Civita  Vecehia  the  dome  of  St.  Peter’s  and 
the  entourage  of  Rome  came  into  plain  sight  until  after  the  fall- 
ing shades  of  night  had  encircled  the  Holy  City  on  its  hills. 
The  ship’s  course  was  laid  to  pass  inside  the  island  of  Elba, 
the  scene  of  the  great  Napoleon’s  first  exile  and  from  whence  he 
escaped  to  France,  only  to  reach  defeat  at  Waterloo  after  a 
hundred  days. 

Spezzia  was  reached  on  the  12th  of  December,  and  six  days 
were  profitably  passed  there  inspecting  those  monster  iron- 
clads, the  Lepanto,  Dandolo  and  Duilo.  These  great  leviathans 


208 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


were  armed  at  that  time  with  the  hundred-ton  gun.  The  mech- 
anism for  handling  this  ordnance  seemed  complete,  though  it 
was  noticeably  slow  in  operation,  while  the  “ jim-cracks  ” em- 
ployed for  interior  communication  during  an  action  would  have 
been  put  out  of  commission  in  the  first  fifteen  minutes  of  battle 
under  the  concentrated  rapid  gun-fire  of  quick-firing  guns  of 
two  swift  protected  cruisers.  Such  was  the  opinion  of  the  Balti- 
more's officers.  The  admiral  commanding,  as  well  as  the  cap- 
tains and  officers  of  the  fleet  in  port,  extended  every  courtesy 
and  afforded  every  opportunity  for  minute  and  complete  in- 
spection of  these  great  ships,  which  were  in  admirably  good 
order. 

This  great  arsenal  was  strongly  defended  by  fortifications 
of  great  power,  well  located,  and,  when  supplemented  by  a well- 
planned  torpedo  defense,  supported  by  interior  ships,  would 
present  a barrier  to  the  entrance  of  an  attacking  fleet  that  would 
be  almost  impassable,  except  with  the  greatest  sacrifice  of  both 
ships  and  men  to  attacking  squadrons. 

On  the  afternoon  of  December  18th  the  Baltimore  sailed  for 
Ville  Franche,  where  she  arrived  the  morning  following.  Her 
arrival  gave  great  pleasure  to  the  officials  and  citizens  of  the 
town,  where,  in  former  years,  a large  storehouse  for  the  Ameri- 
can squadron  had  been  located  as  a sort  of  headquarters.  The 
traditional  friendship  of  the  two  nations  constituted  a bond  of 
interest  and  sympathy  between  the  two  peoples  that  gave  zest 
to  the  welcome  extended  to  the  officers  in  the  round  of  dinners, 
dances  and  receptions  extended  to  them.  The  winter  season  on 
the  Riviera,  being  rather  mild,  attracts  people  from  the  harsher 
climate  of  northern  Europe,  who  bask  there  in  the  sunshine  and 
softer  breezes  of  the  Mediterranean.  One  meets  all  nationalities 
and  all  classes,  from  prince  to  peasant,  and  hears  the  languages 
of  the  world  spoken  along  the  thoroughfares  of  Nice,  Monaco  and 
Mentone.  There  is,  perhaps,  no  region  of  the  world  where 
Nature  has  been  so  lavish  in  distributing  her  beauties,  nor  where 
the  hand  and  taste  of  man  have  been  more  generous  in  augment- 
ing the  loveliness  of  nature  by  the  superb  creations  of  his  genius 
in  the  homes  and  palaces  stretching  along  the  shores  and  hills 
of  this  enchanting  winter  resort.  Hospitality  rules  and  reigns 
everywhere,  and  to  any  one  who  has  enjoyed  it  a memory  is 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


209 


left  that  is  as  ineffaceable  as  the  beauteous  surroundings  in 
which  it  was  dispensed. 

Awaiting  the  Baltimore's  arrival  was  a cablegram  from  Sec- 
retary Tracy  granting  the  commander  a month’s  leave,  with  per- 
mission to  return  to  the  United  States  to  be  present  at  the  mar- 
riage of  his  daughter,  to  take  place  in  January  of  1891.  Ar- 
rangements were  at  once  made  through  Lieutenant  Aaron  Ward, 
naval  attache  to  the  American  Legation  in  Paris,  to  take  passage 
in  the  steamer  leaving  Havre  on  January  8th.  The  time  to 
Paris,  with  a day  or  two  in  that  city,  w^as  calculated  with  care, 
so  as  to  give  opportunity  to  accept  a dinner  or  two  with  friends 
before  the  day  of  sailing.  The  steamer  scheduled  for  that  date 
was  the  Bourgogne,  and  she  sailed  promptly  on  a cold  day  in 
January  for  her  winter  trip  across  the  Atlantic  with  a fair  list 
of  passengers.  To  those  accustomed  to  going  to  sea  the  voyage 
over  meant  little  more  than  life  at  sea  generally;  but  to  those 
whose  duty  or  business  required  them  to  venture  at  this  inau- 
spicious season  there  was  much  misgiving  lest  old  Neptune  might 
demand  severer  tribute  than  at  more  favored  times  of  the  year. 
The  voyage  over  was  made  without  other  incident  than  a shake- 
up  now  and  then,  only  to  remind  the  landsman  that  if  old 
England  ruled  the  seas,  she  didn’t  rule  them  straight.”  The 
ship  arrived  on  time  and  landed  passengers  and  cargo  safely. 

Before  returning  to  Europe,  as  intended,  on  January  31st,  the 
commander  ran  over  to  Washington  to  pay  his  respects  to  the 
secretary  and  to  thank  him  for  this  unsolicited  favor  of  leave. 
On  the  day  of  arrival  in  Washington  the  morning  papers  con- 
tained an  account  of  a revolution  in  Chile,  with  information 
that  the  navy  of  that  country,  together  with  a number  of  mem- 
bers of  Congress  and  other  prominent  persons,  had  organized  a 
revolutionary  movement,  and  had  withdrawn  from  Valparaiso 
to  seize,  occupy  and  organize  a government  at  Iquique,  in  the 
province  of  Tarapaca,  the  nitre  district  of  the  republic.  Offi- 
cial advices  from  our  Minister,  Hon,  Patrick  Egan,  had  con- 
firmed the  press  despatches. 

During  the  interview  had  with  Secretary  Tracy,  he  said  he 
was  sorry  to  learn  this  unfortunate  news,  but  that  Admiral  Mc- 
Cann had  been  cabled  to  proceed  to  Valparaiso  to  protect  the 
interests  of  our  countrymen  there,  should  that  be  necessary. 


210 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


He  expressed  a wish  to  have  another  vessel,  but  as  none  was 
near  enough  he  would  await  developments.  The  suggestion  was 
made  that  the  Baltimore  wsls  not  far  away;  that  she  ought  to 
be  w^here  the  department  needed  her,  rather  than  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, where  things  were  undisturbed.  To  this  the  secretary 
replied  that  he  wanted  her  to  go  round  the  world.  But  when 
it  was  intimated  that  she  could  do  this  as  well  by  going  west 
as  by  going  east,  he  replied,  “If  you  prefer  that,  you  can  go 
by  w^ay  of  Chile.  When  can  you  start?”  The  reply  was,  “As 
soon  as  the  return  trip  to  Europe  can  be  made.”  It  was  ex- 
plained to  the  secretary,  as  the  cruiser  needed  coal  and  other 
supplies  for  this  long  voyage,  and  that  she  would  be  without 
docking  facilities  for  a long  time,  it  might  be  well  to  dock  her 
at  Toulon,  where  the  facilities  were  excellent,  preliminary  to 
leaving  Europe.  This  was  done,  and  when  the  commander  ar- 
rived at  Toulon,  on  the  11th  of  February,  1891,  the  Baltimore 
was  ready  to  start  on  her  long  voyage  to  South  America.  Her 
charts,  however,  for  the  new  cruising  ground  had  not  reached 
Toulon  on  February  15th,  the  day  of  sailing  for  Gibraltar. 

On  the  morning  of  February  19th,  while  the  Baltimore  was 
at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Gibraltar,  the  English  Channel  Squad- 
ron, commanded  by  Sir  Michael  Culme  Seymour,  Vice-Admiral, 
arrived.  This  great  squadron  was  composed  of  the  battleships 
Anson,  Rodney,  Howe,  Camper  down,  and  several  large  cruisers. 
Outside  the  wind  was  fresh  from  the  westward,  with  a rough 
sea,  but  this  did  not  interfere  with  the  squadron’s  sea  evolu- 
tions, nor  with  anchoring  in  line  formation  simultaneously  at 
distance.  To  the  seaman’s  eyes  this  evolution  was  cleverly 
executed. 

Gibraltar  is  impressive  as  a stronghold,  with  its  galleries  of 
guns  advantageously  located  for  defense  and  so  placed  as  to 
sweep  every  approach.  Naturally  the  position  is  strong,  and 
bristling  with  the  heaviest  modern  artillery  and  provided  with 
ample  supplies  of  both  food  and  ammunition,  the  task  of  captur- 
ing it  wmuld  prove  a most  difficult  problem,  as  many  early 
attempts  proved;  but,  with  possession  of  it  since  1783,  Eng- 
land’s sovereignty  has  never  since  been  disturbed,  although  she 
guards  it  with  jealous  care.  In  the  parlance  of  modern  days, 
the  strength  of  any  defensive  work  is  better  comprehended  when 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


211 


compared  to  the  real  Gibraltar,  a word  which  has  become  a 
synonym  of  impregnability.  On  the  road  leading  from  the 
landing-place  to  the  upper  town  is  located  the  little  cemetery 
where  many  of  the  dead  of  Trafalgar  lie  buried.  What  a flood 
of  memories  this  interesting  spot  recalled!  Standing  in  that 
presence,  with  head  uncovered,  the  thought  would  rise  that  these 
worthies  had  fallen  with  Nelson  on  a day  forever  memorable 
in  the  annals  of  England’s  glory. 

After  a few  days  pleasantly  spent  in  viewing  the  strong- 
hold, the  Baltimore  set  out  for  the  island  of  St.  Vincent,  where 
she  arrived  a few  days  later.  This  point  is  the  great  coaling 
station  for  all  South  American  and  South  African  steamers  go- 
ing and  returning.  The  trade-winds  which  sweep  these -islands 
perennially  -were  very  fresh  during  the  cruiser’s  sojourn,  but 
coaling  was  not  interrupted,  even  though  a heavy  swell  was 
rolling  in  the  harbor.  This  operation  being  finished,  Monte- 
video was  the  next  point,  and  the  Baltimore  arrived  there  on 
March  14,  1891,  after  a pleasant  voyage  up  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Rio  de  la  Plata,  where  a fresh  southerly  gale  sprung  up, 
lasting  for  two  or  three  days.  The  roadstead  at  Montevideo  be- 
ing open  to  violent  seas,  much  time  is  lost  whenever  bad  weather 
prevails.  Especially  is  this  true  when  the  winds  are  from  sea- 
ward directions,  which  embrace  at  least  an  angle  of  180  degrees 
of  the  horizon.  The  bottom  being  of  soft,  tenacious  mud,  the 
anchorage  is  safe  for  all  vessels  well  found  with  anchors  and 
stout  chains. 

Every  opportunity  was  profitably  employed  when  lighters 
could  lie  alongside  to  take  coal;  but  some  caution  had  to  be 
observed  to  avoid  risks  of  damage  when  the  sea  was  too  heavy 
to  handle  them  safely.  From  this  cause  the  Baltimore  was  de- 
layed until  March  22d,  when  she  took  her  departure  for  Val- 
paraiso. En  route  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan  a short  call 
was  made  at  Sandy  Point,  where  the  settlement  was  garrisoned 
by  a detachment  of  Chilean  soldiers.  Owing  to  the  revolution 
going  on  at  home  at  the  time,  there  was  some  restlessness  among 
the  troops,  and  the  commanding  officer  for  that  reason  intimated 
a wish  that  the  cruiser  might  lie  over  for  twenty-four  hours, 
for  the  salutary  moral  effect  her  presence  would  produce.  As 
a matter  of  courtesy  to  a friendly  power,  the  cruiser’s  de- 
ls 


212 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


parture  was  delayed  until  early  daylight  the  day  following,  to 
facilitate  the  passage  through  the  straits  during  daylight.  The 
cruiser  made  her  first  bow  to  the  great  Southern  Pacific  Ocean  at 
6 p.  M.  on  March  29,  1891,  and,  sweeping  on  through  its  great 
waves,  shaped  her  course  to  the  northward  about  twelve  miles 
off  the  coast  and  passed  the  Evangelista  Rocks  about  dark,  or 
7.30  p.  M.  In  this  tempestuous  region  of  the  globe  the  winds 
and  sea  are  rarely  ever  at  rest;  but,  with  twin  screws  and  full- 
powered  engines,  the  Baltimore  pushed  her  way  against  heavy 
northwest  winds  and  seas  until  the  morning  of  April  3d,  when 
she  arrived  at  Talcahuano,  having  accomplished  the  run  of  over 
9,000  miles  from  Toulon  in  thirty-four  steaming  days,  during 
which  her  engines  were  never  forced. 

A day  or  two  before  reaching  port  a joint  in  the  main  steam- 
pipe  of  one  set  of  her  engines  gave  some  trouble,  but,  as  the 
matter  of  a new  gasket  was  involved,  a delay  of  a day  or  two 
became  necessary  to  replace  the  old  one,  after  which  the  cruiser 
set  out  for  Valparaiso,  where  she  arrived  on  the  morning  of 
April  7,  1891,  completing  the  instructions  received. 

The  flagship  Pensacola  was  found  in  port  with  the  flag  of 
Rear  Admiral  W.  P.  McCann,  to  whom  the  commander  had 
been  directed  to  report.  From  him  the  latest  developments  of 
the  revolution  were  obtained.  The  Baltimore's  arrival  gave  the 
admiral  and  the  American  residents  great  satisfaction  in  the 
strength  she  added  to  the  effective  American  force  in  those 
waters.  Her  presence  added  materially  to  the  feeling  of  security 
among  Americans  in  those  troublesome  days. 

The  admiral  transferred  his  flag  to  the  Baltimore  on  April 
24th,  and,  in  her  larger  quarters  and  better  ofliQe  accommoda- 
tions and  conveniences  of  every  kind  for  the  care  of  his  official 
family,  made  a pleasant  cruise  for  about  two  months.  On  the 
16th  of  May  the  Baltimore  arrived  at  Iquique  and  found  the  San 
Francisco,  bearing  the  flag  of  Rear  Admiral  George  Brown,  in 
port.  As  the  revolution  made  progress,  the  insurgent  govern- 
ment, seeking  arms  and  ammunition  to  maintain  the  struggle  for 
supremacy,  sent  the  steamer  Itata  to  San  Diego,  Cal.,  for  a cargo 
of  arms  collected  there  for  shipment  by  their  agent.  In  an 
unfortunate  moment  those  in  charge  of  her  eluded  the  vigilance 
of  the  customs  authorities  of  the  port  and  proceeded  to  the  island 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


213 


of  Catalina  off  the  coast,  where  a schooner  was  met.  The  arms 
were  transshipped  and  the  It  at  a proceeded  towards  Iqiiiqne. 

Our  Government  having  declared  neutrality,  the  escape  of 
the  Itata  with  arms  and  ammunition,  taken  on  board  within 
neutral  territory,  was  declared  to  be  a violation  of  our  laws, 
and  her  arrest  was  ordered.  It  ought  to  be  said  in  all  fairness 
that,  as  soon  as  the  insurgent  authorities  at  Iquique  learned  of 
the  action  of  the  Itata’ s officers  at  San  Diego,  they  agreed  at 
once  to  surrender  the  vessel  to  Admiral  McCann  the  moment 
she  arrived,  as  was  done  on  June  4th,  when  she  reached  Iquique. 
Although  she  had  reached  a port  south  of  Iquique,  she  was 
ordered  by  Senor  Errazuris,  the  Minister  of  State  of  the  insur- 
gent government,  to  proceed  to  Iquique  without  removing  any 
of  the  warlike  stores  on  board.  In  the  meantime  the  cruiser 
Charleston,  Captain  Geo.  Remey,  commanding,  had  been  ordered 
to  pursue  the  Itata  and  arrest  her.  Remey  arrived  at  Iquique 
on  the  same  day  as  the  Itata  and  sailed  with  the  fugitive  in 
convoy  for  San  Diego  on  June  13th. 

The  incident  of  the  Itata  being  closed,  so  far  as  the  Navy 
was  concerned,  Admiral  McCann  sailed  soon  afterwards  for  Cal- 
lao and  reached  that  port  on  the  morning  of  June  20th,  having 
passed  the  Chilean  cruiser  Esmeralda,  bound  south,  just  oft'  the 
entrance.  Personal  salutes  were  exchanged  between  the  two 
ships;  but  this  was  thought  to  be  an  error,  as  the  Esmeralda 
represented  the  insurgent  government,  which  our  own  had  not 
yet  recognized,  but,  as  it  represented  merely  personal  polite- 
ness between  two  officials  on  the  high  seas,  it  was  not  really 
improper. 

At  Callao  Admiral  McCann  was  ordered  to  resume  his  com- 
mand of  the  South  Atlantic  and  to  proceed  thence,  via  the  Isth- 
mus of  Panama,  to  New  York. 

During  the  delay  in  waiting  for  a steamer  bound  north,  the 
opportunity  was  improved  to  visit  the  summit  of  the  Andes, 
over  the  Oroya  Railroad,  then  completed  as  far  as  the  tunnel 
which  pierced  the  Andes  leading  to  the  valley  of  the  Amazon. 
This  road  followed  the  valley  of  the  Apurimac  River,  along 
which  the  Inca  Indians  of  Pizarro’s  time  abode  and  their  de- 
scendants abide  to  this  day.  The  work  is  a wonder  in  engineer- 
ing, as  it  follows  the  windings,  spans  the  chasms,  bridges  the 


214 


FORTY-FIVE  YK.iRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


defiles,  and  tunnels  spurs  in  passing  on  through  villages  and 
past  the  same  irrigating  ditches,  apparently  as  useful  now  as 
in  the  olden  days  for  fertilizing  these  same  phenomenally  rich 
mountain  sides,  12,000  feet  above  the  sea. 

In  the  rare  atmosphere  of  that  altitude  a sensation  of  dizzi- 
ness was  felt,  as  well  as  some  discomfort  in  breathing  on  making 
any  exertion.  With  rest  and  quiet,  however,  these  disagreeable 
sensations  passed  away,  but  it  was  regarded  unwise  to  attempt 
to  pass  the  night  at  that  high  elevation,  lest  one  might  suffer 
from  what  was  known  as  ‘‘siroche,”  a mild  form  of  asthmatic 
disturbance,  due  to  the  rarity  of  the  atmosphere  at  such  heights. 
The  scenery  of  this  wonderful  railroad  through  the  mountains 
was  grandly  picturesque,  and,  after  passing  above  the  cloud- 
belt,  the  azure  blue  of  the  heavens  revealed  the  high  peaks  of 
the  Andean  range  for  miles  and  miles  to  the  north  and  south. 
The  tint  of  sky  was  only  comparable  to  that  of  the  ocean  on 
the  clearest  and  calmest  days.  The  trip  required  one  day,  but 
it  well  repaid  the  effort. 

On  July  11th  the  President  of  Peru  visited  the  cruiser  with 
members  of  his  Cabinet  and  other  distinguished  civilians.  He 
was  received  by  the  admiral  and  his  officers  and  men,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  regulations  governing  the  reception  of  the  sover- 
eign heads  of  governments.  His  inspection  of  the  ship,  her  bat- 
tery and  equipments  was  thorough,  and  his  delight  at  the  excel- 
lent order,  and  the  discipline  of  the  crew,  found  fullest  expres- 
sion; but  the  manifest  strength  exhibited  in  modern  artillery 
impressed  him  more  than  all  else.  His  admiration  for  the  great 
country  the  cruiser  represented  was  boundless  in  expression  and 
manifestation. 

On  July  14th  Admiral  McCann  hauled  down  his  flag  to  take 
passage  for  Panama.  His  departure  from  the  station  occasioned 
much  regret  to  the  officers  and  crew  of  the  flagship,  where  he 
was  much  beloved  for  his  sterling  qualities  of  heart  and  head. 
The  short  cruise  together  had  been  much  enjoyed,  and  its  mem- 
ories are  among  the  most  pleasant  experiences  of  a long  profes- 
sional career. 

Before  leaving,  the  admiral  directed  the  commander  to  pro- 
ceed to  Iquique,  on  the  way  south  to  rejoin  Admiral  Brown,  to 
insist  upon  the  right  to  use  the  American  cable  from  Galveston 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


215 


to  Valparaiso,  one  of  its  connections  extending  from  Mollendo, 
in  Peru,  to  Iquique,  in  Chile,  thence  bighting  out  to  Valparaiso. 
The  office  at  Iquique  was  under  control  of  the  insurgent  gov- 
ernment, or  the  revolutionary  government  of  Chile.  The  insur- 
gents had  seized  and  closed  the  office  at  Iquique,  except  for 
their  own  communications  northward ; and  had  refused  the  right 
to  our  Government  to  use  the  Valparaiso  end  for  cable  messages 
to  our  Minister.  This  made  it  necessary  to  communicate  by 
way  of  the  trans- Andean  route  to  Buenos  Ayres,  thence  to  Europe 
by  cables  and  thence  to  Washington.  The  route  was  long,  the 
rates  enormous,  and  the  certainty  of  mutilation  made  messages 
slow  and  their  meaning  uncertain. 

The  privilege  of  using  the  more  direct  American  cable  for 
messages  was  sought,  under  any  censorship  or  surveillance  the 
insurgent  government  might  impose,  except  the  right  to  revise 
or  to  know  the  contents  of  Government  messages,  which  were 
held  to  be  privileged.  If  the  Iquique  Government  refused  this 
concession,  the  admiral’s  orders  were  to  cut  the  cable  off  that 
port  and  join  the  Mollendo  end  to  that  of  Valparaiso  in  the  open 
sea  outside  their  marine  jurisdiction. 

On  the  Baltimore's  arrival  at  Iquique,  on  July  19th,  the  effort 
was  made  to  obtain  this  privilege,  but  the  insurgent  authorities 
would  not  entertain  the  request.  Orders  were  therefore  given 
to  the  cable  steamer  Belay  to  connect  the  Mollendo  and  Val- 
paraiso ends  outside  the  marine  league,  and  she  did  so  that 
same  night.  Apprehending  that  a mistake  might  be  made  in 
the  distance,  the  Baltimore  got  under  way  and  measured  the 
distance  of  5.9  miles  from  the  coast  and  directed  the  cut  to  be 
made  at  that  point.  The  Baltimore  remained  to  watch  the  Re- 
lay and  to  protect  her  during  the  night,  if  any  attempt  was 
made  to  interfere  with  her.  On  the  morning  following  the 
cable  was  spliced  and  the  Belay  returned  to  Callao,  and  the 
Baltimore  to  Iquique  to  notify  the  authorities  of  what  had  been 
done.  She  then  proceeded  to  Coquimbo,  touching  on  the  way 
at  Caldera,  or  Copiapo,  also  held  by  the  insurgents,  to  examine 
the  wreck  of  the  Blanca  Encalada^  destroyed  by  the  torpedo 
boats  Admiral  Lynch  and  Condel,  whose  commanders  were  loyal 
to  the  Balmaceda  government.  Coquimbo  was  reached  on  July 
24th,  and  the  San  Francisco  was  found  at  anchor  there,  A fuU 


216 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


report  was  made  to  Admiral  Brown  of  what  had  been  done  at 
Iquique  and  the  instructions  exhibited  to  him  which  directed 
the  Baltimore’s  action. 

From  July  24th  until  August  21st  the  Baltimore  remained  at 
Coquimbo.  This  port  was  in  possession  of  the  Balmaceda  govern- 
ment and  was  held  by  about  6,000  regular  troops,  said  to  be  the 
flower  of  the  Chilean  army.  Here  the  Secretary  of  War,  Senor 
Aldunate,  was  in  supreme  command,  although  not  in  actual 
command  of  the  troops.  The  civil  and  military  authorities  had 
always  been  friendly  and  cordial.  But  in  compliance  with  the 
orders  of  strict  neutrality  from  our  Government,  the  officers 
refrained  from  any  expression  of  opinion  upon  matters  relating 
to  the  forces,  resources,  or  purposes  of  either  army. 

Several  opportunities  were  improved  to  witness  the  military 
maneuvers  of  the  army  at  Coquimbo.  The  troops  were  well 
armed,  well  clothed,  and  apparently  well  contented.  In  all  the 
exercises  there  was  conspicuous  handiness  and  smartness,  but 
it  was  not  quite  clear  to  the  American  officers  why  so  large  a 
force  was  held  at  a point  which  was  not  menaced  by  the  insur- 
gents, or  which,  if  taken  by  them,  would  oblige  a division  of 
their  forces  to  hold  it.  The  danger  to  this  outpost  lay  in  the 
control  of  the  sea  by  the  insurgent  navy,  largety  superior  to 
that  of  the  Balmaceda  government.  Any  movement,  therefore, 
to  the  south  by  the  insurgents  would  leave  the  Coquimbo  division 
in  the  air  and  beyond  the  possibility  of  assisting  the  Valparaiso 
defenders.  The  vulnerable  point  was  along  the  Aconcagua, 
eighteen  miles  north  of  Valparaiso,  which  the  military  advisers 
of  the  Balmaceda  government  had  taken  no  steps  to  occupy  and 
fortify.  This  position  was  deemed  to  be  the  weak  point  in  the 
Government  defense,  and  why  it  was  neglected  could  not  be 
understood. 

But  not  so  with  the  insurgent  chief,  who  promptly  seized  it 
as  a landing  place  for  the  insurgent  army  on  August  20th,  to 
begin  its  operations  in  the  rear  of  Valparaiso.  There  were  no 
Government  forces  at  hand  to  oppose  the  landing,  beyond  those 
in  and  about  Valparaiso,  eighteen  miles  away,  under  Generals 
Alcerraga  and  Barbosa,  numbering  about  7,000  men.  These 
were  moved  out  to  the  north  the  afternoon  of  August  20th,  and 
met  the  insurgents  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Aconcagua  River 


REVOLUTION  IN  CHILE 


217 


on  the  following  day,  August  21st.  In  the  battle  which  ensued, 
known  as  the  Concon,  the  Balmaceda  forces  were  beaten  and 
routed,  and  fell  back  on  Valparaiso  dispirited,  disorganized  and 
demoralized. 

The  Baltimore  arrived  at  Valparaiso  on  the  afternoon  of 
August  21st,  from  Coquimbo,  having  passed  Quinteros  Bay 
about  4 p.  M.  Her  course  down  was  necessarily  along  the  coast, 
carrying  her  within  plain  sight  of  the  insurgent  ships  in  that 
bay.  Although  the  commander’s  orders  were  to  look  in  at 
Quinteros,  it  was  thought  that  the  motive  of  such  a visit  might 
be  misconstrued  at  such  a time,  and  it  was  decided  merely  to 
pass  on  to  Valparaiso. 

On  reaching  the  anchorage,  it  was  learned  that  Admiral 
Brown  the  day  before  had  gone  with  the  San  Francisco  to  Quin- 
teros Bay  on  the  proper  mission  of  ascertaining  for  himself  and 
for  his  Government  the  truth  or  falsity  of  rumors  with  refer- 
ence to  the  landing  of  the  insurgent  army  at  that  point.  Ad- 
miral Brown  was  assailed  in  the  Chilean  press  for  having  gone 
to  Quinteros  Bay  at  all,  declaring  that  the  only  purpose  of  his 
visit  had  been  to  spy  out  the  details  of  this  landing  for  the 
Valparaiso  officials.  While  this  was  maliciously  untrue,  as  a 
matter  of  fact  the  disordered  state  of  the  public  mind  was  such 
that  the  motive  of  every  act  of  the  foreign  officers  was  mis- 
construed. Admiral  Brown’s  first  information  of  the  landing 
of  the  insurgent  army  came  from  the  Valparaiso  authorities  and 
was  complete  in  every  detail  as  to  the  number  of  troops,  trans- 
ports, and  convoying  men-of-war,  before  he  visited  Quinteros 
Bay.  The  authorities  of  Valparaiso  needed  no  details  of  the 
landing  and  none  were  communicated  to  them  by  any  American 
authority. 

It  should  be  said  in  connection  with  this  matter  that  there 
were  so  many  rumors  afloat,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of 
the  revolution  of  1891,  of  battles  said  to  have  been  fought,  of 
movements  said  to  have  been  made  on  both  sides,  that  com- 
manders of  squadrons,  or  ships,  could  only  keep  themselves 
an  courant  with  what  was  going  on  by  actual  personal  inspec- 
tions made  on  the  spot,  and  to  do  this  ships  were  obliged  to 
visit  many  localities  while  operations  were  in  progress.  It  was 
realized  that  in  time  of  war,  especially  in  a civil  war,  the  sus- 


218 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ceptibilities  of  both  parties  would  be  unreasonably  inflamed  and 
quick  to  misunderstand  the  motives  or  actions  of  foreign  officers. 
Great  care,  therefore,  had  to  be  observed  in  everything  that  was 
to  be  done  to  protect  the  interests  of  American  residents  wher- 
ever they  might  live  under  the  jurisdiction  of  either  party.  Any 
insistence  that  their  interests  must  not  be  put  in  jeopardy  on 
either  side  was  misconstrued  into  partiality  for  the  other.  Any 
such  thing  as  neutrality  depended,  from  the  Chilean  point  of 
view,  entirely  upon  whether  the  interests  of  foreign  residents 
clashed  with  one  or  the  other  side  in  their  issue. 

The  week  following  the  battle  of  Concon  was  one  of  intense 
excitement  in  Valparaiso.  Provisions,  which  had  been  abundant 
the  day  before  the  landing,  became  scarce  at  once,  extortionate 
in  price  and  poor  in  quality.  There  was  every  evidence  of  the 
siege  in  the  manifest  gathering  of  stores.  Business  was  at  a 
standstill,  with  many  business  houses  closed.  The  activity  of 
the  two  loyal  gunboats  was  increased  in  their  attacl^s  upon  the 
insurgent  forces  on  the  hills  near  Vina  del  Mar.  The  insurgent 
squadron  bombarded  the  forts  around  Valparaiso  once  or  twice, 
with  absolutely  no  effect  beyond  demonstrating  that  on  both 
sides  the  shooting  was  lamentably  bad. 

About  7.30  A.  M.,  of  August  28th,  the  roar  of  artillery  firing, 
with  the  rattle  of  musketry,  was  heard  coming  from  the  south- 
east direction,  over  the  range  of  hills  back  of  Valparaiso.  The 
battle  of  Placilla  had  begun,  and  it  continued  for  an  hour  or 
two  with  no  appreciable  change  in  the  volume  of  firing,  and 
no  indication  that  either  side  was  gaining  or  losing  ground,  as 
practised  ears  easily  distinguish  a situation  from  the  increasing 
or  diminishing  detonations  on  the  firing  lines  when  shut  out 
from  view  by  intervening  obstructions.  Suddenly  there  was 
a lull  in  the  firing,  then  a cessation,  and  finally  silence.  Who 
had  won  soon  became  evident  (about  10.30  a.  m.)  in  the  advance 
of  the  insurgent  forces  over  the  hills  and  the  rush  of  many 
thousands  of  both  sexes  from  Valparaiso  to  welcome  them. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY 
1892 

About  the  same  hour  (10.30  a.  m.)  Admiral  Viel,  Intendente 
of  Valparaiso,  informed  Admiral  Brown  that  the  Government 
forces  had  lost  the  day,  and  that  he  was  prepared  to  surrender 
the  city  unconditionally.  At  the  same  time  he  requested  the 
senior  officers  of  foreign  warships  to  go  to  the  front  to  announce 
the  fact  to  the  commander  of  the  insurgent  army  and  to  arrange 
with  him  for  the  security  of  the  life  and  property  of  foreign 
residents.  The  three  foreign  admirals  and  the  senior  English 
naval  officer  met  at  the  intendencia,  accompanied  by  an  orderly 
bearing  the  national  flag  of  each,  and  also  with  an  aid.  Be- 
fore any  arrangement- had  been  made  to  go  to  the  front,  the 
movements  of  the  victorious  army  had  been  so  rapid  that  a flag 
of  truce  escorted  by  cavalry  had  already  appeared  before  the 
intendencia  building.  A short  parley  only  was  necessary  to 
secure  from  the  officer  commanding  the  escort  complete  assur- 
ance that  the  lives  and  property  of  all  foreign  residents  in  the 
city  would  be  safe  and  their  protection  guaranteed. 

So  long  after  the  occurrence  it  is  not  easy  now  to  describe 
the  welcome  which  met  the  insurgent  army,  as  it  marched  into 
the  city  with  every  manifestation  of  favor,  enthusiasm  and  relief 
from  90  per  cent  of  the  population,  who  were  first,  last  and 
all  the  time  in  sympathy  with  it.  The  Government  army,  being 
in  complete  demoralization,  threw  away  arms,  belts  and  car- 
tridge boxes,  while  many  turned  their  coats  wrong  side  out  to 
indicate  their  sympathy  with  the  congressional  cause.  The  prin- 
cipal officers  of  the  Government  in  Valparaiso,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and  many  officers  of  the 
defeated  army  and  navy,  fled  to  the  protection  of  the  foreign 
men-of-war  in  the  harbor. 


219 


220 


forty-fi^t:  years  under  the  flag 


The  congressional  army,  occupying  the  Arturo  Pratt  plaza, 
opened  fire  on  the  torpedo-boat  Lynch,  moored  near  the  mole, 
and  was  replied  to  for  a few  moments  by  the  crew  with  a few 
shots  before  surrendering.  Some  of  the  shots  from  shore  struck 
the  Baltimore  in  the  harbor,  but  as  her  anchorage  was  in  the 
line  of  fire  it  was  thought  only  accidental. 

A guard  of  about  one  hundred  bluejackets  and  marines, 
under  Lieutenant  Commander  Tilley  and  Lieutenant  McCrea, 
were  landed  in  the  afternoon  to  protect  the  American  Consulate 
during  the  confusion  and  disorder  attending  the  rout  of  the 
Government  forces.  The  steadiness  and  readiness  of  these  men 
for  immediate  service  was  a matter  for  admiration  and  pride. 
Their  presence  did  much  to  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood  in 
the  locality  where  they  were  stationed.  Their  appearance  on 
the  streets  going  to  and  returning  from  the  consulate  inspired 
much  respect  from  the  crowd  along  the  route. 

When  night  set  in  over  the  scene,  musketry  fire  was  general 
until  daylight.  Conflagrations  occurred  in  many  parts  of  the 
city,  destroying  much  valuable  property.  Numbers  of  houses 
on  the  hills  were  pillaged  and  reported  to  have  been  sacked; 
while  several  attempts  to  rob  business  houses  were  reported. 
From  the  harbor,  lighted  up  by  conflagrations- on  shore,  it  was 
thought  the  city  had  been  handed  over  to  what  is  known  in 
Spanish  countries  as  “saqueo,”  or,  in  English,  pillage. 

The  following  morning  the  streets  of  the  city  presented  a 
sad  and  deserted  aspect  after  this  night  of  terror,  with  many 
dead  bodies  lying  here  and  there  where  they  had  been  shot. 
The  best  authority  estimated  that  quite  three  hundred  had  lost 
their  lives  during  that  dreadful  night.  It  is  not  easy  to  un- 
derstand the  implacable  hatreds  that  make  such  things  a pos- 
sibility. 

The  Chilean  squadron  arrived  in. the  harbor  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  28th,  after  the  congressional  arm}^  had  captured  the 
city,  and,  beyond  acting  as  a convoy  for  the  transports,  did  not 
participate  in  the  fighting  which  led  to  the  success  of  the  insur- 
gent cause.  During  the  week  of  operations  culminating  with 
the  battle  of  Placilla,  the  ships  did  not  venture  within  range 
of  the  forts,  and  it  was  not  until  they  had  been  abandoned  that 
they  entered  the  harbor.  The  movements  and  fighting  of  the 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  221 


army  from  Concon  to  Placilla  were  aggressive,  bold  and  credit- 
able. 

Admiral  Brown  sent  the  refugees  from  his  own  ship  to  the 
Baltimore,  directing  her  commander  to  proceed  to  Mollendo  to 
land  them  in  neutral  territory.  This  duty  was  completed  on 
September  9th,  and  the  Baltimore  returned  to  Valparaiso  on  the 
forenoon  of  the  14th  to  report  the  fact  to  the  admiral. 

Reporting  on  board  the  flagship,  to  give  the  full  details  of 
the  trip  out  and  back,  Admiral  Brown  informed  the  commander 
that  his  instructions  were  to  proceed  to  San  Francisco,  and  that 
the  commander  of  the  cruiser  was  to  remain  as  senior  officer  in 
the  South  Paciflc  waters. 

Affairs  on  shore  had  quieted  down  and  public  order  had 
been  restored,  leaving  the  admiral  free  to  sail  that  same  after- 
noon. Hardly  had  the  admiral  disappeared  when  the  fires  of 
excitement  were  relighted  through  a maliciously  false  report 
circulated  on  shore  that  Balmaceda,  the  deposed  President,  had 
escaped  in  the  flagship.  The  authorities  on  shore  knew  this  to 
be  untrue,  but  no  steps  were  taken  by  them  to  correct  this  mis- 
chievous falsehood.  It  was  denied  from  the  Baltimore  when- 
ever the  story  was  repeated,  but  it  was  not  until  Balmaceda ’s 
suicide,  at  the  Argentine  Legation,  in  Santiago,  on  the  morning 
of  September  19th,  that  the  denial  was  substantially  verified. 

The  public  excitement  was  kept  alive  and  intensified  by  the 
men  who  had  served  on  the  insurgent  transports  and  who  had 
been  discharged  after  the  revolution  had  successfully  overthrown 
the  Balmaceda  government.  Until  these  men  had  found  em- 
ployment, it  was  deemed  Aviser  to  withhold  shore  leave  from 
the  Baltimore’s  crew,  and  to  limit  that  granted  to  officers  to 
sundown  until  order  had  been  completely  restored  and  public 
confldence  more  completely  gained.  In  view  of  what  is  now 
to  be  related,  it  should  be  stated  ah  initio  that,  when  the  Balti- 
more returned  to  Valparaiso  from  Mollendo,  on  September  14th, 
the  usual  visit  was  made  to  her  by  the  senior  Chilean  naval 
officer  present,  as  well  as  by  the  captain  of  the  port,  also  a 
Chilean  naval  officer.  These  officers  extended  a welcome  and 
the  usual  offers  of  the  courtesies  of  the  port,  and  they  are  un- 
derstood among  nations  at  peace  to  include  the  privileges  and 
hospitalities  of  the  port  to  officers  and  men  of  visiting  men-of- 


222 


FORTY-FIVE  YE.1RS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


war.  The  visits  of  these  officials  had  been  returned  within 
twenty-four  hours,  as  required  by  the  regulations,  in  order  to 
return  thanks  for  the  courtesies  extended. 

The  one  unsettled  question  that  still  remained  to  be  adjusted 
between  our  Minister,  Hon.  Patrick  Egan,  and  the  Government 
of  Chile,  related  to  the  refugees  of  the  Balmaceda  government 
who  had  sought  asylum  in  the  American  Legation.  The  main 
insistence  of  our  Minister  was  the  right  of  domicile,  until  then 
unassailed,  for  those  who  were  only  political  offenders,  and  the 
hitherto  conceded  right  of  safe  conduct  out  of  the  country  as 
a necessary  adjunct  to  the  conceded  right  of  domicile,  until 
such  time  as  political  acrimony  and  passion  should  subside. 
This  right  was  finally  conceded  by  the  Government  of  Chile, 
and  ]\Ir.  Egan  Avas  notified  that  it  Avould  be  carried  out,  as  Avas 
done  to  the  letter.  This  action  practically  closed  the  incident 
before  the  Baltimore  had  sailed  from  Valparaiso. 

A long  interv^al  had  elapsed  since  the  Baltimore's  creAV  AA^re 
granted  leave,  and  as  every  foreign  man-of-war  in  Valparaiso 
at  this  time  gave  their  men  liberty,  quiet  and  order  appeared 
to  have  been  completely  restored.  There  was  no  sufficient  reason 
to  Avithhold  this  privilege  any  longer  from  the  men  of  the  Balti- 
more, as  quite  three  months  had  elapsed  since  they  were  last  on 
shore.  Before  granting  liberty,  hoAvever,  a visit  Avas  made  to 
the  Intendente,  Senor  Arlegui,  to  ascertain  if  there  could  be 
any  objection  to  the  step.  He  could  see  no  reason  why  the 
Baltimore  might  not  enjoy  the  same  privilege  as  other  foreign 
men-of-A\^ar  in  port.  This  decided  the  commander  to  grant  leaA^e 
for  tAventy-four  hours  to  about  115  men  on  the  afternoon  of 
October  16,  1891. 

About  3 o’clock  the  same  afternoon  the  commander  and  the 
executive  officer.  Lieutenant  Commander  Sebree,  as  they  cus- 
tomarily were  in  the  habit  of  doing,  AA^nt  on  shore  for  a AA’alk 
of  an  hour  or  tAA^o.  During  this  AA’alk  many  of  the  men  on  lib- 
erty Avere  met  strolling  about  the  city,  or  riding  in  carriages, 
apparently  enjoying  themselves.  It  was  observed,  AAuth  much 
gratification,  that  they  saluted  officers  in  passing,  Avhether  for- 
eign or  their  own;  that  they  Avere  neat  in  appearance,  tidy  in 
dress,  and  up  to  the  hour  of  5.30  p.  m.,  AAdien  the  comUiander 
and  the  executive  officer  Avent  on  board  again,  not  one  of  the 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  223 


men  fallen  in  with  was  in  the  slightest  degree  under  the  influ- 
ence of  drink. 

At  about  8 o’clock  in  the  evening  an  American  captain  of  a 
merchant  vessel  in  port  came  on  board  the  Baltimore,  accom- 
panied by  a young  Chilean,  to  report  that  the  liberty  men  of 
the  ship  had  been  attacked  about  6 o ’clock  at  a number  of  points 
about  the  city  by  vast  crowds  of  longshoremen,  .boatmen  and 
others;  that  one  of  the  men  had  been  brutally  murdered  and 
many  others  were  viciously  stabbed  in  their  backs;  that  the 
police  had  not  attempted  to  interfere,  and  in  some  instances  had 
joined  in  the  assault;  that  a large  number  had  been  arrested 
and  dragged  to  the  police  stations  without  any  regard  to  whether 
they  were  wounded  or  not;  that  he  saw  men  nippered  with  cat- 
gut, dragged  along  by  the  police,  and  beaten  with  swords  if 
they  failed  to  keep  pace  with  them. 

In  flne,  the  captain  characterized  the  assault  as  the  most 
shameful,  brutal  and  inhuman  he  had  ever  witnessed  upon  sober, 
unarmed  and  peaceful  men.  The  captain’s  sense  of  fair  play 
revolted  against  this  treachery  and  he  labored  under  great  ex- 
citement and  indignation  as  he  related  the  details  of  this  unpro- 
voked attack  upon  the  Baltimore's  men.  He  was  inclined  to 
think  the  commander  ought  to  proceed  to  the  extreme  of  open- 
ing the  cruiser’s  guns  upon  the  city;  but  when  it  was  pointed 
out  that  such  action  would  involve  the  lives  of  thousands  of 
innocent  women  and  children  who  were  in  no  way  responsible, 
he  confessed  it  would  be  as  inhuman  as  the  scenes  he  had  just 
witnessed.  When  it  was  made  clear  to  him  that  the  responsi- 
bility for  this  great  outrage  must  be  flxed  first  beyond  any 
doubt  and  without  mistake,  he  agreed  it  would  be  quite  time 
to  act  afterwards. 

It  was  not  long  after  the  captain  had  left  the  cruiser  when 
a message  was  received  from  an  officer  on  shore  that  quiet  had 
been  restored,  but  that  in  the  melee  Chas.  W.  Riggin  had  been 
killed  and  a number  of  the  men  had  been  dangerously  stabbed. 

Believing  in  the  old  French  proverb  that  “sleep  brings  coun- 
sel,” a night  of  sleep  resulted  in  ordering  a court  of  inquiry 
to  elicit  all  the  facts  from  the  men  themselves  who  had  been 
victims,  as  well  as  from  parties  on  shore  who  had  been  eye- 
witnesses of  this  unfortunate  tragedy.  This  court,  composed 


224 


FORTY“FI^^  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


of  Lieutenant  S.  H.  May,  Lieutenant  Jas.  H.  Sears,  and  Passed 
Assistant  Surgeon  Stephen  S.  White,  assembled  on  the  morning 
following  the  assault,  and  rendered  its  report  on  October  19th, 
three  days  afterwards.  Chas.  W.  Riggin  was  buried  with  mili- 
tary honors  on  October  19th,  in  the  foreign  cemetery  at  Val- 
paraiso. On  the  17th  of  October  the  following  letter  was  ad- 
dressed to  the  Intendente  of  the  city: 

U.  S.  S.  Baltimore, 
Valparaiso,  Chile, 
October  17,  1891. 

Sir:  I regret  extremely  to  inform  your  Excellency  that  while  my  men 
were  on  liberty  yesterday  afternoon  to  enjoy  the  hospitality  of  a port  with 
which  my  nation  is  upon  the  most  friendly  terms  of  amity,  an  unfortunate 
disturbance  occurred,  in  which  one  of  my  petty  ofhcers  was  killed  and  six  of 
my  men  seriously  stabbed.  I feel  that  it  will  only  be  necessary  to  request  your 
Excellency  to  institute  a most  searching  investigation  into  the  circumstances 
leading  to  this  affair  in  order  to  establish  the  culpability  for  the  unfortunate 
collision. 

I can  say  in  advance  that  if  my  m.en  have  been  the  instigators  in  this 
affair  they  will  be  dealt  with  most  severely  under  the  laws  of  my  country,  and 
I feel  certain  that  if  it  should  be  otherwise  your  Excellency  will  bring  to  justice 
all  offenders. 

Regretting  extremely  the  unfortunate  occurrence  and  the  duty  it  imposes 
upon  yourself  and  myself,  I have  the  honor  to  be, 

W.  S.  Schley, 
Captain,  Commanding. 

Senor  J.  de  Ds.  Arlegui, 

Intendente, 

Valparaiso. 

This  communication  was  answered  promptly  the  same  day 
as  follows: 

Republic^  de  Chile, 
Intendencia  de  Valparaiso, 
October  17,  1891 . 

Sir:  I have  received  your  communication  of  this  date  in  which  you  refer 
to  the  unfortunate  incident  that  occurred  yesterday  between  a number  of 
Chilean  sailors  and  others  belonging  to  the  ship  under  your  command. 

Before  receiving  your  polite  despatch,  the  fact  had  already  been  brought 
to  the  notice  of  the  Department  of  Justice,  which  will  investigate  the  culpa- 
bility of  the  promoters  of  the  said  disturbance. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  etc., 

J.  DE  Ds.  Arlegui. 

Captain  W.  S.  Schley, 

U.  S.  S.  Baltimore, 

Valparaiso. 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  225 


The  report  of  the  court  ordered  on  board  the  cruiser  was 
the  first  official  information  of  the  extent  and  enormity  of  the 
assault  upon  the  men  of  the  Baltimore  on  October  16th.  The 
testimony  given  by  the  men  examined,  who  were  in  different 
parts  of  the  town  widely  separated  at  the  time  of  the  assault, 
strongly  implied  premeditation.  The  fact  that  the  Criminal 
Court  Judge,  Foster  Recarraban,  had  tried  the  cases  of  men 
arrested  as  early  as  October  22d  and  discharged  them  as  indi- 
vidually guiltless  sustains  the  conclusion  of  their  innocence  in 
originating  the  assault.  The  return  by  the  Intendente  this  same 
day  of  several  penknives  and  the  money  taken  from  the  men 
when  arrested  refutes  the  charges  absolutely  that  the  men  were 
armed.  The  attempt  to  create  the  impression  that  the  Balti- 
more's men  were  drunk  and  that  the  row  was  a drunken  brawl 
of  American  sailors  was  malicious  and  untrue.  The  Sisters  of 
Charity  at  the  General  Hospital,  to  which  the  wounded  men  had 
been  carried,  declared  without  reservation  that  these  men  were 
sober  when  they  reached  that  institution.  The  testimony  of 
foreigners  who  had  witnessed  the  assault  corroborated  the  Sis- 
ters of  Charity  as  to  the  sobriety  of  the  men.  If  this  had  not 
been  so,  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  police  authorities  would 
have  failed  to  make  more  arrests;  or,  if  the  men  were  drunk,  it 
is  equally  difficult  to  understand  why  they  ought  not  to  have 
been  objects  of  more  solicitude  to  the  police.  Surely  their  con- 
dition, even  if  drunk,  could  not  have  justified  their  murder 
anywhere  in  Christendom. 

Turnbull,  the  second  victim,  who  had  been  stabbed  some 
twenty  times  in  the  back,  was  buried  in  the  foreign  cemetery 
with  military  honors  on  October  27,  1891. 

A correspondence,  almost  too  voluminous  for  place  here,  re- 
lating to  the  methods 'of  procedure  to  obtain  the  testimony  of 
the  Baltimore’s  men,  followed  the  letters  exchanged  with  the 
Intendente  at  the  beginning  of  the  difficulty.  It  was  insisted 
upon  that,  as  the  Baltimore’s  men  did  not  understand  Spanish, 
they  should  be  accompanied  to  court  by  an  interpreter ; that  their 
testimony  should  be  given  in  their  own  language,  a copy  to  be 
furnished  the  Government  for  its  consideration;  that  the  men 
were  to  be  accompanied  to  the  court  by  an  officer  of  the  Balti- 
more and  to  be  returned  to  the  ship  under  the  officer’s  care 


226 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  in  his  charge ; that  the  men  should  be  in  the  custody  of  the 
court  only  while  giving  their  evidence,  and  when  that  was  com- 
pleted to  return  to  their  ship,  whose  commander  would  be  respon- 
sible for  any  necessary  reappearance. 

The  feeling  ran  high  against  the  Americans,  as  the  press 
from  day  to  day  published  what  purported  to  be  testimony 
elicited  by  the  judge  in  the  process  of  the  trial.  Much  of  what 
was  written  was  drawn  from  the  imagination  to  serve  the  pur- 
poses in  view.  In  the  meanwhile  several  incidents  occurred 
which  required  notes  to  be  written  to  the  senior  Chilean  naval 
officer  in  port,  or  messages  to  be  sent  to  the  agent  of  the  ‘ ‘ Com- 
pania  Sud  Americana”  line  of  steamers  carrying  the  Chilean 
flag.  The  first  of  these  related  to  the  discourtesy  of  their  nien- 
of-war  boats  to  those  of  the  Baltimore,  and  this  led  to  the  fol- 
lowing letter: 

U.  S.  S.  Baltimore,  1st  Rate, 
Valparaiso,  Chile, 
November  23,  1891. 

My  Dear  Captain:  My  officers  complain  to  me  that  on  Saturday  when 
going  on  shore,  at  1.15  p.  m.,  one  of  the  boats  from  your  ship,  conveying  offi- 
cers, when  near  the  dry  dock,  pulled  out  of  her  course  to  the  mole  directly 
across  the  bows  of  my  boats,  obliging  them  to  lay  on  their  oars  to  avoid  col- 
lision. Again  to-day  when  my  steam  whale  boat  was  going  into  the  mole,  a 
steam  cutter  from  the  Esmeralda  speeded  up  and,  going  out  of  her  course, 
crossed  her  bows,  forcing  my  boat  to  stop  again  to  save  collision.  On  this 
latter  occasion  a coxswain  was  in  charge  of  the  Esmeralda’ s boat. 

To  avoid  such  discourtesies  as  this  to  boats  of  your  ships,  I always  keep 
an  officer  in  charge  of  mine  going  and  returning  from  shore,  and  I hope  the 
two  occasions  referred  to  were  accidents  which  may  not  occur  again. 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Captain  A.  Fernandez  Vial,  Captain,  Commanding. 

Senior  officer  present. 

This  note  was  sent  by  Lieutenant  Henry  IMcCrea  to  the  Al- 
mirante  Cochrane.  As  soon  as  Captain  Vial  had  received  this 
note,  he  hastened  on  board  the  Baltimore  to  apologize  for  these 
discourtesies,  and  to  give  assurances  that  if  any  similar  dis- 
courtesy should  occur  he  would  see  to  it  that  those  so  offending 
should  be  brought  to  a court-martial.  This  interview  closed  the 
incident,  and  it  should  be  stated  that  no  similar  manifestation 
occurred  during  the  Baltimore's  stay  at  Valparaiso. 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  227 

Some  days  afterwards  it  was  observed  that  a Chilean  steamer 
of  the  Sud-Americana  Company  entered  the  harbor  from  the 
south  and,  passing  into  the  harbor,  dipped  her  colors  to  the  Ger- 
man, French  and  English  men-of-war  anchored  there.  Passing 
the  Baltimore  the  courtesy  was  omitted,  and,  as  the  incident  was 
only  one  of  many  other  occasions  when  this  disrespect  had  taken 
place.  Lieutenant  Sidney  H.  May  was  sent  on  shore  to  the  agent 
of  the  line  to  explain  that,  while  merchant  vessels  were  not 
obliged  to  dip  their  colors  to  men-of-war,  the  custom  was  uni- 
versally observed,  but  where  such  courtesy  had  been  shown  to 
other  men-of-war  in  the  harbor,  and  withheld  from  the  Balti- 
more, it  was  thought  to  be  a discourtesy  that  the  agent  should 
know.  He  expressed  great  regret  at  the  occurrence,  and  his 
assurance  was  that  it  was  entirely  without  his  knowledge  and 
that  he  would  send  the  olfending  captain  on  board  the  cruiser 
to  apologize.  This  was  done.  Ever  afterwards  these  steamers  in 
leaving  or  entering  port  were  careful  to  salute,  waiting  always 
for  the  return  dip  from  the  Baltimore.  This  closed  another 
unpleasant  incident. 

On  the  afternoon  of  November  30th,  about  5 o’clock,  the 
Yorktown,  Commander  Evans,  came  into  the  harbor.  Report- 
ing the  circumstances  of  the  passage,  as  well  as  the  incidents 
and  difficulties  of  the  voyage  from  New  York  through  the  Straits 
of  Magellan,  he  was  asked  to  remain  to  dinner,  during  which 
the  entire  subject  of  the  pending  diplomatic  difficulties  with 
Chile  were  explained.  At  closer  range,  he  was  better  able  to 
comprehend  the  situation,  and  to  learn  all  that  occurred  in  the 
interval  he  had  passed  at  sea.  It  was  the  only  authentic  infor- 
mation he  had  received  of  the  disturbances  of  October  16th.  He 
expressed  great  surprise  at  the  time  at  the  serious  wrong  done  to 
the  Baltimore’s  men. 

On  December  6th,  after  notice  of  the  Yorktown’ s arrival  had 
reached  the  department,  the  secretary  ordered  the  Baltimore  to 
proceed  with  despatch  to  San  Francisco,  but  he  was  informed 
that  the  testimony  of  the  men  before  the  court  had  not  yet 
been  concluded.  Some  days  before  directions  had  been  received 
from  the  department  to  submit  the  list  of  repairs  needed  by  the 
cruiser,  to  be  transmitted  to  Washington,  and  a duplicate  of  the 

same  to  be  sent  to  Mare  Island  to  facilitate  repairs  after  her 
16 


228 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


arrival.  On  December  11th  the  order  to  San  Francisco  was 
repeated  with  an  added  request  to  know  the  day  when  the  Balti- 
more could  arrive. 

Anticipating  these  instructions  from  prior  communications 
from  the  department,  the  following  letter  was  addressed  to  the 
Intendente : 


U.  S.  S.  Baltimore, 
Valparaiso,  Chile, 
December  9, 1891. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  request  that  you  will  inform  me  whetlier  his 
Honor  the  Judge  of  the  Criminal  Court  will  require  any  further  testimony 
from  the  men  of  the  Baltimore  in  the  process  now  pending  relative  to  the 
disorders  of  the  16th  of  October. 

I would  be  greatly  obliged  if  your  Excellency  will  favor  me  with  this  in- 
formation at  the  earliest  practicable  moment. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  SCHI.EY, 

To  the  Intendente,  Captain,  Commanding. 

Valparaiso,  Chile. 


On  the  same  day  the  following  reply  was  received  from  the 
Intendente : 


Republica  de  Chile, 
Intendencia  de  Valparaiso, 
Dec.  9,  1891. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  official  letter 
dated  to-day,  in  which  you  are  good  enough  to  ask  this  intendencia  if  there 
will  be  any  necessity  for  further  testimony  of  other  sailors  with  respect  to  the 
disorders  which  took  place  on  the  16th  of  last  October. 

Notwithstanding  not  having  received  an  official  reply  from  his  Honor 
the  Judge  of  the  Criminal  Court,  to  whom  I have  transmitted  your  official  note, 
I am  able  to  anticipate  to  you,  without  prejudice  in  transmitting  later  the  re- 
ply which  I am  expecting  from  the  Court,  that  I believe  there  will  be  no  further 
need  of  the  appearance  before  the  Judge  of  the  sailors  of  the  Baltimore,  inas- 
much as  all  the  citations  referring  to  them  are  completed. 

God  guard  you. 

J.  DE  Ds.  Arlegui. 

Captain  W.  S.  Schley, 

Commanding,  U.  S.  S.  Baltimore. 


When  this  communication  was  received,  the  letter  which  fol- 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  229 


lows  was  addressed  to  Commander  Evans  for  his  information 
and  guidance: 


U.  S.  S.  Baltimore, 
Valparaiso,  Chile, 
December  10,  1891. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  in  obedience  to  orders  received 
from  the  Honorable  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  I will  sail  with  this  vessel  for  San 
Francisco,  Cab,  on  Friday  morning  at  nine  o’clock. 

My  instructions  from  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Pacific  Squadron 
are  enclosed  for  your  information  and  guidance.  Supplementing  these  in- 
structions, the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  directed  me  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible 
giving  offense  to  Chilean  authorities. 

My  orders  are,  to  proceed  to  San  Francisco  with  despatch.  I shall  stop  at 
Callao  for  coal  and  news  and  will  go  from  there  direct  to  San  Francisco. 

The  report  of  the  attack  upon  my  men,  with  copies  of  all  correspondence 
I have  had  with  the  Intendente  of  Valparaiso,  are  in  the  Minister’s  possession 
at  Santiago,  as  I was  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  I would  advise 
you  to  put  5murself  into  communication  with  the  Minister  at  the  earliest  mo- 
ment after  my  departure. 

In  leaving  this  port  I shall  take  with  me  the  Captain  and  his  family,  and 
also  five  sailors,  from  the  American  ship  Rappahannock,  burned  at  Juan  Fer- 
nandez, all  of  whom  are  destitute;  but  I will  not  allow  any  political  refugees 
to  take  passage  in  the  ship.  If  such  should  be  reported,  as  doubtless  will  be 
the  case  after  I sail,  you  may  authoritatively  deny  it. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 
Captain,  Commanding, 
Senior  officer  present. 

Commander  R.  D.  Evans,  U.  S.  N., 

Commanding  U.  S.  S.  Yorktoion,  3d  Rate. 

It  was  explained  to  Commander  Evans  that  the  stop  at  Cal- 
lao was  mainly  to  ascertain  the  state  of  affairs,  and  that  the 
Baltimore  would  return  if  matters  grew  worse  after  she  had 
departed. 

Other  letters  were  written  saying  farewell  to  our  Minister, 
Mr.  Egan,  and  to  our  Consul,  Colonel  W.  B.  McCreery,  a ster- 
ling American  and  an  able  assistant  to  our  Minister  in  those 
dark  days.  Colonel  McCreery  was  a veteran  of  the  Civil  War, 
and  to  him  the  sounds  and  excitements  of  war  revived  old  sensa- 
tions. Like  the  Minister,  he  was  a tower  of  strength  to  the 
country  in  such  times.  One  other  fearless  and  noble  American 
in  Valparaiso  was  Mr.  Frederick  May,  of  Washington,  a nephew 


230 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


of  Colonel  Charles  May,  a distinguished  officer  in  the  war  with 
Mexico.  He  was  true  as  steel,  brave  as  a lion,  and  gave  great 
assistance  to  the  Baltimore’s  men  the  night  of  October  16th,  and 
afterwards. 

On  the  morning  of  December  11,  1891,  the  Baltimore  sailed 
from  Valparaiso.  As  she  steamed  out  of  the  harbor  she  was 
cheered  by  the  Yorktown  and  the  foreign  vessels  there.  The 
German,  French  and  English  flagships  hoisted  the  international 
code  signal  wishing  her  a pleasant  passage,  and  each  of  these 
was  acknowledged  by  a signal  from  the  same  code  expressing 
thanks.  It  was  not  until  a year  or  more  afterwards  that  the  fact 
of  the  Chilean  senior  officer  having  made  the  same  signal  was 
made  known.  Whether  the  background  of  the  Chilean  ship  ob- 
structed, or  whether  the  delay  in  making  the  signal  until  the 
distance  was  too  great  to  distinguish  signals  was  the  cause,  is 
not  known ; but  the  Chilean  signal  was  not  seen,  and,  therefore, 
was  not  answered,  as  otherwise  it  would  have  been. 

AVithin  four  days  the  Baltimore  arrived  at  Callao,  from  which 
port  the  following  telegram  was  sent  in  cipher  by  her  com- 
mander : 

Evans,  Steamer  Yorktown,  Valparaiso: 

The  Baltimore  arrived  yesterday.  What  is  the  news? 

Schley. 

The  reply  received  was  that  all  was  quiet  as  when  the  Balti- 
more had  sailed.  There  was  some  difficulty  and  delay  in  getting 
coal  at  Callao,  owing  to  the  small  number  of  lighters  available, 
but  the  Baltimore  got  under  way  at  noon  of  December  19th,  and, 
after  a pleasant  run  through  the  pleasantest  part  of  the  Pacific, 
sighting  the  Gallapagos  Islands  and  Cape  St.  Lucas  in  Lower 
California,  reached  San  Francisco  at  9.30  on  January  5,  1892, 
the  date  given  in  a despatch  to  the  secretary  for  her  arrival  at 
that  port. 

Orders  w^ere  found  at  San  Francisco  directing  the  cruiser 
to  proceed  at  once  to  the  Mare  Island  Navy-Yard,  where  she 
arrived  and  went  into  dock  at  sundown  the  same  day.  AVhen 
the  usual  official  call  was  made  on  the  commandant,  Rear 
Admiral  John  Irwin,  he  stated  that  Colonel  W.  B.  Remey,  judge 
advocate-general  of  the  Navy,  had  arrived  the  same  morning 


ADJUSTMENT  OF  THE  CHILEAN  DIFFICULTY  231 

from  Washington  with  orders  from  the  secretary  directing  an 
inquiry  into  all  the  circumstances  connected  with  the  attack  upon 
a number  of  the  crew  of  the  Baltimore  at  Valparaiso  on  Octo- 
ber 16,  1891.  United  States  Commissioner  J.  S.  Manley  was 
also  to  be  associated  with  the  judge  advocate-general  in  prose- 
cuting the  inquiry. 

The  commandant  was  informed  that  the  bodies  of  Riggin 
and  Turnbull  had  not  been  brought  to  the  United  States  be- 
cause the  sanitary  regulations  of  Chile  did  not  permit  bodies 
to  be  disinterred  for  a year  after  their  burial.  At  the  same  time 
he  was  informed  that  Riggin’s  and  Turnbull’s  shipmates  had 
placed  a handsome  marble  shaft  over  their  graves. 


XXII 


THE  INQUIRY  AT  MARE  ISLAND  AND  SHORE  DUTY 

1892-1894 

The  inquiry  instituted  by  the  secretary  began  its  session 
on  January  7,  1892,  in  the  administration  building  at  the  Mare 
Island  Navy  Yard  and  continued  until  January  18th.  In  this 
interval  of  time  the  judge  advocate  general  and  Commissioner 
Manley  examined  seventy-two  witnesses  with  the  greatest  minute- 
ness. Every  detail  and  circumstance  connected  with  the  un- 
fortunate occurrence,  or  which  may  have  led  up  to  the  attack 
of  October  16th,  was  gone  into.  A summary  of  the  evidence 
given  each  day  was  transmitted  to  the  President  for  his  infor- 
mation and  examination. 

Reading  the  testimony  over  to-day,  one  can  not  fail  to  be 
impressed  by  the  wonderful  agreement  in  the  evidence  given 
by  different  men  widely  separated  from  each  other  when  the 
attack  was  made  at  several  points  in  the  city.  The  remarkable 
agreement  of  witness  after  Avitness,  as  to  the  time  AAdien  the 
assault  began  and  ended,  and  the  striking  accuracy  in  describing 
scenes  or  incidents  Avhere  two  or  three  or  more  AA^ere  together 
at  the  moment,  is  convincing  proof  of  the  truthfulness  of  the 
account  as  related  by  these  witnesses. 

The  further  fact  that  the  testimony  given  by  these  same 
men  before  the  inquiry  at  IMare  Island  differs  in  no  essential 
degree  from  the  testimony  given  by  the  same  Avitnesses  before 
the  court  convened  in  October,  1891,  at  Valparaiso,  conclusively 
establishes  its  truthfulness. 

IVhile  the  investigation  AA^as  in  progress  the  repairs  to  the 
Baltimore  Avere  pushed  rapidly  forAvard  as  far  as  that  Avas  possi- 
ble in  the  dock.  As  the  dock  Avas  needed  for  other  vessels,  the 
cruiser  Avas  floated  out  after  a feAv  days,  but  before  undertaking 
to  do  this  the  commandant  A\^as  advised  that  the  liaAA^sers  of  the 


232 


INQUIRY  AT  MARE  ISLAND  AND  SHORE  DUTY  233 


vessel  would  be  found  unreliable  after  quite  two  years’  use,  if 
through  any  circumstance  it  should  become  necessary  to  warp 
against  tide.  As  the  cruiser’s  engines  had  been  taken  apart,  it 
was  proposed  to  handle  her  with  a tug,  as  was  done  by  all 
steamship  lines  in  berthing  their  big  ships  or  in  clearing  them 
from  the  docks  when  going  to  sea. 

It  happened  that  a lot  of  mud  had  silted  up  in  front  of 
the  dock-gates,  which  required  almost  a half  hour’s  delay  to  be 
cleared  away.  In  the  meanwhile  the  tide  had  begun  to  ebb  with 
some  strength  and  the  current  was  believed  to  be  too  strong 
to  handle  so  large  a vessel  as  the  Baltimore  with  hawsers  alone 
in  “winding  her”  at  the  buoy  in  the  middle  of  the  river. 

Although  the  stoutest  hawser  on  board,  a nine-inch  hemp, 
was  used  to  do  this,  the  moment  the  cruiser  swung  broadside 
to  the  current  this  hawser  parted  as  a cord  would  have  done, 
leaving  the  ship  adrift  and  unmanageable.  Both  bower  anchors 
were  let  go,  but  without  effect,  as  the  swift  current  swept  the 
cruiser  with  both  anchors  down  across  the  river  to  the  Vallejo 
side,  where  she  was  secured  to  a dock  until  the  tide  changed 
to  flood. 

As  the  tide  fell,  the  cruiser  grounded  in  the  soft  mud,  but 
careened  some  fifteen  degrees  off  shore  until  dead  low  water; 
then  with  the  incoming  tide  she  gradually  righted  until  near 
midnight,  when  she  was  warped  off  to  a mid-channel  buoy,  and 
the  day  following,  with  the  assistance  of  a tug,  was  shifted  to 
the  Navy- Yard  wharf.  Fortunately  the  mud  was  soft  and  no 
injury  was  caused  by  the  accident,  but  the  fact  of  the  accident 
was  telegraphed  by  some  person  with  fanciful  distortions  added 
and  some  theories  of  injury  that  caused  some  uneasiness  in 
Washington.  When  the  request  by  telegraph  from  the  secretary 
to  be  informed  of  the  particulars  was  received,  the  Baltimore 
was  secure  alongside  the  wharf  at  the  Navy- Yard  with  no  evi- 
dences of  injury  or  strain. 

On  January  20th  telegraphic  orders  from  Washington  di- 
rected the  commander  to  report  in  person  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy.  This  obliged  a trip  on  the  transcontinental  railroad, 
which  was  made  with  despatch,  ease  and  in  much  comfort  in 
the  modern-day  Pullman  car. 

Within  six  days  of  the  receipt  of  orders  Washington  was 


234 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


reached,  and  the  report  called  for  was  made  to  the  secretary, 
Hon.  B.  F.  Tracy,  who  then  informed  the  commander  of  the 
purpose  of  his  orders.  A call  was  made  upon  President  Har- 
rison in  company  with  an  old  friend.  Senator  Chas.  F.  Man- 
derson,  of  Nebraska.  During  the  inteiview  with  the  President 
it  was  manifest  that  he  had  been  perfectly  and  accurately  in- 
formed of  the  situation  in  Chile,  and  that  every  fact  with  rela- 
tion to  the  attack  upon  the  Baltimore's  men  at  Valparaiso  on 
October  16,  1891,  was  understood.  He  only  desired  to  have  one 
or  two  points  made  more  clear  and  precise  in  his  mind,  and  it  was 
wdth  this  in  view  that  he  had  desired  the  commander’s  presence 
in  AA^ashington. 

The  message  referring  the  entire  correspondence  upon  the 
Chilean  difficulties,  together  with  the  testimony  elicited  at  the 
inquiry  at  Mare  Island  relating  to  the  Baltimore  incident,  was 
transmitted  to  Congress  on  January  25,  1892,  and  published 
as  an  executive  document  by  the  Government  Printing  Office 
in  1892. 

It  was  a source  of  great  gratification  to  the  officers  and  men 
of  the  Baltimore  to  know  that  the  President,  himself  an  able 
lawyer,  wuth  the  full  testimony  of  both  sides  before  him,  had 
formulated  a demand  upon  the  Government  of  Chile  similar 
in  effect  to  that  transmitted  on  October  23,  1891,  which  had 
been  based  upon  a summary  of  the  evidence  taken  before  the 
court  of  inquiry  at  Valparaiso.  The  very  able  and  exhaustive 
review  by  the  President,  in  his  message  to  Congress  referring 
the  matter  to  that  body,  was  a state  paper  of  remarkably  force- 
ful power  and  reasoning.  Its  logic  was  lucid,  its  deliberations 
were  decided,  its  conclusions  w^ere  unanswerable.  The  Govern- 
ment of  Chile,  with  sensible  promptitude,  expressed  regret  at 
the  occurrence,  promising  full  and  complete  reparation  for  the 
wrong.  The  clouds  of  war  which  had  been  gathering  were  swept 
away  by  the  manly  attitude  of  the  Chilean  authorities.  The 
activity  of  preparations  for  war  ceased  and  the  squadron  gath- 
ered at  Alontevideo  was  recalled  to  the  United  States.  The  inci- 
dent was  closed,  save  for  a naming  of  the  actual  amount  of 
indemnity,  which  a little  later  was  fixed  at  $75,000,  to  he  paid 
to  the  families  of  those  killed  and  to  the  survivors  who  had  been 
injured  in  the  assault. 


INQUIRY  AT  MARE  ISLAND  AND  SHORE  DUTY 


235 


The  term  of  service  of  the  commander  having  expired,  he 
was  informed  by  the  secretary  that  his  next  duty  would  be  as 
inspector  of  the  Third  Lighthouse  District,  with  headquarters  at 
Tompkinsville,  Staten  Island.  Preliminary  to  this  announcement, 
the  secretary  stated  that  somebody  had  informed  him  that 
this  assignment  would  be  agreeable  to  the  commander,  though 
he  had  not  learned  this  fact  from  him.  The  reply  was  that 
such  duty  would  be  acceptable,  provided  it  did  not  displace 
the  incumbent  at  that  place.  To  this  the  secretary  replied  that 
these  orders  would  be  regarded  as  fixed,  and  he  handed  the  com- 
mander his  orders  to  return  to  San  Francisco. 

Before  leaving  on  the  afternoon  train,  on  February  1st,  Cap- 
tain H.  L.  Howison  called  at  the  Shoreham  Hotel  to  offer  his 
congratulations  to  the  commander  upon  his  new  assignment  to 
duty.  He  informed  him  that  he  had  just  forwarded  Captain 
H.  F.  Pickens’s  detachment  from  lighthouse  duty,  wherein  the 
commander  of  the  Baltimore  was  named  as  his  relief.  He  sug- 
gested that  the  Lighthouse  Board  had  recommended  himself  for 
the  place  and  jestingly  observed  that  ‘‘he  had  been  weathered 
in  the  deal.”  It  was  the  first  intimation  that  the  order  had 
already  been  issued  and  it  came  with  some  surprise,  as  no 
suggestion  had  been  made  by  the  secretary  during  the  inter- 
view of  that  morning  that  he  had  already  promulgated  the 
order. 

After  his  return  to  California,  the  commander  received  the 
order  referred  to  above  through  the  commandant.  The  date 
named  in  it  for  relinquishing  the  command  of  the  cruiser  was 
that  upon  which  his  relief  should  report.  The  relieving  officer 
named  was  Captain  William  Whitehead,  a friend,  classmate  and 
companion  from  boyhood. 

On  February  24,  1892,  the  cruiser  was  turned  over  to  the 
new  commander  and  “good-by”  was  said  to  officers  and  men 
of  the  ship  at  muster.  They  were  thanked  for  their  loyal  help 
during  the  cruise,  which  had  been  full  of  incident  and  varied 
in  station  and  not  without  some  danger.  At  the  same  time,  their 
splendid  discipline  and  unvarying  steadiness  were  commended 
to  the  new  commander.  As  their  old  commander  was  about  to 
pass  over  the  side,  the  master-at-arms  stepped  forward  and  said : 

“Captain,  the  boys  wished  me  to  present  in  their  name  this 


236 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


little  souvenir  of  their  service  with  you  and  of  their  affection 
for  you.  You  know,  sir,  when  you  were  captain  we  couldn’t 
make  you  a present,  but  now  that  you  are  a plain  gentleman  we 
want  you  to  have  something  to  remind  you  of  us  and  to  remem- 
ber us  by.  ’ ’ 

Enclosed  in  a beautiful  case  was  an  exquisite  gold-headed 
cane,  made  and  finished  by  San  Francisco  artisans.  Its  inscrip- 
tion was  as  chaste  as  the  present: 

Captain  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 
from  the  Crew  of  the  Baltimore, 

February  15,  1892. 

Among  the  many  gifts  received  afterwards  from  his  country- 
men, this  precious  souvenir  has  a high  place  in  the  heart  of  the 
recipient. 

The  trip  home  across  the  continent  was  in  the  nature  of  an 
ovation.  Everywhere  when  the  train  stopped  large  crowds  of 
our  people  had  assembled  to  give  expression  of  their  approval 
of  the  commander’s  action  in  protecting  his  crew  and  in  stand- 
ing for  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  Nation  in  far-off  countries. 

At  Harrisburg  a despatch  was  received  from  the  naval  sec- 
retary of  the  Lighthouse  Board  directing  the  commander  to  pro- 
ceed to  Washington  for  consultation.  This  duty  accomplished, 
he  proceeded  the  same  afternoon  to  New  York,  where  he  was 
met  by  the  assistant  inspector.  Lieutenant  Commander  Clifford 
II.  West,  and  proceeded  with  him  direct  to  Tompkinsville,  where 
he  assumed  the  duties  of  the  new  assignment  on  March  3,  1892. 

The  general  depot  of  the  lighthouse  establishment  of  the 
United  States  is  located  at  Tompkinsville.  The  duties  of  the  in- 
spector of  the  Third  Lighthouse  District  were  twofold  in  scope; 
the  first  being  to  supply  the  necessary  stores,  to  inspect  all  sta- 
tions and  to  maintain  them  in  the  highest  state  of  efficiency 
whether  the  lights  were  stationary  or  floating.  In  addition,  there 
were  several  hundred  buoys  and  beacons  included  in  the  waters 
embraced  in  the  district,  which  extended  from  Narragansett  Bay 
to  the  Highlands  of  Navesink,  with  the  river  lights  on  the 
Thames,  in  Connecticut,  and  on  the  Hudson  River,  Avith  those  in 
Lakes  Champlain  and  Memphremagog  added.  The  second  of 
these  duties  was  to  classify,  advertise  for,  contract  for,  receive 


LIGHTHOUSE  DUTY 


237 


and  inspect,  and  to  distribute  the  supplies  needed  in  the  other 
districts,  that  similar  efficiency  might  be  maintained  in  them. 

The  duties  at  the  general  depot  relating  to  supplies  were 
new,  but,  withal,  instructive;  because  they  familiarized  the  in- 
cumbent with  business  methods  and  with  business  men.  At  the 
same  time  an  opportunity  was  furnished  to  become  acquainted 
with  trade  prices  of  every  article  bought  or  sold,  from  shoe 
lacings  to  catadioptric  lenses. 

The  assignment  to  this  duty  presented  the  opportunity  to 
simplify  older  methods  of  accountability  in  receiving  and  dis- 
tributing stores,  as  well  as  to  arrange  the  duties  of  the  various 
clerks,  with  a view  to  distributing  the  work  among  them  more 
uniformly. 

During  the  preparation  for  the  great  exposition  at  Chicago 
in  the  year  1893  the  Lighthouse  Board  had  been  requested  to 
light  up  the  water-front  from  the  Casino  wharf  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Chicago  River,  that  the  lake  steamers  might  safely  carry 
people  at  night  between  these  points.  The  problem  was  referred 
to  the  inspector  of  the  Third  Lighthouse  District  for  suggestions 
and  for  a working  plan.  Before  any  system  could  be  suggested 
the  situation  had  to  be  carefully  looked  over  to  ascertain  the 
electric  facilities  on  the  ground.  This  made  necessary  several 
visits  to  Chicago  and  Pittsburg,  accompanied  by  the  electric 
experts  of  the  Bishop  Gutta-Percha  Company  and  the  General 
Electric  Company.  It  was  mainly  to  these  gentlemen  that 
the  success  achieved  was  due  in  utilizing  the  high-tension 
system  already  installed  and  in  operation  on  the  exposition 
grounds. 

A system  of  electric  buoys,  similar  to  that  in  use  in  Gedney 
Channel,  New  York,  was  installed  and  in  full  operation  within 
one  week  of  the  time  mentioned  in  the  contract,  and  from  that 
day,  during  the  entire  continuance  of  the  fair,  no  accident  oc- 
curred to  interrupt  its  operation,  or  the  night  trips  of  the  steam- 
ers engaged  in  passenger  service  to  and  from  the  fair  grounds. 
This  attempt  was  the  first  made  by  the  Lighthouse  Board  to  use 
the  high-tension  system  of  alternating  currents  through  sub- 
marine cables  in  its  service.  The  experience  gained  at  Chicago 
led  to  its  substitution  later  in  the  system  of  lighting  the  Gedney 
Channel  in  the  lower  New  York  Bay. 


238 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  duties  at  the  lighthouse  depot  at  Tompkinsville  were  con- 
fining, but  time  was  found  in  the  three  years  spent  there  for 
other  matters  relating  to  the  naval  service  to  which  the  inspector 
belonged.  He  was  relieved  of  much  of  the  duties  of  inspecting 
the  material  and  supplies  received  under  contract  for  the  estab- 
lishment by  the  assistant  inspector,  and  this  gave  opportunities 
for  consideration  of  other  important  interests. 

The  indemnity  fund  of  $75,000  paid  by  the  Chilean  Gov- 
ernment on  account  of  the  injuries  inflicted  upon  a part  of  the 
crew  of  the  Baltimore  at  Valparaiso  on  October  16th  had  been 
received  by  our  Government,  and  the  distribution  of  the  sum 
had  to  be  made.  To  that  end.  Secretary  Tracy  directed  a board, 
composed  of  the  inspector.  Lieutenant  Commander  Sebree  and 
P.  A.  Surgeon  Edward  R.  Stitt,  to  convene  at  the  general  light- 
house depot,  at  Tompkinsville,  on  January  9,  1893.  The  in- 
spector had  been  in  command  of  the  Baltimore  on  the  occasion 
of  the  attack ; Lieutenant  Commander  Sebree  had  been  the 
cruiser’s  executive  officer,  and  Dr.  Stitt  had  been  one  of  the 
surgeons  of  the  vessel  and  had  treated  the  injured  men  pro- 
fessionally. 

The  board  examined  all  the  official  reports,  the  official  log- 
book of  the  Baltimore  relating  to  the  assault,  the  medical  records 
showing  those  who  were  under  treatment  after  the  assault,  the 
official  testimony  given  before  the  court  of  inquiry  on  October 
19th,  the  sworn  official  testimony  taken  by  the  judge  advocate- 
general  at  Mare  Island,  and  the  claims  submitted  through  attor- 
neys from  a number  of  the  injured  men. 

These  records  were  supplemented  by  the  personal  knowledge 
of  the  members  of  the  board,  all  of  whom  were  present  on  the 
occasion,  and  therefore  cognizant  of  the  facts  which  were  to  be 
considered.  After  a most  careful  examination  and  the  fullest 
consideration  of  the  records  and  documents  submitted  for  re- 
view, the  board  was  able  to  arrange  and  classify  the  casualties 
which  resulted  from  this  assault  into  four  classes,  as  follows : 

The  first  class  embraced  those  who  had  been  killed  or  who 
had  died  subsequently  from  wounds  inflicted. 

The  second  class  comprised  those  who  had  been  seriously, 
but  not  fatally,  wounded  during  the  disturbance. 

The  third  class  included  those  who  had  been  assaulted  and 


LIGHTHOUSE  DUTY 


239 


injured,  or  who  had  been  arrested  and  detained  in  prison  after 
the  assault  had  been  made. 

The  fourth  class  contained  the  names  of  those  who  had  been 
arrested,  or  abused  or  slightly  injured  and  detained  in  prison 
without  sufficient  cause. 

The  board  next  proceeded  to  consider  and  arrange  the  names 
of  the  men  who  came  under  these  different  classifications,  giving 
in  each  case  a brief  resume  of  the  injuries  sustained  by  each 
one  of  them  during  the  assault.  Its  next  duty  was  to  assign 
specific  sums  to  be  paid  to  each  one  directly,  instead  of  through  . 
attorneys  representing  them,  for  the  reason  that  none  of  these 
attorneys  had  given  any  assistance  to  the  Government  or  to  the 
men  concerned  in  obtaining  the  indemnity  paid  for  this  purpose 
by  the  Chilean  Government.  This  closed  the  incident,  and  hap- 
pily for  Chile  averted  any  recourse  to  war. 

The  command  of  the  Baltimore  for  over  two  years  on  a 
cruise  that  embraced  every  variety  of  climate  and  weather, 
and  which  had  extended  from  60°  of  north  latitude  to  55° 
of  south  latitude  in  the  North  and  South  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
oceans,  gave  the  commander  exceptional  opportunities  to  observe 
the  excellences  and  the  defects  of  the  new  cruiser.  It  pointed 
to  the  commander  as  one  whose  experience  might  be  used  to 
suggest  improvements  in  fitting  out  the  new  vessels  then  build- 
ing, or  to  govern  the  specifications  being  drawn  up  for  others 
as  authorized  by  Congress  to  be  constructed. 

Accordingly,  Hon.  Hilary  A.  Herbert,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
addressed  a letter,  under  date  of  October  23,  1894,  to  the  inspec- 
tor setting  forth  several  matters  upon  which  he  desired  his  views 
with  respect  to  those  matters  then  under  consideration  by  the 
department  officials.  One  of  the  subjects  for  consideration  re- 
ferred to  the  retention  of  woodwork  in  ceilings  and  bulkheads 
on  board  modern  ships. 

In  view  of  what  happened  in  the  combat  off  the  Yalu  and, 
still  later,  in  Manila  Bay,  and  off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  in  1898,  it 
may  be  well  to  quote  from  the  reply  the  inspector  made  on  Octo- 
ber 27,  1894,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  to  indicate  how 
clearly  the  dangerous  and  disastrous  effects  of  modern  gun-fire 
were  foreseen  and  what  their  results  in  action  would  be  in  his 
opinion : 


240  FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 

1st.  Under  the  action  of  modern  artillery  and  high  explosives  there  is 
grave  danger  of  fire  from  the  lodgment  and  explosion  of  shells  behind  or  near 
such  ceilings  or  bulkheads,  etc. 

2d.  When  in  action  there  is  serious  danger  to  officers  and  men  from  splin- 
ters driven  inboard  by  the  rapid  machine  and  other  gun-fire,  and  no  one  who 
has  ever  had  the  experience  of  battle  in  wooden  ships  can  ever  forget  the  casu- 
alties from  this  cause,  often  at  points  remote  from  that  struck  by  shot  or  shell. 

3d.  The  saving  of  weight  by  omitting  ceilings  and  bulkheads  could  be 
better  utilized  if  given  over  to  the  coal  supply,  so  as  to  increase  the  steaming 
radius  of  the  new  vessels,  as  well  as  to  increase  the  interior  accommodation 
for  stores  and  personnel. 

Several  other  sug'gestions  looking  to  the  better  sanitary  con- 
dition of  the  new  vessels  were  ventured,  and  the  recommenda- 
tion was  made  to  substitute  light  corrugated  steel  bulkheads  for 
wood  everywhere  when  possible  in  the  new  vessels. 

During  the  incumbency  by  the  inspector  of  the  post  at  Tomp- 
kinsville  the  great  review  of  ships  took  place  to  celebrate  the 
Columbian  Anniversary  in  New  York  Harbor,  under  Rear 
Admiral  Bancroft  Gherardi.  In  order  to  place  these  vessels, 
which  included  a number  of  foreign  men-of-war  invited  to  par- 
ticipate, in  safe  and  secure  anchorages  in  the  North  River,  the 
request  was  made  to  mark  such  anchorages  with  spar-buoys. 
This  duty  was  deputed  to  Lieutenant  Commander  Sebree,  and 
the  arrangements  were  made  so  thoroughly  that  there  was  not 
the  least  difficulty  for  any  of  the  vessels  of  the  double  column 
in  taking  positions  on  the  day  of  their  arrival  in  New  York  Har- 
bor. This  pageant  was  most  imposing  and  brilliant,  and  with 
those  who  witnessed  the  majestic  fleet  of  war-ships,  as  they 
moved  up  the  harbor  on  that  beautiful  day  of  sunshine,  the 
impression  will  last. 

It  was  the  privilege  of  the  inspector  several  times  in  the 
years  1893  and  1894  to  accompany  President  Cleveland  back 
and  forth  from  Gray  Gables,  his  summer  home,  in  one  of  the 
lighthouse  tenders. 

The  closer  range  this  association  permitted  with  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  family  was  to  give  a privileged  glimpse  of  the 
beautiful  home  life  of  the  chief  of  the  nation.  The  honor  of 
the  friendship  formed  through  this  opportunity  will  always  be 
remembered.  Mr.  Cleveland  was  scrupulously  particular  to 
meet  every  expense  of  such  trips. 


LIGHTHOUSE  DUTY 


241 


During  the  earlier  part  of  the  inspector’s  incumbency  Rear 
Admiral  Jas.  A.  Greer  was  the  chairman  of  the  Lighthouse  Board. 
No  one  who  served  under  his  authority  in  that  position,  or  on 
board  ship  under  his  command,  could  fail  to  be  impressed  by 
his  sterling  business  qualifications  and  integrity,  and  his  splen- 
did equipment  of  common  sense  and  excellence  as  a typical 
sailor-gentleman. 

Lieutenant  Colonel  D.  P.  Heap  was  the  engineer  associate  for 
over  two  years  at  the  general  depot.  His  industrious  originality 
found  full  employment  in  devising  many  useful  appliances  for 
economies  in  the  contrivance  of  electric  lighting,  boilers,  lenses, 
and  constructions  of  the  Lighthouse  Board.  This  association  was 
most  agreeable  personally,  and  it  was  productive  of  the  most 
beneficial  results  in  carrying  forward  the  board’s  designs  and 
work  at  that  important  station. 

During  the  latter  months  of  the  tour  of  duty  there  Colonel 
Peter  Hains  relieved  Lieutenant  Colonel  Heap.  His  reputation 
as  a great  engineer  whose  name  and  fame  are  so  inseparably 
connected  with  the  works  on  the  water-front  of  the  capital  was 
fully  sustained  at  the  general  depot. 

There  is  no  duty  of  naval  officers  more  agreeable,  or  where 
more  opportunity  is  afforded  to  acquire,  develop  and  adjust 
themselves  to  the  methods  of  business,  and  to  business  men,  than 
with  the  Lighthouse  Board.  At  the  threshold  of  this  duty  the 
officer  assigned  realizes,  almost  for  the  first  time  in  his  career, 
that  the  board  relies  upon  his  judgment  and  clothes  him  with 
financial  responsibility  of  no  ordinary  kind,  and  then  trusts  him 
implicitly  with  the  expenditure  of  large  amounts  of  money  to 
maintain  in  his  district  the  high  efficiency  of  its  service.  It 
is  not  difficult  for  a class  of  men  brought  up  in  boyhood  in 
the  two  great  military  schools  at  Annapolis  and  West  Point, 
where  the  first  lessons  impressed  are  those  of  honor  and  honesty 
in  every  purpose  and  in  everything,  and  where  the  last  is  that 
of  duty  to  sacrifice  if  need  be  even  life  itself  to  maintain  the 
right  against  the  wrong,  to  adjust  themselves  readily  to  this 
new  trust  in  them. 

As  disbursing  officers,  they  are  not  under  bonds,  because 
the  honored  commission  they  hold  from  the  President  of  the 
United  States  represents  a standard  of  integrity  outweighing 


242 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


any  money  value.  And  it  can  be  said,  to  the  credit  of  both 
services,  whose  officers  have  performed  this  duty  under  the 
Lighthouse  Board  for  quite  sixty  years,  that  there  has  been  no 
instance  known  to  the  writer  of  any  abuse  of  this  high  confi- 
dence. The  service  traditions  of  honor  would  impel  a merciless 
pursuit  of  any  one  who  was  tainted  by  any  stain  of  dishonor 
in  handling  his  expenditures  of  public  money.  To  the  honor 
of  the  Army  and  the  Navy  there  have  been  no  delinquents  in 
all  these  years  in  this  service ! 

So  far  as  the  personnel  employed  under  the  lighthouse  estab- 
lishment is  concerned,  a perfect  system  of  civil  service  prevailed 
long  before  the  civil-service  law  was  passed.  No  efficient  per- 
son in  its  service  is  ever  displaced  for  political  reasons,  except 
he  should  become  an  offensive  partisan.  Once  appointed,  the 
employee  retains  his  place  and  is  promoted  as  his  efficiency 
grows  in  the  performance  of  his  duties.  The  regulations  of 
the  board  require  attention  to  duty  and  competent  care  of  its 
lights,  machinery  and  property  from  all  of  its  employees.  Any 
neglect  at  light  stations,  or  any  reported  irregularities,  are  care- 
fully inquired  into  before  action  is  ever  taken.  If  any  light 
on  the  coast  is  reported  to  be  out  during  the  hours  when  it 
should  be  lighted,  the  keeper  must  explain  the  reason.  The  only 
excuse  ever  accepted  under  such  circumstances  must  lie  in  the 
fact  of  a breakdown  of  the  apparatus  or  the  machinery  beyond 
the  keeper’s  ability  to  repair. 

The  service  has  always  been  in  such  a condition  of  efficiency 
that  the  nautical  world  relies  confidently  upon  these  aids  in 
navigating  the  coast  of  the  United  States  on  dark  nights  or  in 
tempestuous  weather,  to  reach  the  different  ports  safely  with 
valuable  cargoes  and  lives. 

During  the  service  of  the  writer  for  the  past  forty  years 
he  has  never  hesitated  to  approach  our  coast  at  any  time,  or  in 
any  weather,  so  certain  did  he  feel  that  the  men  at  the  stations 
were  on  the  lookout  at  these  beacons  of  safety.  In  all  that 
time  he  never  found  a light  that  was  not  burning  brightly  at 
any  hour  of  the  night. 

After  a pleasant  term  of  duty  for  three  years  as  inspector 
of  the  Third  Lighthouse  District,  the  time  came  to  relinquish 
this  post  for  duty  in  another  field,  and  with  it  came  a pleasing 


LIGHTHOUSE  DUTY 


243 


letter  from  the  Lighthouse  Board  transmitted  by  the  Naval  Sec- 
retary, as  follows: 

Treasury  Department, 
Office  of  the  Lighthouse  Board, 
Washington,  D.  C., 
February  27,  1895. 

Sir:  In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  yours  of  February  26,  1895, 
taking  leave  of  the  Lighthouse  Service,  the  Board  begs  to  say  that  it  regrets 
the  necessity  for  losing  your  services,  and  that  it  assures  you  of  its  high  appre- 
ciation of  the  prompt,  zealous  and  thorough  manner  in  which  you  have  per- 
formed the  onerous  and  important  duties  of  inspector  of  the  Third  Light- 
house District.  Respectfully, 

Geo.  F.  F.  Wilde, 

Commander,  U.  S.  N., 
Naval  Secretary. 

Captain  W.  S.  Schley, 

Inspector  3d  Lighthouse  District, 

Tompkinsville,  N.  Y. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 


SEA  DUTY  AND  PllOMOTION 
1895-1897 

The  order  detaching  the  inspector  of  the  Third  District 
directed  him  to  report  to  Commodore  T.  O.  Selfridge,  president 
of  the  Board  of  Inspection.  The  duties  of  this  board  were  per- 
formed more  directly  under  the  supervision  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  who  depended  very  largely  upon  its  reports  to  keep 
advised  of  the  efficiency  of  ships  fitted  under  his  orders  for 
sea  service,  or  of  those  returning  from  different  stations  after 
such  service  had  been  performed.  Its  duties  in  the  larger  sense 
comprehended  not  only  these  inspections,  but  the  trials  made 
by  new  ships  over  measured  distances  in  order  to  decide  whether 
the  specifications  of  contracts  had  been  met,  and  as  to  the  general 
condition  of  new  vessels  after  they  had  been  completed  for  the 
Governments  acceptance. 

The  board  was  composed  of  experts  in  construction,  in 
machinery,  in  equipment  details,  in  the  management  of  old  as 
well  as  the  new  types  of  vessels.  Its  opinions  and  reports  were, 
therefore,  of  great  value  to  the  secretary,  who,  however  brilliant 
or  capable  he  might  be  in  the  civil  administration  of  his  depart- 
ment, could  not  become,  in  a few  years  as  its  head,  an  expert 
in  the  technical  intricacies  of  shipbuilding,  or  an  expert 
authority  upon  many  questions  involved  in  the  preparation  of 
great  war  machines,  their  proper  tactical  distribution,  or  their 
best  use  under  battle  conditions. 

To  the  officers  and  men  in  service  the  fact  that  this  board 
was  to  pass  upon  their  proficiency  at  the  end  of  a cruise  helped 
the  secretary  to  maintain  that  splendid  condition  of  efficiency 
which  has  always  distinguished  the  American  man-of-war.  It 
helped  officers  and  men  in  their  work  and  duty  to  win  the  ap- 
proval of  their  chief,  after  service  abroad  in  cruisers  wherein 
244 


SEA  DUTY  AND  PROMOTION 


245 


there  had  been  abundant  occasion  to  excel  in  all  that  tended  to 
the  efficiency  of  the  great  machines  committed  to  their  control 
and  care. 

The  scope  of  the  board’s  duty  embraced  the  Atlantic  and 
Gulf  coasts,  and  this  fact  made  the  selection  of  a temporary 
home  for  the  family  of  the  officer  assigned  to  this  duty  a matter 
of  considerable  importance.  The  most  imperative  question  to 
be  decided  mainly  related  to  his  pocketbook,  which,  after  all, 
had  the  deciding  influence. 

New  York  City  was  chosen  on  account  of  its  central  location 
and  its  multiplied  systems  of  communication,  which  favored  leav- 
ing under  quick  orders.  The  advantage  of  its  educational  insti- 
tutions also  had  some  influence  in  the  decision  reached.  Dur- 
ing intervals  when  board  duties  did  not  require  members  to 
assemble  for  the  inspection  work  assigned  as  their  speciflc  work, 
it  was  the  custom  of  the  secretary  to  utilize  the  services  of  mem- 
bers for  duty  as  members  of  courts  of  inquiry,  or  of  courts- 
martial,  convened  at  or  near  the  points  chosen  by  the  officers 
for  their  temporary  residences. 

During  the  writer’s  service  on  this  board,  from  March  to 
October,  1895,  he  was  ordered  as  a member  of  the  general  court- 
martial,  assembled  at  the  Navy- Yard,  Brooklyn,  with  Rear 
Admiral  John  G.  Walker  as  president,  and,  on  one  other  occa- 
sion, as  president  of  a court  of  inquiry.  In  both  instances  the 
officers  under  investigation  were  of  high  rank  in  the  service 
and  were  on  important  duty.  Both  were  defended  by  able 
counsel  who  conducted  their  clients’  cases  with  inflnite  skill  and 
adroitness.  One  of  these  lawyers  was  the  Hon.  Joseph  H.  Choate, 
the  estimable  and  eminent  Ambassador  of  the  United  States  at 
the  present  time  to  the  Court  of  St.  James. 

The  writer’s  preference  during  his  active  career  was  always 
for  service  afloat,  as  it  was  held  to  be  the  best  school  in  which 
to  keep  touch  with  the  life  of  his  profession,  the  only  place 
where  it  was  possible  to  keep  abreast  of  the  changes  taking  place 
in  the  evolution  of  modern-day  machines;  the  only  arena  where 
the  man  and  the  machine  could  be  brought  to  act  as  one;  the 
only  place  where  the  sea  habit  could  be  kept  alive  and  the  officer 
habituated  to  the  sea  life.  For  ships  are  worth  just  as  much 
and  not  a whit  more  than  the  men  who  command  them. 


246 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Preparatory  orders  to  command  the  New  York  came  on  Sep- 
tember 28,  1895,  as  if  dropped  from  the  sky.  Only  a few  days 
before  the  recipient  had  repacked  his  sea  dunnage  with  a view 
to  being  able  to  respond  within  twenty-four  hours  to  any  de- 
mand of  duty.  This  may  have  been  in  compliance  Avith  one  of 
those  psychological  undulations  of  thought-coincidence  which 
appear  in  the  experience  of  almost  every  one  without  reason- 
able explanation  of  the  why  or  the  wherefore.  It  enabled  the 
writer,  however,  to  leave  without  delay  when  the  order  of  Octo- 
ber 1st  reached  him,  to  proceed  to  Hampton  Roads  and  report 
to  Rear  Admiral  F.  M.  Bunce  for  the  command  of  his  flagship 
New  York. 

The  new  orders  were  agreeable,  as  they  were  the  occasion  of 
pleasant  official  and  personal  relations  and  associations  for  a 
year  and  a half  with  Admiral  Bunce,  an  accomplished  and  skil- 
ful officer.* 

There  had  been  short  time  in  which  to  prepare,  but  happily 
a little  forethought  had  made  the  time  sufficient. 

It  was  thought  that  the  officer  of  detail  in  the  department, 
where  the  tenure  of  duty  is  for  four  years,  rarely  considered  the 


* Officers  of  the  New  York: 


Captain,  W.  S.  Schley,  Commanding. 

Lt.  Comdr.,  Duncan  Kennedy,  Ex. 
Officer. 

Lieut.,  Wainwright  Kellogg,  Naviga- 
tor. 

Lieut.,  Jesse  M.  Roper,  Watch  and 
Division. 

Lieut.,  John  F.  Parker,  Watch  and 
Division. 

Lieut.,  Thos.  M.  Brumby,  Watch  and 
Division. 

Lieut.  (Jr.),  Homer  Poundstone, 
Watch  and  Division. 

Ensign,  F.  K.  Hill,  Watch  and  Divis- 
ion. 

Ensign,  H.  V.  Powelson. 

Ensign,  A.  A.  McKethan. 

Ensign,  Leon  S.  Thompson,  Secretary. 

Ensign,  T.  L.  Sticht. 


Naval  Cadets;  J.  V.  Gillis,  Provost 
Babin,  C.  S.  Bookwalter,  J.  V.  Klee- 
man,  D.  P.  Sellers,  E.  L.  Barnett, 
A.  T.  Chester. 

Medical  Ins.,  Michael  Drennan,  Surg. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  G.  H.  Barber. 

Asst.  Surgeon,  F.  C.  Cook. 

Pay  Ins.,  Geo.  W.  Beaman,  Pay- 
master. 

Chief  Engineer,  Cipriano  Andrade. 

P.  A.  Engineer,  F.  J.  Schell. 

Asst.  Engineer,  G.  W.  Danforth. 

Engineer  Cadets;  R.  C.  Moody,  M.  A. 
Anderson,  Walter  Ball,  Emory 
Winship. 

Captain,  A.  W.  Russell,  U.  S.  M.  C. 

Lieutenant,  R.  H.  Lane,  U.  S.  M.  C. 

Chaplain,  H.  H.  Clark. 

Boatswain,  Wm.  Anderson. 

Gunner,  Hugh  Sinclair, 

Carpenter,  J.  B.  Fletcher. 


SEA  DUTY  AND  PROMOTION 


247 


embarrassment  of  the  chap  who  goes  to  sea  on  orders  suddenly 
given  and  sometimes  unanticipated,  but  the  rule  of  being  always 
ready  is  nevertheless  a good  one. 

The  squadron  gathered  at  Hampton  Roads  was  composed 
mostly  of  new  vessels,  although  there  was  a combination  of  the 
race-horse  and  land-terrapin  in  its  make-up,  the  Columbia  repre- 
senting the  first,  and  the  turreted  monitor  Amphitrite  the  second. 
Nevertheless,  a drill  ground  had  been  laid  out  eastward  of  Cape 
Charles,  and  another  southeast  of  New  York  Bay.  The  line 
connecting  them  lay  about  twenty-five  miles  off  shore  outside 
the  usual  track  of  coasting  vessels.  On  these  two  grounds  this 
squadron  was  put  through  its  paces  for  a week  or  more  at  a 
time,  during  which  every  evolution  of  modern  tactics  was  prac- 
tised over  and  over  until  fair  perfection  had  been  attained.  No 
detail  of  drill  was  too  minute  to  be  neglected  by  the  admiral, 
whether  it  related  to  the  visible  range  of  day  and  night  signals 
made  with  flags,  the  Ardois  electric  night  code,  or  the  search- 
lights for  scouts. 

Every  exercise  of  a modern  war  vessel,  and  every  problem 
of  modern  warfare,  from  quick  coaling  to  target  practice  under 
battle  conditions,  engaged  Admiral  Bunce’s  attention.  The  new 
ships  being  equipped  with  twin  screws  and  high-powered  engines, 
the  winds  and  waves  at  sea  presented  no  greater  obstacle  to  their 
maneuvers  than  valleys  and  mountains  do  to  similar  movements 
of  troops  on  land.  Ships  and  squadrons  could  wheel,  or  half 
turn,  or  countermarch,  or  change  front,  or,  in  fact,  could  do 
every  mortal  thing  a regiment  or  an  army  corps  could  do. 

The  last  service  under  this  command  was  the  blockade  of 
Charleston,  S.  C.  This  was  undertaken  because  of  the  shoal 
water  off  the  port,  the  exposed  position  of  the  squadron  to 
weather  and  seas,  and  the  several  entrances  to  the  harbor.  The 
purpose  was  to  test  the  value  of  searchlights  in  this  necessary 
operation  of  war. 

During  February  of  1897  the  squadron  proceeded  to 
Charleston,  to  put  into  practice  what  had  been  done  from  1861 
to  1865,  but  with  new  appliances  which  were  unknown  in  mili- 
tary uses  at  that  time.  The  date  of  sailing  from  Hampton  Roads 
was  February  5th,  a beautiful  day  with  a good  winter  barometer. 
After  the  squadron,  composed  of  the  New  York,  Maine,  Indiana, 


248 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Coliimhia,  Marblehead  and  Amphitidte,  had  gained  the  open  sea, 
there  was  some  SAvell  from  the  northeast,  but,  as  the  wind  had 
been  fresh  from  the  northward  the  day  and  night  before,  it  was 
thought  to  be  due  to  this  circumstance.  The  course  of  the  squad- 
ron was  such  that  the  Indiana  rolled  so  heavily  that  Captain  H. 
C.  Taylor  appeared  to  apprehend  that  the  locking-gear  of  her 
turrets  might  be  carried  away  and  thus  take  charge  of  her  decks. 
Admiral  Bunce  directed  Captain  Taylor  to  return  to  Hampton 
Roads  and  later  to  rejoin  the  squadron  at  Charleston. 

The  squadron  then  continued  to  the  southward,  passing  Cape 
Hatteras  with  the  wind  veering  to  the  eastward  and  increasing 
in  force  up  to  Cape  Lookout.  During  the  first  watch  (8  p.  m. 
to  midnight)  of  Friday,  February  5th,  the  barometer  fell  con- 
siderably and  the  wind  and  sea  became  heavier.  The  skies  were 
wild  looking,  the  clouds  were  greasy  in  appearance,  with  sharply 
outlined  irregular  edges  giving  unmistakable  evidence  of  a rap- 
idly approaching  cyclonic  disturbance,  which  the  veering  wind 
indicated  to  be  moving  northward. 

The  squadron  was  some  twenty-five  miles  from  the  coast-line, 
which  left  no  option  to  move  westward,  while  to  change  the  course 
to  the  eastward  would  have  carried  it  into  the  turbulent  seas 
of  the  Gulf  Stream,  where  the  smaller  vessels  would  have  ex- 
perienced rough  handling  on  that  wild  night.  The  admiral 
directed,  by  signal,  a course  south  under  slow  speed  until  day- 
light as  the  better  and  safer  course  for  the  smaller  vessels,  though 
it  was  realized  that  in  doing  this  the  squadron  would  pass  nearer 
to  the  center  of  the  disturbance.  In  the  days  of  sail  this  would 
have  been  a dangerous  move  on  account  of  the  possibility  of  be- 
ing dismasted  in  the  sudden  and  violent  shifts  of  wind  at  the 
center,  but  in  these  days  of  steam,  with  twin  screws  and  high- 
powered  engines,  the  storm  center  has  lost  its  terrors  for  the  sea- 
man. During  the  midnight  watch  (12  to  4 a.  m.)  the  seas  had 
risen  so  much  that  life-lines  were  rigged  on  board  the  New  York 
to  prevent  her  people  being  washed  overboard  by  the  seas,  which 
from  time  to  time  lopped  on  her  decks.  From  daylight  of 
February  6th  until  9 a.  m.  the  gale  was  at  its  height,  during 
which  the  squalls  of  wind  and  rain  shut  out  the  vessels  follow- 
ing from  view. 

When  these  squalls  subsided,  a shift  of  wind  came  from  the 


SEA  DUTY  AND  PROMOTION 


249 


south,  changing  quickly  to  the  westward,  indicating  that  the 
storm  center  had  passed  northward  of  the  position  of  the  squad- 
ron. Although  the  wind  blew  hard,  it  soon  brought  clearing 
weather,  and  there  was  seen  ahead  of  the  New  York  a large  coast- 
wise steamer,  whose  commander  had  evidently  pursued  the  same 
tactics  as  the  admiral.  But  feeling  some  solicitude  for  the  smaller 
vessels,  the  New  York  was  put  about  on  a course  to  the  north- 
ward, and  soon  picked  up  the  Columbia,  Maine  and  Marble- 
head, this  latter  vessel  “lying  to”  under  a sea  anchor.  She  had 
been  boarded  by  a sea  over  her  bows,  which  had  dismounted 
her  searchlight  installed  there,  throwing  it  inboard  with  such 
violence  as  to  seriously  injure  several  of  her  men.  The  Maine 
had  been  boarded  by  a furious  sea  which  dashed  one  of  her  men 
against  the  turret,  killed  him  instantly,  and  washed  his  body 
overboard. 

On  every  such  occasion  there  are  brave  fellows  who  hazard 
everything  to  save  a shipmate,  and  this  occurrence  was  no  ex- 
ception, for  several  sturdy  fellows  jumped  overboard  into  a boil- 
ing sea  to  save  their  shipmate.  But  for  the  prompt  action  in 
lowering  a boat  with  Ensign  Walter  R.  Gherardi,  son  of  Admiral 
Gherardi,  in  charge,  those  poor  fellows  would  have  lost  their 
lives  also.  In  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  there  were  no 
accidents,  but,  as  the  Amphitrite  could  not  be  found,  the  admiral 
cruised  back  and  forth  until  Sunday  between  Cape  Hatteras 
and  Cape  Lookout  in  fine  weather,  but  without  result,  when  he 
turned  the  cruiser  towards  Charleston.  There  he  arrived  the 
day  following  and  found  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  offing. 

If  the  New  York  had  been  alone  on  this  passage,  it  is  doubt- 
ful if  she  would  have  been  delayed,  owing  to  her  great  size  and 
great  engine-power.  And,  while  the  sea  was  rough,  and  the 
wind  violent,  she  weathered  the  gale  without  mishap  of  any  kind 
except  a good  shaking  up. 

The  time  spent  in  testing  the  effectiveness  of  the  blockade 
of  Charleston  was  profitable  and  instructive  to  officers  and  men. 
Many  attempts  were  made  by  tugs  and  by  the  Vesuvius  to  pass 
the  blockading  line,  but  they  were  discovered  and  checked.  The 
searchlights  invariably  picked  them  up  at  such  distances  from 
the  ships  that  their  destruction  by  the  machine-guns  would  have 
been  certain  before  effective  torpedo  range  could  have  been 


250 


FORTY-FIVE  YE.VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


reached.  Many  other  instructive  exercises  were  engaged  in  dur- 
ing the  squadron’s  stay,  and  an  ample  field  was  presented  for 
thought  upon  war  problems  and  modem  ships  through  the  opera- 
tions off  Charleston. 

Such  was  the  character  of  the  wmrk  of  Rear  Admiral  F.  M. 
Bunce  during  his  last  command  afloat  in  preparing  the  squadron 
for  the  actualities  of  operations  against  an  enemy.  It  is  beyond 
question,  because  of  the  systematic  and  painstaking  work  of  this 
admirable  officer  at  that  time,  added  to  the  genius  and  patient 
work  of  Rear  Admiral  Montgomery  Sicard  in  preparing  the 
guns  for  the  Navy  in  the  years  preceding,  that  the  Navy  achieved 
new  laurels  for  the  nation  in  the  war  of  1898  with  Spain. 

While  the  squadron  remained  off  Charleston  the  officers  were 
the  recipients  of  kind  and  courtly  attentions  from  the  city  offi- 
cials, the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  and  from  the  entire  people. 
The  city  was  given  over  to  holiday  observance,  and  with  the  re- 
ceptions, dances  and  banquets  tendered  by  its  estimable  people, 
full  opportunity  was  afforded  to  meet  and  to  know  them.  It 
required  a good  digestion  to  withstand  the  palatable  gastronomic 
feasts  prepared  in  their  cuisines,  and  a stouter  head  still  to  stand 
in  range  of  the  choice  vintage  of  wines  stored  in  family  cellars ; 
but  a still  stouter  heart  was  needed  by  the  unpledged  to  resist 
the  graces  of  the  fascinating  fair  women. 

The  squadron  was  visited  by  large  numbers  of  people  on 
days  when  the  winds  and  seas  allowed  this  to  be  done,  and  it 
is  certain  that  the  squadron  left  behind  reciprocal  impressions 
of  warm  friendships.  To  those  who  had  never  visited  Charles- 
ton, its  historic  surroundings  were  interesting  as  places  where 
American  manhood  on  both  sides  had  bequeathed  to  the  genera- 
tions to  come  a legacy  of  valor  comparable  only  to  Waterloo  and 
Trafalgar.  More  than  that,  these  places  were  evidences  that  the 
poet  spoke  truly  when  he  wrote, 

“There  was  a sweetness  in  the  natal 
Soil  far  beyond  the  harmony  of  verse.” 

After  twelve  days  of  work  and  pleasure  in  agreeable  pro- 
portion, the  squadron  sailed  on  February  21,  1897,  for  Hamp- 
ton Roads,  and  arrived  there  two  days  afterwards,  having  ex- 
perienced weather  just  as  fair  as  that  of  the  outward  journey 


SEA  DUTY  AND  PROMOTION 


251 


had  been  foul.  So  fickle  is  the  weather!  For  the  commander 
of  the  New  York  the  cruise  was  nearing  the  end.  It  was  his 
second  trick  at  the  wheel  as  captain,  and  it  was  counted  among 
the  privileges  of  a long  career  to  have  served  under  Admiral 
Bunce  at  this  crucial  period  of  preparation  for  the  distinguished 
work  done  by  the  Navy  afterwards. 

The  Navy  Department  in  a few  days  transferred  the  writer 
to  another  field  of  duty,  indicated  in  the  order  given  below : 

Navy  Department, 
Washington,  D.  C., 
March  1,  1897. 

Sir:  Upon  the  reporting  of  your  relief,  Captain  Silas  Casey,  U.  S.  N,,  on 
the  18th  instant,  you  will  regard  yourself  detached  from  the  command  of  the 
U.  S.  flagship  New  York,  and  will  report,  by  letter,  to  the  Honorable  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  Treasury  Department,  Washington,  for  duty  as  a member  of 
the  Lighthouse  Board,  on  March  20, 1897,  as  the  relief  of  Rear  Admiral  John 
G.  Walker,  U.  S.  N. 

This  employment  on  shore  duty  is  required  by  the  public  interests. 

Very  respectfully, 

H.  A.  Herbert,  Secretary. 

Captain  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 

Commanding  U.  S.  F.  S.  New  York. 

In  compliance  with  this  order.  Captain  Silas  Casey  relieved 
the  commander  of  the  New  York  on  March  18th,  at  the  Brooklyn 
Navy-Yard,  and  on  the  20th  the  writer  reported,  as  directed,  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who,  in  turn,  directed  him  to 
report  in  person  to  the  Lighthouse  Board  in  Washington,  D.  C., 
and  this  was  done  on  March  23,  1897. 

The  Lighthouse  Board,  as  constituted  by  law,  consisted  of 
three  naval  officers,  three  army  officers,  two  distinguished  civilians 
and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  ex-officio,  president;  one  of 
the  naval  members  to  be  naval  secretary,  one  of  the  army  mem- 
bers to  be  military  secretary.  This  board  as  thus  constituted  was 
required  by  statute  to  select  one  of  its  members  as  chairman. 
The  two  secretaries,  associated  with  the  chairman,  were  to  com- 
pose an  executive  board  for  the  work  of  the  establishment  in 
accordance  with  the  regulations  it  had  established  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

The  duties  of  the  lighthouse  establishment  being  to  safeguard 


252 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  interests  of  the  mercantile  marine,  there  was  some  solicitude 
felt  by  the  boards  of  trade,  chambers  of  commerce,  pilot  com- 
missioners and  pilot  associations  of  the  larger  cities  to  secure 
a chairman  whose  professional  life  would  bring  about  a closer 
S3rmpathy  with  the  wants  of  the  great  seafaring  community,  and 
a better  appreciation  of  difficulties  in  the  way  of  navigation. 
This  anxiety  took  the  form  of  petitions  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  from  these  bodies,  and  this  only  became  known  to  the 
new  member  after  his  arrival  in  Washington  to  report  for  duty 
as  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Beyond  a letter  to 
his  friend.  Brigadier  General  John  M.  Wilson,  one  of  the  army 
members  of  the  board  who  had  been  promoted  to  be  chief  of 
engineers  of  the  army,  no  personal  part  had  been  taken.  In 
that  letter  a frank  statement  was  made  of  the  new  member’s 
desire  to  be  chairman  of  the  board,  and  the  hope  was  expressed 
that  the  new  duties  of  General  Wilson’s  office  might  be  found 
too  full  of  cares  to  justify  him  in  assuming  those  of  the  Light- 
house Board  in  addition. 

General  Wilson  replied  at  once,  in  a most  cordial  note,  stat- 
ing, in  effect,  that  he  ^vould  be  unable  and  unwilling  to  under- 
take the  responsibilities  of  the  two  posts  of  duty;  that  he  had 
only  remained  on  the  Lighthouse  Board  after  his  promotion  that 
he  might  have  the  pleasure  of  casting  his  vote  and  that  of  the 
army  members  for  the  new  member  as  chairman;  that  done  he 
had  intended  to  ask  to  be  relieved  from  duty  with  the  Lighthouse 
Board.  This  was  quite  like  that  manly,  frank  and  excellent 
officer,  who,  throughout  his  long  and  meritorious  career,  has  been 
a distinguished  soldier. 

At  the  first  meeting  of  the  board,  after  the  new  member  had 
reported.  General  Wilson  proposed  him  for  chairman  in  a few 
gracefully  expressed  words,  and  requested  his  unanimous  elec- 
tion. This  was  adopted  and  so  recorded  in  the  minutes  of  the 
lighthouse  establishment.  Secretary  Gage  then  conducted  the 
new  chairman  to  his  seat,  congratulated  him,  and  withdrew. 

The  duties  of  the  board  embraced  the  entire  coast  of  the 
United  States  and  its  navigable  waterways,  which  were  divided 
into  sixteen  different  lighthouse  districts.  To  comprehend  the 
needs  of  each  one,  and  to  be  able  to  decide  upon  applications  from 
the  maritime  world  for  new  aids  to  navigation  whenever  made, 


CHAIRMAN  LIGHTHOUSE  BOARD 


253 


the  board  would  be  better  able  to  decide  their  expediency  if  its 
members  should  become  acquainted,  through  inspections,  with 
the  localities  where  new  aids  were  sought.  The  vast  increase  of 
commerce  on  the  Great  Lakes,  with  the  additional  needs  of  safe- 
guards for  navigating  the  waters  through  which  it  passed,  sug- 
gested the  importance  of  a visit  of  inspection  during  the  open 
summer  months  of  1897,  from  Ogdensburg,  N.  Y.,  to  Duluth, 
Minn.  Many  points  of  danger  along  that  great  chain  of  lakes 
were  inspected  and  much  valuable  information  was  gained  dur- 
ing this  extended  trip.  The  requests  for  additional  helps  made 
by  the  Great  Lake  carriers  to  facilitate  their  business  were  found 
to  be  only  fair  and  reasonable.  That  some  benefit  came  out  of 
this  inspection  by  the  chairman  is  certain. 

On  the  27th  of  November,  1897,  the  chairman,  being  at  the 
head  of  the  active  list  of  captains,  was  directed  to  appear  before 
the  examining  board  at  Washington,  Rear  Admiral  L.  A.  Beards- 
lee,  president,  as  required  by  statute  law,  preliminary  to  advance- 
ment to  the  next  superior  grade,  in  this  instance  that  of  commo- 
dore. The  primary  step  was  to  appear  before  the  board  of  med- 
ical members,  who  scrupulously  overhauled  the  person  and,  as 
well,  the  medical  history  of  the  chairman.  This  ordeal  having 
been  gone  through,  the  mental,  moral  and  professional  compe- 
tency was  inquired  into  as  established  by  the  reports  of  superiors 
under  whom  he  had  served  in  the  grade  below. 

The  commission  as  commodore,  forwarded  on  March  8,  1898, 
bore  the  date  of  February  6th,  as  the  actual  date  of  rank  as 
commodore  on  the  active  list  of  the  Navy.  This  was  the  depart- 
ment’s method  of  notifying  the  officer  that  he  had  met  all  the 
requirements  of  law.  The  commission  transmitted  had  been  con- 
firmed by  the  Senate.  The  rank  reached  after  forty-two  years 
of  service  was  that  of  a flag  officer. 

For  a year  or  more  prior  to  this  a revolution  headed  by 
General  Gomez  had  been  going  on  in  Cuba  against  the  Govern- 
ment of  Spain.  Reports  of  conflicts  between  the  two  opposing 
forces  every  now  and  then  found  their  way  into  the  columns 
of  the  American  papers,  until  the  story  of  Spanish  rule  and 
the  frequent  struggles  of  Cuban  patriots  in  the  cause  of  liberty 
were  known  to  every  man,,  woman  and  child  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  coast  of  our  country.  ■ ^ 


254 


FORTY-FIVE  YE.\RS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  general  policy  pursued  by  Spain  under  the  several  cap- 
tains general  in  Cuba,  considered  with  the  method  of  concentra- 
tion of  the  islanders  in  horrible  stockades  without  conveniences 
or  protection,  exposed  to  rain  and  noxious  diseases  on  a scant 
allowance  of  food,  shocked  the  sense  of  humanity  of  the  Ameri- 
can people.  The  spirit  of  sympathy  naturally  awakened 
throughout  our  country  went  out  in  fullest  measure  to  the  peo- 
ple on  a neighboring  island  so  close  to  our  shores,  where  peace, 
prosperity  and  plenty  abounded.  The  distance  separating  this 
beautiful  island  from  the  continent  lying  north,  of  which  it  was 
geographically  a constituent  part,  was  such  as  to  invite  the  assist- 
ance of  sympathetic  adventurous  spirits,  ready  at  such  times 
to  aid  and  assist  those  whom  they  believed  to  be  oppressed. 

To  avoid  violating  the  good  faith  of  a neutral,  and  to  main- 
tain the  principle  of  non-interference  with  the  internal  govern- 
ment of  Spain  in  her  colony,  our  Government  had  been  obliged 
to  employ  its  armed  power  to  prevent  the  fitting  out  of  expedi- 
tions destined  to  Cuba  from  various  points  on  the  Atlantic  and 
Gulf  coasts.  Notwithstanding  the  measures  adopted  by  our  Gov- 
ernment for  more  than  a year,  in  watching  its  several  ports  to 
prevent  the  escape  of  vessels  with  material  clandestinely  col- 
lected for  surreptitious  shipment  to  Cuban  shores,  it  was  not 
possible  to  suppress  the  traffic. 

To  many  thoughtful  people  the  determined  resistance  of  the 
Gomez  revolution  was  believed  to  be  that  moment  in  the  destiny 
of  Cuba  when  it  must  be  decided  for  all  time  whether  two 
nations,  so  different  in  racial  characteristics,  customs  and  aims, 
could  live  in  close  proximity,  except  under  the  most  perfect 
terms  of  reciprocity,  without  clashing  sooner  or  later. 

Froude  has  laid  down  as  a rule  in  the  life  of  nations  who 
colonize  other  lands  that,  unless  the  parent  nation  extends  to 
the  colony  the  same  laws,  the  same  rights,  the  same  guaranty 
of  protection  as  are  enjoyed  by  those  living  under  the  home 
government,  the  seeds  of  discord  will  soon  grow  up  in  discon- 
tent ; that  appeals  to  the  parent  government  sooner  or  later  take 
the  form  of  resistance  to  discriminations,  and  as  time  grows  split 
the  colony  irrevocably  from  the  mother  country. 

From  day  to  day  the  excitement  of  the  Cuban  struggle  grew 
among  our  people,  spreading  to  every  hamlet,  village,  town  and 


CHAIRMAN  LIGHTHOUSE  BOARD 


255 


city  throughout  the  broad  expanse  of  the  republic.  The  posi- 
tion taken  by  our  Government,  in  its  demands  for  the  ameliora- 
tion of  the  unhappy  struggle  going  on  so  near  our  borders,  was 
resisted  until  it  became  apparent  that,  when  two  nations  were 
so  far  apart  in  their  views  of  policy  as  to  fail  to  reach  diplomatic 
adjustment,  recourse  to  war  was  the  only  means  left,  unhappy 
as  that  must  be,  to  secure  enduring  peace. 

Preparations  to  this  end  were  being  made  by  the  Govern- 
ment. Selections  of  the  most  suitable  vessels  of  the  merchant 
service  were  being  made.  Agents  were  busy  in  the  markets  of 
Europe  to  purchase  available  vessels  to  augment  the  national 
fleet.  Vessels  were  recalled  from  foreign  service,  except  the 
Asiatic  station,  to  be  prepared  for  that  unhappy  contingency 
which,  after  all,  is  the  final  arbiter  of  nations. 

As  chairman  of  the  Lighthouse  Board,  whose  fleet  for  buoy 
and  supply  service  contained  a number  of  small  modern  steam- 
ers, a call  was  made  by  the  writer  upon  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy  during  February,  1898,  for  the  purpose  of  offering  these 
vessels  for  service  with  the  navy,  during  the  war,  if  war  should 
have  to  be  resorted  to.  It  was  explained  that  these  vessels  were 
in  excellent  order,  that  most  of  them  could  make  twelve  knots  an 
hour,  that  they  could  be  readily  and  quickly  fitted  to  carry  four 
or  more  guns,  and  that,  when  so  equipped,  they  would  constitute 
a formidable  addition  of  modern-built  vessels  to  the  fleet. 

The  secretary  manifested  much  pleasure  in  learning  that  this 
important  addition  to  the  squadron  could  be  made  the  moment 
he  signified  his  desire  for  the  transfer  to  take  place.  While  the 
secretary  may  have  had  these  vessels  in  view  prior  to  this  inter- 
view, he  did  not  so  intimate  to  the  chairman,  but  the  impression 
left  upon  the  mind  of  the  chairman  as  he  withdrew  was  that 
the  secretary  was  agreeably  astonished  at  this  unexpected  find 
so  ready  at  hand. 

These  vessels  were  accepted,  and  during  the  war  with  Spain 
did  yeoman  service  for  the  flag  and  country. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 


THE  FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS 

1898 

Prom  this  time  onward,  day  by  day,  it  became  evident,  from 
the  diplomatic  phases  of  the  controversy  between  America  and 
Spain,  that  no  peaceful  ground  could  be  found  upon  which  the 
two  nations  could  stand.  In  the  meanwhile  excitement  over  the 
questions  at  issue  grew  to  immeasurable  proportions  in  both 
countries;  but  while  there  were  many  Americans  who  favored 
any  honorable  compromise  to  maintain  peace,  there  were  none 
to  be  found  who  were  willing  to  admit  that  our  Government 
ought  to  recede  from  its  insistence  that  the  war  being  carried 
on  by  Spain  against  the  Cubans  should  be  humane,  and  not 
made  upon  defenseless  women  and  children,  as  the  order  con- 
centrating them  in  stockades  to  starve  virtually  did. 

To  allay  public  feeling  somewhat,  the  Maine  undertook  a 
friendly  visit  to  Havana,  where  her  appearance  caused  some 
suspicion  on  the  one  hand  and  a feeling  of  satisfaction  on  the 
other.  During  her  stay  there  the  Spanish  officials  were  officially 
polite  in  extending  the  usual  official  courtesies  to  her  commander. 
The  Cubans,  in  their  innermost  souls,  were  gratified  at  the  visit 
of  this  vessel  of  war  of  a power  known  to  be  friendly  to  their 
cause.  There  were  few  people  in  the  United  States  willing  to 
believe  that  this  visit  would  end  as  it  unhappily  did,  and  fewer 
still  who  could  conceive  that  there  could  exist,  anywhere  in 
Christendom,  any  one  capable  of  intimating,  suggesting,  or  exe- 
cuting a tragedy  of  such  a monstrous  nature  as  shocked  the  whole 
world  on  the  15th  of  February,  1898,  when  the  news  was  flashed 
out  from  Havana  that  the  Maine  had  been  blown  up  by  a 
torpedo ! 

The  Yiscaya  was  at  that  moment  on  her  way  to  New  York, 
sent  by  the  Spanish  Government  to  return  the  visit  of  the  Maine. 
Before  the  unfortunttte  tragedy  of  the  Maine,  or  the  Yiscaya’ s 
25C 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAII.S  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  257 


arrival,  it  was  suggested  that  she  be  so  guarded  in  our  ports 
as  to  make  any  attempt  upon  her  by  any  ruthless,  restless  or 
revengeful  persons  simply  impossible.  It  ought  to  be  gratify- 
ing to  our  people  to  remember  that,  when  the  Viscaya  reached 
our  shores  and  the  excitement  over  the  Maine’s  destruction  was 
intense,  the  indignation  of  our  people  intense  almost  beyond 
description,  there  was  no  demonstration,  incivility  or  hostile 
manifestations  towards  her  officers,  while  this  vessel  remained 
a guest  in  our  waters.  Although  it  was  evident  to  everybody  that 
the  tragedy  in  Havana,  by  whomsoever  consummated,  had  made 
peace  between  the  two  nations  impossible,  there  was  on  all  sides 
evidence  of  the  supreme  self-control  of  our  people,  who  awaited 
patiently  until  the  President  and  Congress  should  act,  as  they 
knew  they  would  do  as  soon  as  the  responsibility  for  this  terrible 
tragedy  had  been  established. 

About  March  20th  a messenger  from  one  of  the  customs  rev- 
enue offices  of  the  Treasury  Department,  on  the  same  floor  as 
the  lighthouse  offices,  informed  the  chairman  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  desired  speech  with  him  over  the  telephone.  The 
secretary’s  request  was  that  the  chairman  call  upon  him  at  once 
at  the  office  in  the  Navy  Department.  Presuming,  very  natu- 
rally, that  the  secretary  wanted  further  information  upon  the 
lighthouse  vessels  which  had  been  tendered,  no  time  was  lost  in 
reaching  his  office. 

Almost  as  soon  as  the  chairman  had  been  ushered  into  the 
secretary’s  office,  prepared  to  give  the  minutest  details  of  the 
several  vessels  already  referred  to,  the  secretary  informed  him 
that  the  President  had  selected  him  to  command  the  Flying 
Squadron,  to  be  assembled  at  Hampton  Roads  immediately,  and 
desired  to  know  when  the  chairman  would  be  ready  to  take 
command.  The  chairman’s  reply  was  that  he  could  proceed  the 
next  day  to  Hampton  Roads.  The  secretary  then  explained  that 
it  would  not  be  necessary  to  do  so  for  two  or  three  days  at 
least,  and  that  the  orders  would  follow  in  a day  or  two. 

This  interview  with  Mr.  Long  was  the  first  intimation  the 
chairman  had  had  that  his  name  was  being  considered  for  this 
assignment.  He  had  not  intimated,  or  suggested,  or  authorized 
the  suggestion  of  his  name  in  connection  with  this  matter  to  any 
one.  The  assignment  came  to  him  without  solicitation  in  any 


258 


rOUTY-riVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


form  on  his  part.  If  it  was  made  in  deference  to  the  wishes  of 
his  friends,  it  was  without  his  knowledge,  and  he  is  unable  at 
this  time  to  give  definitely  the  name  or  names  of  such  friends, 
whosoever,  they  may  have  been.  Conformably  to  i\Ir.  Long’s 
assurance,  the  order  which  follows  was  issued : 

Navy  Department, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  March  24,  1898. 

Sir:  You  are  hereby  detached  from  duty  as  chairman  of  the  Light- 
house Board,  Treasury  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.,  and  from  such  duty 
as  may  have  been  assigned  to  you.  You  will  proceed  to  Hampton  Roads, 
Virginia,  and  assume  the  command  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  composed  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  Brooklyn,  the  U.  S.  S.  Columbia,  the  U.  S.  S.  Minneapolis,  and  such 
other  vessels  as  may  be  directed  to  report  to  you. 

Upon  assuming  command,  hoist  your  pennant  on  board  the  U.  S.  S. 
Brooklyn, which  is  designated  as  your  flagship. 

Respectfully, 

John  D.  Long,  Secretary. 

Commodore  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 

Chairman  Lighthouse  Board, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

In  compliance  with  this  order,  the  commander  of  the  Flying 
Squadron  proceeded  to  Hampton  Roads,  thence  to  Newport  News, 


* Officers  of  the  Brooklyn  (flagship). 

July  3d,  1898. 

Bearing  Commodore  Schley’s  Broad  Pennant. 


Capt.,  F.  A.  Cook,  Commanding 

Lieut.  Comdr.,  N.  E.  Mason,  Execu- 
tive Officer. 

Lieut.,  A.  C.  Hodgson,  Navigator. 

Lieut.,  T.  D.  Griffin,  Watch  and  Di- 
vision. 

Lieut.,  W.  R.  Rush,  Watch  and  Di- 
vision. 

Lieut.,  Edward  Simpson,  Watch  and 
Division. 

Lieut.,  Jas.  G.  Doyle,  Watch  and  Di- 
vision. 

Ensign,  Chas.  Webster,  Watch  and 
Division. 

Medical  Inspector,  Paul  Fitzsimmons. 

P.  A.  Surgeon,  C.  M.  DeValin. 

Pay  Inspector,  I.  G.  Hobbs. 


Chief  Engineer,  J.  L.  Hannum. 

P.  A.  Engineer,  T.  F.  Carter. 

P.  A.  Engineer,  J.  B.  Patton, 

Asst.  Engineer,  J.  P.  J.  Ryan. 

Asst.  Engineer,  E.  T.  Fitzgerald. 
Asst.  Engineer,  G.  B.  Rice. 

Captain,  P.  St.  C.  Murphy,  U.  S.  M.  C. 
2d  Lieut.,  T.  S.  Bordeiu  U.  S.  M.  C. 
Naval  Cadets,  John  Halligan,  Jr., 
R.  N.  Marble,  Jr.,  W.  P.  Cronan, 
C.  A.  Abele,  J.  A.  Hand,  Jr., 
N.  S.  Macy,  F.  L.  Sheffield,  W.  B. 
Wells. 

Boatswain,  W.  L.  Hill. 

Gunner,  F.  T.  Applegate. 

Carpenter,  G.  H.  Warford, 

Pay  Clerk,  O.  J.  Hancock. 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  250 


and  hoisted  his  broad  pennant  on  the  United  States  flagship 
Brooklyn  on  March  28,  1898.  His  staff  was  composed  of  Cap- 
tain F.  A.  Cook,  Lieutenant  Jas.  H.  Sears,  Lieutenant  B.  W. 
Wells  and  Ensign  Edward  McCauley. 

The  old  elevating  gear  of  the  turret-guns  of  the  Brooklyn 
was  then  being  renewed  and  that  of  a newer  pattern  was  being 
installed  in  place.  The  executive  officer,  Lieutenant  Commander 
N.  E.  Mason,  was  engaged  under  Cook’s  orders  in  painting  the 
Brooklyn  the  war  color,  a sort  of  drab,  adopted  for  the  ships  of 
the  fleet.  At  this  same  anchorage  the  battleship  Massachusetts 
was  found  making  some  repairs,  which  the  proximity  of  the  ship- 
building yard  with  its  ample  facilities  at  that  point  enabled  her 
and  the  Brooklyn  to  make  quickly  and  expeditiously.  The 
Massachusetts,  in  addition  to  the  repairs  under  way,  was  en- 
gaged in  cleaning  her  bottom,  as  well  as  that  could  be  done  in 
the  smoother  water  of  that  more  protected  anchorage,  this  vessel 
not  having  been  in  the  dock  for  this  necessary  cleaning  for  quite 
a year. 

As  soon  as  the  repairs  had  been  made  on  both  ships  they  got 
under  way  and  proceeded  to  the  anchorage  off  Fortress  Monroe, 
where  the  Texas  was  found  at  anchor.  Subsequently  the  Minne- 
apolis and  Columbia  joined  the  squadron,  but  later  they  were 
detached  and  sent  off  the  northeast  coast  of  the  United  States 
to  the  waters  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  thought  by  Mr.  Long 
to  be  endangered,  in  view  of  certain  mischievous  rumors  trans- 
mitted from  different  points  of  the  appearance  of  Spanish  ves- 
sels at  various  places.  The  New  Orleans,  purchased  in  Eng- 
land, and  the  Scorpion,  a purchased  yacht,  took  the  places  of 
the  two  cruisers  detached,  and  still  later  the  collier  Sterling 
reported. 

Time  was  taken  to  organize  the  squadron  and  put  it  upon 
a war  footing.  Pickets  and  patrols  were  thrown  out  towards 
the  capes  of  Virginia ; lights  were  masked ; officers  were  required 
to  be  on  board  at  sundown ; leaves  of  absence  beyond  signal  dis- 
tance were  withdrawn;  sea  watches  were  ordered  and  a sur- 
veillance maintained  day  and  night.  Gun  practice  with  the  sub- 
caliber guns  was  ordered  and  was  maintained  every  day  regard- 
less of  the  weather,  leading  up  to  very  great  precision  and  skill, 
as  attested  later  in  action.  A short  cruise  of  a few  days  off  the 
18 


260 


FORTY-FH^E  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


capes  was  made  to  exercise  the  squadron  in  technical  maneu- 
vers, to  inculcate  alertness,  quick  signaling,  and  to  hold  their 
places  in  battle  order  near  each  other  for  mutual  support  or 
attack. 

The  squadron  was  held  in  readiness  for  any  movement  or 
service,  so  far  as  coal  and  other  supplies  were  concerned.  It 
was  explained  to  commanding  and  other  officers  that  a plan  of 
battle  could  not  be  contrived  for  emergencies  that  could  not  be 
foreseen,  but  the  general  plan  of  the  squadron  would  be  to  cruise 
in  the  line  of  battle,  and  the  general  principle  would  be  to  attack 
the  head  of  the  enemy’s  column,  concentrating  the  fire  upon  his 
leading  vessel,  with  desultory  firing  upon  the  following  ships, 
first,  for  the  moral  effect  produced  upon  the  ships  following 
in  seeing  their  leaders  disabled  or  destroyed,  and,  secondly,  to 
secure  all  the  advantage  such  confusion  would  bring  about  in 
making  victory  more  certain  and  complete.  Under  the  tactics 
of  Hawks,  Jervis,  Rodney,  Howe  and  Nelson  of  other  days,  when 
the  motive  power  of  ships  gave  them  no  such  mobility  as  a 
modern  fleet  of  high-powered  steam  vessels  possesses,  it  wes 
usual  to  plan  to  break  through  centers,  to  attack  the  rear,  or 
to  double  on  front  or  rear.  With  newer  machines  it  appeared 
wdser  to  employ  a newer  method  of  attack  upon  the  head  of 
the  squadron  to  ensure  quicker  destruction  of  the  whole.  The 
result  at  Santiago,  later,  weuld  bear  out  the  wusdom  of  this 
plan  of  attack,  as  it  resulted  in  the  absolute  annihilation  of 
Cervera’s  fleet. 

Notwithstanding  every  day’s  delay  w’as  improved  to  increase 
the  efficiency  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  there  w’as  naturally  a 
restlessness  for  service  nearer  the  field  of  operations.  A study 
of  the  steaming  radius  of  each  of  the  Spanish  vessels  showed 
that,  if  their  commanders  w^ere  unwdse  enough  to  venture  on  to 
the  coast  of  the  United  States,  they  could  reach  only  its  north- 
ern portion,  and  then  wdth  coal  practically  so  depleted  as  to  make 
their  situation  precarious.  It  w^as  their  arrival  in  West  Indian 
w’aters  wdiich  released  the  Flying  Squadron  on  May  13th,  and 
little  time  was  lost  in  getting  to  sea  wdth  the  Brooklyn,  Texas j 
Massachusetts,  Scorpion,  and  the  collier  Sterling,  bound  for 
Charleston,  where  the  order  directed  the  squadron  to  wait  for 
further  instructions.  For  some  reason,  to  this  day  unknowm, 


ADMIRAL  SCHLEY’S  FLAGSHIP,  BROOKLYN. 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  2G1 


the  New  Orleans,  which  had  been  attached  to  the  Flying  Squad- 
ron, was  detached  to  remain  at  Hampton  Roads. 

The  squadron,  except  the  Sterling,  arrived  off  Charleston  on 
May  15th,  and  was  met  off  the  bar  by  Commander  Conway  H. 
Arnold,  lighthouse  inspector,  who  delivered  new  orders  to  pro- 
ceed to  Key  West,  Fla.,  and  report  to  Commodore  Geo.  C.  Remey. 
The  squadron  arrived  at  Key  West  about  midnight  of  May  17th, 
taking  up  an  anchorage  outside  the  reef,  as  the  heavy  draft  of 
the  larger  ships  would  not  permit  them  to  anchor  with  safety 
anywhere  inside.  There  were  no  vessels  anchored  off  this  port 
except  the  St.  Paul  and  a coal  schooner  from  which  the  St.  Paul 
was  taking  coal. 

On  the  morning  of  May  18th  a call  was  made  on  shore  upon 
Commodore  Remey,  after  saluting  his  broad  pennant,  to  report 
for  instructions,  as  the  order  received  off  Charleston  had  directed. 
During  the  interview  with  Commodore  Remey  he  exhibited  a 
despatch  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  directing  the  Flying 
Squadron  to  take  station  off  Havana  and  blockade  it.  After  a 
conference  of  some  length  with  Commodore  Remey,  during  which 
many  matters  were  gone  over,  a number  of  Cubans  residing  in 
Key  West  were  interviewed  with  reference  to  the  locations  of 
Spanish  troops  in  and  about  Havana.  Their  information  was 
that  the  province  about  Cienfuegos  and  to  the  westward  of 
Havana  was  completely  occupied  and  that  great  care  must  be 
exercised  in  opening  communication  with  the  Cubans,  who  were 
mainly  in  the  mountains  further  back  on  the  island.  Hastening 
off  to  the  Brooklyn  to  carry  out  the  orders  to  Havana,  the  New 
York,  bearing  Acting  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s  flag,  was  seen  ap- 
proaching the  anchorage  from  the  eastward.  A call  was  made 
upon  Admiral  Sampson  to  pay  respects,  and  to  talk  over  the 
situation,  with  the  purpose  of  making  matters  clearer  about  the 
situation  of  his  command,  the  disposition  of  his  vessels,  the  loca- 
tion of  pilots,  and  any  arrangements  he  may  have  made  for 
communication  with  the  insurgents,  all  these  matters  being  en- 
tirely unknown  to  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron.  At 
the  same  time,  the  orders  to  blockade  Havana  were  explained, 
but  these  Admiral  Sampson  countermanded. 

The  New  York  had  just  returned  from  the  bombardment  of 
San  Juan,  and  the  admiral  seemed  to  be  much  worn  and  appar- 


2G2 


FORTY-FIA^E  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ently  anxious;  in  fact,  his  appearance  was  that  of  a sick  man. 
A number  of  telegrams  were  shown,  in  one  of  which  two  squad- 
rons were  directed  to  be  organized,  one  on  the  south  coast  and  the 
other  on  the  north  coast  of  Cuba.  The  choice  of  commands  was 
left  to  the  admiral  by  the  department.  When  asked  which  of  the 
two  squadrons  he  would  choose,  Sampson  replied  that  he  would 
hold  the  Havana  or  north  coast  squadron.  He  stated  that  which- 
ever side  the  Flying  Squadron  should  take,  to  remember  that 
the  fortifications  were  heavily  armed,  as  he  had  discovered  at 
San  Juan,  and  that  his  confidential  instructions  were  not  to 
risk  our  ships  against  them  until  after  the  Spanish  squadron 
had  been  disposed  of.  When  asked  if  there  were  any  pilots  to 
be  had,  or  if  any  system  of  signals  for  communicating  with  the 
insurgents  had  been  arranged,  his  reply  was  no ; but  that,  when 
later  he  had  the  situation  better  in  hand,  he  would  communi- 
cate on  these  matters.  He  appeared  anxious  to  get  the  Flying 
Squadron  ofif  to  the  blockade  of  Cienfuegos  at  the  earliest  mo- 
ment, and  it  was  then  suggested  by  the  commander  of  the  Flying 
Squadron  that  the  order  to  report  to  Remey  was  felt  necessarily 
to  include  one  of  ceremony  to  him,  and  that,  at  the  outset  of 
duty  together,  he  might  feel  assured  of  unreserved  and  absolute 
loyalty  to  the  cause  both  represented. 

Returning  to  the  flagship  Brooklyn,  Commodore  Remey  trans- 
mitted by  the  steamer  Algonquin  an  order  from  the  Secretary 
of  the  Navy  to  proceed  off  Havana.  Signal  was  made  to  the 
admiral  on  the  New  York  to  ascertain  if  he  knew  the  Flying 
Squadron’s  orders  were  to  Havana.  Admiral  Sampson’s  reply 
was  that  he  understood  his  arrival  at  Key  West  modified  the 
Flying  Squadron’s  orders,  and  that  the  squadron  should  be  pre- 
pared to  carry  out  the  orders  to  Cienfuegos  agreed  upon  earlier 
in  the  afternoon. 

The  ships  were  coaled  as  rapidly  as  the  imperfect  facilities 
of  that  early  period  of  the  war  permitted,  but  were  unable  to 
fill  up  their  bunkers  entirely  before  sailing.  Early  on  the  morn- 
ing of  May  19th,  a young  officer  from  the  New  York  came  on 
board  bearing  the  following  order: 

. U.  S.  Flagship  New  York,  1st  Rate. 

Key  West,  Fla.,  May  19,  1898. 

Sir:  I send  you  a copy  of  a telegram  received  last  night  from  Secretary 
Long,  concerning  a vessel  which  was  to  sail  on  the  15th,  and  carrying  a large 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  263 


amount  of  specie,  and  is  supposed  to  be  going  to  land  it  at  Trinidad,  or  to  the 
east  of  Cienfuegos.  This  may  be  a blind,  however,  and  the  vessel  may  be 
bound  for  Cienfuegos,  or  even  Havana. 

The  two  cruisers  will  be  sent  out  to-day,  and  with  the  torpedo  boats 
following  them.  As  soon  as  the  Iowa  is  coaled  she  will  follow  you. 

It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  that  you  should  establish  a blockade  at 
Cienfuegos  with  the  least  possible  delay,  and  that  it  should  be  maintained 
as  close  as  possible. 

Should  the  Spanish  vessels  show  themselves  in  that  vicinity  and  finding 
you  on  the  lookout  attempt  to  come  around  the  island,  whether  east  or  west, 
please  send  me  notice  by  the  best  vessel  you  have  for  that  purpose  as  to  their 
direction  that  I may  be  prepared  for  them  at  Havana. 

I shall  try  and  increase  the  number  of  light  vessels  at  your  disposal  in 
order  that  you  may  have  them  to  send  with  messages  to  me  in  case  you  desire 
to  do  so. 

After  I have  the  situation  more  in  hand  I will  write  you  and  give  you 
any  information  that  suggests  itself. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  Comdr.-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  N.  A.  Station. 


In  compliance  with  this  order,  the  Flying  Squadron,  consist- 
ing of  the  Brooklyn^  Massachusetts ^ Texas  and  Scorpion , sailed 
from  Key  West  between  7 and  8 a.  m.,  May  19th,  for  Cienfuegos 
via  the  Yucatan  Channel.  Towards  11  a.  m.  the  Flying  Squadron 
passed  the  Marblehead,  bound  east,  but  several  miles  to  the  north 
of  the  course  of  the  squadron.  A small  auxiliary  was  seen  ap- 
proaching the  squadron,  afterwards  ascertained  to  be  the  Eagle, 
when  the  Scorpion  was  directed  to  communicate  with  her  to 
avoid  delaying  the  squadron.  Lieutenant  Commander  Marix 
reported  the  following  information  given  by  the  Eagle: 

“Sent  by  Captain  McCalla  from  Cienfuegos  to  report  Nash- 
ville following  about  twenty-five  miles  in  rear  to  westward. 
Starboard  high-pressure  cylinder  disabled;  proceeding  slowly. 
Cincinnati  and  Vesuvius  off  Cape  Antonio  about  fifteen  miles 
and  to  the  northward.  All  blockading  squadron  has  left  Cien- 
fuegos for  Key  West.  No  news  of  the  Spaniards.’^ 

This  was  the  message  megaphoned  from  the  Eagle  to  the 
Scorpion  and  so  recorded  in  her  log-hook  in  quotation  marks.  It 
was  delivered  to  Commander  Marix,  and  by  this  officer  to  the 
commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron.  No  other  message  was  de- 
livered, and  no  addition  whatever  was  made  at  the  time.  That 


264 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


there  may  be  no  question  in  the  matter,  it  may  be  added  that 
the  Navy  Department  afterwards  directed  the  following  tele- 
gram to  Admiral  Remey  for  use  before  the  court  of  inquiry  to 
be  convened  in  September,  1901 : 

Washington,  D.  C.,  August  11,1901. 

Remey,  Manila: 

See  Marix.  You  obtain  an  accurate  statement  of  information  commu- 
nicated through  Eagle,  May  19th.  Did  he  communicate  information 
Schley.  Give  date  of.  All  messages  to  be  in  cipher.  Hackett. 

And  to  this  telegram  Remey  replied  as  follows: 

Cavite,  P.  I., 

August  14,  1901. 

Secretary  Navy,  Washington: 

Referring  to  telegram  August  11th,  Marix  has  deposed  as  follows:  The 

message  communicated  by  the  commander  of  the  Eagle,  May  19th,  was  to 
Schley  from  McCalla  to  the  effect  that  McCalla  had  left  Cienfuegos  with  the 
ships.  Did  not  believe  Spanish  fleet  had  arrived  there  when  Marblehead 
left.  The  message  was  communicated  to  Brooklyn  and  Scorpion  by  hail. 

Remey. 

Reinforcing  this  cipher  despatch,  Remey  transmitted  a sworn 
statement  by  Marix  as  follows: 

Office  of  the  Commander-in-Chief 

U,  S.  Naval  Force  in  Asiatic  Station, 
Flagship  Brooklyn, 
Cavite,  P.  I,,  August  13,  1901. 

Replying  to  cipher  cablegram  from  the  Navy  Department,  Com- 
mander Adolph  Marix,  U.  S.  N.,  deposes  as  follows: 

The  message  communicated  by  commanding  officer  of  Eagle,  May  19th, 
was  from  Captain  McCalla  to  Commodore  Schley  to  the  effect  that  Captain 
McCalla  had  left  Cienfuegos  with  his  ships  and  did  not  believe  that  Cervera’s 
fleet  had  arrived  there  when  Marblehead  left.  This  message  was  communi- 
cated to  Scorpion  and  Brooklyn  by  hailing. 

I do  hereby  swear  the  foregoing  to  be  a true  statement. 

A.  Marix, 

Commander,  U.  S.  N. 

Sworn  and  subscribed  before  me  this  13th  day  of  August,  nineteen  hun- 
dred and  one,  on  board  the  U.  S.  flagship  Brooklyn. 

Geo.  C.  Remey, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N.,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  Asiatic  Station. 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  265 

It  is  not  possible  to  reconcile  Lieutenant  Sutherland’s 
sworn  testimony  before  the  court  of  inquiry,  in  1901,  upon 
the  subject  of  this  message  he  delivered  in  May,  1898,  with 
this  sworn  testimony  of  Marix,  whose  official  record  sustains 
his  memory. 

The  following  morning  (May  20th)  the  smoke  of  two  vessels 
was  seen  ahead,  and  later  proved  to  be  from  the  Cincinnati  and 
Vesuvius f cruising  to  the  north  of  Cape  Antonio,  watching  the 
Yucatan  Channel.  These  vessels  were  reached  about  10  a.  m., 
when  Captain  Chester  of  the  Cincinnati  came  on  board  to  ascer- 
tain the  news  of  all  that  was  going  on.  During  his  stay,  all  the 
information  in  his  possession  about  the  ports  on  the  south  side 
was  discussed,  though  his  information  was  found  to  have  been 
derived  mainly  from  the  published  charts.  Chester  expressed 
a wish  to  accompany  the  Flying  Squadron  to  Cienfuegos,  but, 
as  his  vessel  did  not  belong  to  that  squadron,  the  commander 
could  not  interfere  with  the  arrangement  Admiral  Sampson  had 
made  of  the  ships  of  his  own  squadron.  Other  matters,  referring 
mainly  to  coaling  his  ship  from  a collier  expected  to  pass,  and 
the  feasibility  of  coaling  ship  at  sea  on  the  south  side,  were 
talked  over,  but  Chester  knew  no  more  about  the  latter  than 
did  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron. 

This  interview  over,  the  Flying  Squadron  proceeded  on  to 
Cienfuegos  and  arrived  at  a point  ten  to  twelve  miles  from  the 
entrance  about  midnight  of  the  21st  of  May.  As  the  land  back 
of  the  coast  was  high  about  Cienfuegos,  it  was  not  easy  to  make 
out  the  coast  line,  and  the  squadron  was  stopped  until  daylight 
with  the  Scorpion  on  picket.  At  daylight  on  the  22d  position 
was  taken  off  Cienfuegos,  near  the  entrance,  and  the  port  was 
thus  blockaded. 

While  the  Brooklyn  was  approaching  Cienfuegos  on  the  af- 
ternoon of  May  21st  a number  of  guns  were  heard  apparently 
with  the  cadence  of  a salute.  There  was  no  manner  of  doubt 
whatever  of  this  fact,  as  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron 
was  on  the  bridge  at  the  time. 

During  the  interview  with  Admiral  Sampson  on  May  18th, 
before  leaving  Key  West,  there  was  no  mention  made  of  the  fact 
that  on  May  16th,  at  12.30  a.  m.,  as  his  squadron  Avas  return- 
ing from  the  fruitless  bombardment  of  San  Juan,  the  torpedo- 


266 


FOKTY-FIVE  YEAKS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


boat  Porter  joined  the  New  York  at  an  arranged  rendezvous 
off  Cape  Haitien,  with  despatches  from  Curacao  via  Puerto 
Plata,  as  follows: 

Maria  Teresa  and  Viscaya  in  harbor;  arrived  Saturday;  Oquendo, 
Cristobal  Colon,  Terror,  and  Pluton  outside;  only  two  admitted  at  time; 
short  of  coal  and  provisions;  dirty  bottom.” 

And  supplemented  by  another  telegram  from  Curacao,  via 
Cape  Haitien,  as  follows: 

“Inform  Admiral  Sampson  Spanish  squadron  will  sail  6 Post  Meridian; 
destination  unknown.” 

One  other  despatch,  bearing  similar  information  from  the 
department,  was  received,  as  follows : 

“Five  vessels  supposed  to  be  men-of-war  observed  off  Port  de  France, 
Martinique,  May  14th,  afternoon. 

“Spanish  fleet  from  Cape  de  Verde  off  Cura9oa  IMay  14th;  Viscaya  and 
Maria  Teresa  entered  into  port  as  reported  and  to  leave  Cura^oa  on  May  15th.” 

On  May  16th,  at  midday,  the  squadron,  composed  of  the  New 
York,  the  battleships  Iowa  and  Indiana,  the  Amphitrite  and 
Terror,  the  cruisers  Montgomery  and  Detroit,  with  the  torpedo- 
boat  Porter  and  the  auxiliary  tug  Wompatuck,  on  its  return 
from  San  Juan,  was  about  the  middle  of  the  AVindward  Passage 
between  Haiti  and  Cuba,  distant  about  130  miles  from  Santiago 
de  Cuba.  This  squadron  was  proceeding  to  Key  AVest,  under 
orders,  through  the  Bahama  Channel.  Had  it  returned  via  the 
south  side  of  Cuba,  as  the  information  from  Curacoa  would  have 
suggested,  an  opportunity  to  have  looked  into  Santiago  and  for 
a possible  encounter  with  Cervera’s  squadron  might  have  oc- 
curred. If  it  was  good  policy  for  Sampson,  who  knew  where 
Cervera  was,  to  return  to  Key  AA^est,  several  hundred  miles  away, 
it  could  not  have  been  reprehensible  in  Schley,  who  knew  abso- 
lutely nothing  of  Cervera ’s  whereabouts,  to  do  the  same  thing 
under  unreliable  information. 

Although  the  destination  of  the  Spanish  scpiadron  was  not 
cabled,  the  fact  was  indicated  by  official  despatches  that  it  was 
bearing  munitions  to  Cuba,  and  had  imperative  orders  to  reach 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  267 


Havana,  or  some  port  in  railroad  communication  with  Havana, 
at  all  hazards,  and  that  Cienfuegos  was  its  objective.  There 
is  no  doubt  of  this  impression  in  the  Navy  Department,  as  is 
indicated  in  its  letter  of  May  16,  1898,  to  Admiral  Sampson, 
the  P.  S.  of  which  is : 

“The  last  telegram  received  concerning  the  Spanish  fleet  is  as  follows: 
“‘Fleet  has  munitions  essential  defense  Havana.  Orders  imperative 
reach  Havana,  Cienfuegos,  or  railroad  port  connected  Havana  at  all  hazards.’ 
“Commodore  Reme}’’  was  directed  to  send  you  this  immediately  by  a 
fast  vessel  as  per  copy  of  telegram  we  send  him  herewith: 

“‘  Sampson  due  vicinity  of  Lobos  Key,  17th,  so  send  instantly  your  fastest 
vessel  to  inform  him  that  department  has  just  heard  that  Spanish  fleet  has 
munitions  essential  to  defense  of  Havana,  and  the  Spanish  orders  are  im- 
perative to  reach  Havana,  Cienfuegos,  or  railroad  port  connected  with  Havana 
at  all  hazards,  and  as  Cienfuegos  appears  the  only  port  fulfilling  the  conditions, 
Schley,  with  Brooklyn,  Massachusetts,  and  Texas,  to  arrive  Key  West  morning 
18th,  will  be  sent  to  Cienfuegos  as  soon  as  possible,  so  Admiral  Sampson  take 
or  send  his  heavy  ships  to  Havana  blockade.’  ” 


It  was  this  latter  letter  that  impressed  Sampson  with  the 
importance  of  Cienfuegos  as  the  objective  of  the  Spanish  fleet. 
It  certainly  had  impressed  Mr.  Long,  or  his  advisers,  to  the 
same  effect.  But  the  inexplicable  fact  remains  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  Flying  Squadron  was  subjected  to  official  com- 
plaint and  inquiry  for  being  impressed  in  similar  manner  by 
this  department  information! 

The  conformation  of  the  land  about  Cienfuegos,  and  the  tor- 
tuous channel  leading  into  the  port,  made  it  impossible  to  see 
into  the  harbor  from  the  outside. 

Although  the  subject  of  signals  that  had  been  arranged  with 
the  Cuban  insurgents  was  discussed  at  the  interview  of  May 
18th,  no  such  arrangements  were  known  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  at  that  time,  and  it  was  not  until  the  Marblehead  joined 
the  Flying  Squadron,  on  May  24th,  that  the  fact  of  such  arrange- 
ment came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  commander  of  the  Flying 
Squadron. 

There  were  no  signals  made  from  the  hills  east  or  west  of 
Cienfuegos,  except  on  the  night  of  May  23d;  and  whether  the 
lights  seen  then  were  made  by  Cuban  insurgents  or  Spaniards 
never  has  been  known.  The  inquiry,  in  September,  1901,  pro- 


268 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ceeded  upon  the  assumption  that  the  Cubans  had  made  these 
signals,  and  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  was 
arraigned  under  this  bold  assumption! 

The  only  officer  who  professed  to  know  the  significance  of 
these  signals  did  not  think  them  im,portant  enough  at  the  time 
to  communicate  them;  and,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  official 
log-book  of  his  ship,  the  Iowa,  contains  no  record  that  these  hill 
signals  were  seen  at  all  from  that  ship  on  the  night  of  May  23d. 
It  was  fortunate  for  this  officer  that  the  commander  of  the 
Flying  Squadron  did  not  know  at  that  time,  1898,  that  this 
officer  knew  and  had  withheld  information  which  he  testified 
to  having  possessed  when  he  was  before  the  court  of  inquiry, 
three  years  after  the  occurrence! 

On  May  23d  the  British  steamer  Adula  approached  the  block- 
ade from  Jamaica,  and  was  boarded  and  carefully  examined. 
She  was  found  to  be  duly  authorized  by  the  State  Department 
at  Washington  to  enter  Cienfuegos  for  the  purpose  of  carrying 
away  all  neutrals  from  that  port.  She  brought,  also,  a war  bul- 
letin from  Jamaica  stating  that  the  Spanish  squadron  had  ar- 
rived at  Santiago  on  May  19th  and  that  it  had  sailed  on  the 
20th.  This  information,  considered  with  the  report  of  guns 
heard  on  the  late  afternoon  of  May  21st,  was  strongly  presump- 
tive of  the  presence  of  the  fleet  in  Cienfuegos.  Reinforced  as 
this  presumption  was  by  the  impression  emphasized  in  Mr. 
Long’s  telegram,  that  the  orders  to  reach  Havana,  Cienfuegos, 
or  some  port  in  railroad  communication  with  Havana,  were  im- 
perative, it  was  a fair  inference  that  Cervera,  after  all,  had 
eluded  our  movements  and  had  reached  Cienfuegos. 

The  situation  was  involved,  moreover,  in  some  uncertainty 
by  the  receipt  of  letter  No.  7 on  the  22d.  This  letter  only  found 
its  way  to  publicity  in  February,  1899,  in  “Executive  Docu- 
ment C,”  published  by  Congress.  It  was  no  part  of  the  duty 
of  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  to  forward  this  paper 
to  the  department  until  the  end  of  the  cruise,  although  it  was 
the  duty  of  somebody  on  board  the  New  York  at  the  time  it  was 
written;  but,  unfortunately,  it  appears  to  have  been  overlooked. 
It  was  transmitted  to  the  department  from  the  commander  of 
the  Flying  Squadron  after  the  cruise  had  ended.  It  is  repro- 
duced on  next  page : 


FLYING  SQUADRON  SAILS  FOR  CUBAN  WATERS  269 


U.  S.  Flagship  Aeiy  ForA:, 

No.  7.  Key  West,  Fla.,  May  20,  1898. 

Dear  Schley: 

The  loiua  leaves  this  morning  at  11  o’clock  bound  for  Cienfuegos.  The 
Marblehead  and  the  Eagle  will  both  be  ready  to  depart  to-night  to  join  you. 
Enclosed  is  a telegram  received  at  Key  West,  May  19th,  marked  A.  After 
duly  considering  this  telegram  I have  decided  to  make  no  change  in  the  present 
plans,  that  is,  that  you  should  hold  your  squadron  off  Cienfuegos.  If  the  Spanish 
ships  have  put  in  to  Santiago,  they  must  come  either  to  Havana  or  Cienfuegos 
to  deliver  munitions  of  war  which  they  are  said  to  bring  for  use  in  Cuba. 

I am  therefore  of  opinion  that  our  best  chance  of  success  in  capturing 
their  ships  will  be  to  hold  the  two  points,  Cienfuegos  and  Havana,  with  all 
the  force  we  can  muster.  If  later  it  should  develop  that  these  vessels  are  at 
Santiago,  we  could  then  assemble  off  that  port  the  ships  best  suited  for  the 
purpose  and  completely  blockade  it.  Until  we,  then,  receive  more  positive 
information  we  shall  continue  to  hold  Havana  and  Santiago  [this  evidently 
should  be  Cienfuegos]. 

I enclose  a telegram  received  at  Key  West,  dated  May  19th,  marked  B. 
With  regard  to  this  second  telegram,  in  which  the  Consul  at  Cape  Haitien 
says  that  a telegram  from  Port  de  Paix,  on  May  17th,  “reports  two  ships,  etc.,” 
it  is  probably  of  no  importance  and  the  vessels  referred  to  may  have  been  our 
own  ships. 

The  statement  made  by  the  U.  S.  Minister  to  Venezuela,  contained  in  a 
cablegram  of  same  date,  is  probably  not  true,  because  these  ships  are  reported 
to  have  left  Curagoa  at  6 p.  m.  on  the  16th.  If  they  were  seen  on  the  17th, 
apparently  headed  for  the  French  West  Indies,  they  could  not  possibly  be  at 
Santiago  as  early  as  the  18th,  as  is  reported. 

From  the  first  cablegram,  marked  A,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  department 
ordered  the  cruiser  Minneapolis  and  Auxiliary  No.  461  to  proceed  to  Santiago 
de  Cuba  to  join  you.  Please  send  the  Scorpion  to  communicate  with  these 
vessels  at  Santiago  and  direct  one  of  them  to  report  to  department  from 
Nicholas  Mole,  or  Cape  Haitien,  the  change  which  I have  made  in  the  plan 
“strongly  advised”  by  the  department.  As  soon  as  this  vessel  has  communi- 
cated with  the  department,  let  her  return  to  the  vicinity  of  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
learn  the  condition  of  affairs  and  immediately  report  at  Havana  or  Cienfuegos 
as  he  may  think  most  advantageous. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N.,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  N.  A.  Station. 

Commodore  Schley, 

U.  S.  Navy,  Commanding  Flying  Squadron. 

This  was  the  situation  up  to  May  23d,  when  the  Hawk  arrived 
at  Cienfuegos  carrying  the  translation  of  a cipher  telegram  sent 
from  the  department  on  May  20th,  and  received  at  12.30  a.  m. 
by  Admiral  Sampson; 


270 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Inclosure  A. 

The  report  of  the  Spanish  fleet  being  at  Santiago  de  Cuba  might  very 
well  be  correct,  so  the  department  strongly  advises  that  you  send  word  im- 
mediately by  the  Iowa  to  Schley,  to  proceed  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  with  his 
whole  command,  leaving  one  small  vessel  at  Cienfuegos,  and  meanwhile  the 
department  will  send  the  Minneapolis,  now  at  St.  Thomas,  W.  I.,  Auxiliary 
461,  proceed  at  once  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  to  join  Schley,  who  would  keep  up 
communication  via  Mole  Haiti,  or  Cape  Haitien.  If  Iowa  (has  not  left  yet) 
had  gone  send  orders  Schley  by  your  fastest  despatch  vessel. 

The  order  containing  this  “Inclosure  A”  was  received  on 
May  23d,  1898,  and  was  as  follows: 


U.  S.  Flagship  New  Yorh, 
Key  West,  Fla.,  May  21,  1898. 

Sir:  Spanish  squadron  probably  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Four  ships  and 
three  torpedo-boat  destroyers.  If  you  are  satisfied  that  they  are  not  at  Cien- 
fuegos, proceed  with  all  despatch,  but  cautiously,  to  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and 
if  the  enemy  is  there  blockade  him  in  port.  You  will  probably  find  it  neces- 
sary to  establish  communication  with  some  of  the  inhabitants — fishermen  or 
others — to  learn  definitely  that  the  ships  are  within  port,  it  being  impossible 
to  see  into  it  from  the  outside. 

When  the  instructions  sent  by  Iowa  and  Dupont  (duplicates)  were  written, 
I supposed  that  the  two  fast  scouts  would  be  in  the  vicinity  of  Jamaica,  but  I 
have  since  learned  that  they  have  been  ordered  by  the  department  to  get 
in  touch  with  the  Spanish  fleet  on  the  north  coast  of  Venezuela.  I have  just 
telegraphed  them  to  report  for  orders  at  Nicholas  Mole.  Report  from  Nicholas 
Mole. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N.,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  N.  A.  Station. 

The  Commodore, 

U.  S.  Flying  Squadron. 

Accompanying  this  was  the  following  memorandum: 

It  is  thought  that  the  enclosed  instructions  will  reach  you  by  2 a.  m., 
May  23d.  This  will  enable  you  to  leave  before  daylight  (regarded  as  very 
important),  so  that  your  direction  will  not  be  noticed,  and  be  at  Santiago  a.  m. 
24th. 

It  is  thought  that  the  Spanish  squadron  will  probably  be  still  at  Santi- 
ago, as  they  must  have  some  repairs  to  make  and  coal  to  take. 

The  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  have  been  telegraphed  to  scout  off  Santiago, 
and  if  Spanish  squadron  goes  outward,  one  to  go  west  and  attempt  to  reach 
you.  If  the  squadron  goes  east  one  will  keep  in  touch  and  the  other  go  into 
Nicholas  Mole  to  telegraph  me  at  Key  West.  If  you  arrive  off  Santiago  and 
a scout  meets  you,  send  a vessel  to  cable  at  Nicholas  Mole  and  get  informa- 


FLYING  SQUADRON  IN  CUBAN  WATERS  271 

tion  to  be  left  there  by  scouts  as  to  direction  taken  by  Spanish  in  case  they 
have  left  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

The  Yale  had  been  ordered  to  cruise  in  Bahama  Channel  until  May  24th. 
It  is  thovght  'possible  that  the  Spanish,  hearing  of  'your  departure  from  Cienfuegos, 
may  attempt  to  go  there. 

If  this  word  does  not  reach  you  before  daylight  it  is  suggested  to  mask 
your  real  direction  as  much  as  possible.  FoUow  the  Spanish  squadron,  which- 
ever direction  they  take. 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N.,  Commander-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force  on  N.  A.  Station' 
The  Commodore,  Flying  Squadron. 

Written  in  ink  on  the  margin  was  the  following  in  an  un- 
known hand: 

Our  experience  has  been  that  ships  can  be  traced  by  their  smoke  from 
twenty  to  thirty  miles,  and  it  is  suggested  in  case  you  leave  in  the  daytime, 
to  stand  a good  distance  to  the  westward  before  turning  southward. 

One  who  reads  these  despatches  impartially  to-day  can  not 
but  he  impressed  by  them  as  uncertain  in  tone  and  undecided 
in  information.  With  no  knowledge  whatever  that  a system  of 
signals  had  been  agreed  upon  until  May  24th ; with  orders  prac- 
tically requiring  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  to  be 
satisfied  before  sailing  that  the  Spanish  squadron  were  not  at 
Cienfuegos;  with  what  appeared  to  be  more  recent  intelligence 
of  the  movements  of  the  Spanish  squadron  from  the  Adula’s 
information  from  Jamaica;  with  the  significant  detention  of 
that  vessel  in  Cienfuegos  after  being  permitted  to  enter;  with 
the  implied  doubt  of  the  “probable”  presence  of  the  Spanish 
squadron  at  Santiago,  it  is  quite  evident  that  the  Flying  Squad- 
ron would  not  have  been  justified  in  leaving  Cienfuegos  any 
sooner  than  it  did.  It  is  even  more  certain  that  it  would  have 
been  a military  mistake  in  view  of  what  was  unknown  of  Cer- 
vera ’s  actual  whereabouts  at  that  time ! 

What  was  learned  afterwards  definitely,  and  only  through 
the  operations  of  the  Flying  Squadron  itself,  has  been  made 
use  of  to  censure  its  commander,  when  it  ought  to  have  been 
held,  in  any  consideration  of  the  equity  of  the  question,  that 
this  knowledge  acquired  after  the  fact  could  not  be  used  or 
justly  applied  to  a situation  unknown  at  the  time  to  the 
commander. 


272 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


It  could  be  added  at  the  same  time  that  the  only  party  who 
was  not  at  the  end  of  a telegraph  line,  nor  apparently  in  the 
secrets  of  the  war,  was  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron. 
His  conclusions  had  to  be  reached  through  all  the  doubts  and 
surmises  of  those  sending  him  messages  or  orders,  but  who  were 
in  no  sense  nearly  so  certain  then  as  they  pretended  to  be  after 
everything  had  been  made  plain  for  the  first  time  on  May  29th, 
when  Cervera’s  fleet  w^as  deflnitely  located  by  the  Flying 
Squadron. 

The  blockade  of  Cienfuegos  was  close  and  effective,  for  no 
vessel  save  the  Adula  ventured  to  pass  in  or  out  of  the  port 
while  the  Flying  Squadron  was  before  it.  And  none  could  have 
done  so! 


CHAPTER  XXV 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 
1898 

It  is  not  possible  to  read  these  despatches  to-day  without  the 
conclusion  that  they  were  uncertain  and  indecisive  in  both  knowl- 
edge and  expression.  One  fact,  how^ever,  is  apparent,  that  the 
onus  of  mistake,  in  any  movement  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  was 
to  be  assumed  by  its  commander.  Six  or  eight  months  after  every 
movement  of  Cervera  had  been  made  plain,  the  later  reasoning 
of  six  or  eight  persons  was  to  assume  a perfect  knowledge  of  his 
actual  whereabouts,  which  the  despatches,  telegrams  and  orders 
of  the  time  do  not  sustain.  To  the  impartial  reader  it  must 
appear  that  Mr.  Long  and  Admiral  Sampson  were  impressed 
alike  that  Cervera ’s  destination  Avas  Cienfuegos,  as  the  following 
telegram  of  May  23,  1898,  Avould  indicate : 

“The  information  of  the  department  all  goes  to  indicate  the  principal 
aim  of  the  Spanish  fleet  and  government  is  to  introduce  a supply  of  munitions 
of  war  and  of  food  to  Blanco  and  Havana  by  Cienfuegos.  This  for  your  infor- 
mation.” 

It  is  hardly  just  to  bring  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squad- 
ron under  censure,  as  was  done,  for  believing  the  same  thing 
on  that  same  day  off  Cienfuegos.  This,  taken  in  connection  with 
the  order  of  May  21st  from  Sampson,  in  Avhich  he  said, 

“Spanish  squadron  probably  at  Santiago.  ...  If  you  are  satisfied 
that  the}’’  are  not  at  Cienfuegos,  proceed,  etc.,  etc,” 

which  was  received  on  the  same  day.  May  23d,  goes  clearly  to 
impose  a plain  discretion  to  set  out  from  Cienfuegos  only  when 
satisfied  that  Cervera  was  not  in  that  port. 

Surely  it  sweeps  away  the  certainty,  pretended  afterwards, 
of  Cervera ’s  presence  at  that  time  in  Santiago,  upon  which  no- 
body was  willing  to  predicate  positive  orders ! 


273 


274 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


There  were  only  three  defended  ports  in  Cuba  that  this  Span- 
ish division  could  have  entered,  Havana,  Cienfuegos  and  San- 
tiago. Why  two  were  blockaded  and  the  third  left  open  is  not 
easily  explained.  There  were  ships  enough  in  the  American 
fleet  to  have  blockaded  each  port  with  a force  equal  to  the 
Spanish. 

During  the  last  two  days,  from  IMay  22d  to  ]\Iay  24th,  passed 
by  the  Flying  Squadron  off  Cienfuegos,  the  torpedo-boat  Dupont 
arrived,  and  then  the  Iowa;  on  ]\Iay  23d  the  Hawk  arrived 
with  despatches,  also  the  Castine  convoying  the  Merrimac; 
on  the  morning  of  May  24th  the  Marblehead,  the  Eagle  and  the 
Vixen,  all  short  of  coal  except  the  Vixen,  though  just  from  Key 
\¥est,  where  there  was  a supply.  With  the  Marblehead  came 
the  first  intimation  that  a code  of  signals  had  been  arranged 
with  the  insurgents  about  Cienfuegos,  and,  as  soon  as  it  had 
been  definitely  decided  that  same  afternoon  that  Cervera’s 
squadron  was  not  in  that  port,  the  Flying  Squadron  took  up  its 
formation  a little  after  6 p.  m.  for  movement  eastward  to 
Santiago. 

At  about  7 p.  M.,  as  soon  as  despatches  could  be  prepared 
to  send  to  Admiral  Sampson,  it  got  under  way  as  a unit,  the 
Brooklyn  leading  the  column,  composed  of  the  Massachusetts, 
Texas,  Iowa,  Marblehead,  Vixen,  Eagle  and  the  Merrimac  on 
the  flanks.  On  clearing  the  land  in  the  bight,  both  wind  and 
sea  increased,  and  the  squadron  took  up  its  gait  to  conform  to 
the  speed  of  the  slowest  vessel,  as  is  the  universal  tactical  rule 
everywhere,  for  otherwise  no  squadron  of  dissimilar  vessels  could 
be  kept  together  in  battle  formation,  and  no  commander  who 
failed  in  this  respect  could  justify  his  conduct  in  war  if,  through 
disregard  of  this  principle,  the  enemy  should  capture  any  vessel 
left  behind,  or  abandoned,  for  that  is  the  Anglo-Saxon  of  it, 
on  account  of  a lack  of  speed.  In  time  of  war,  moving  a squad- 
ron from  place  to  place  with  uncertain  knowledge  of  the  where- 
abouts of  the  enemy’s  fleet,  it  would  be  criminal  neglect,  mili- 
tarily unwise,  and  an  invitation  to  disaster,  to  proceed  in  other 
formation  than  as  a unit.  The  principle  that  useful  auxiliaries 
and  necessary  supplies  should  ever  be  abandoned,  except  under 
the  most  imperative  military  necessity,  is  something  unknown 
in  war,  and  in  the  cold,  clear  light  of  reason  it  is  a debatable 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO  275 

question  if  any  commander-in-chief  would  dare  take  the  risk 
of  such  a military  blunder. 

There  is  abundant  proof  from  the  log-books  of  the  squadron 
that  the  sea  was  rough,  and  the  winds  were  fresh,  which  retarded 
the  smaller  vessels  up  to  the  time  of  the  squadron’s  arrival  at 
Santiago.  Coaling  from  a collier  at  sea  was  simply  impossible 
under  the  circumstances,  and  to  have  attempted  it  would  have 
been  to  invite  disaster.  No  matter  if  there  had  been  a hundred 
thousand  tons  of  coal  in  colliers  with  the  Flying  Squadron,  if 
it  could  not  be  got  out  of  them  it  might  as  well  have  been  in 
the  mines. 

The  choice  of  Guantanamo  Harbor  for  coaling  after  June  1st, 
when  the  squadrons  had  been  so  augmented  as  to  permit  ships 
to  be  withdrawn  from  the  blockade  without  reducing  the  force 
remaining  to  an  inferiority  numerically  to  the  Spanish  fleet 
held  in  Santiago,  sustains  every  action  taken  by  the  commander 
of  the  Plying  Squadron  with  respect  to  coaling  at  sea.  It  ad- 
mits the  acquiescence  of  Admiral  Sampson  in  the  view  that  coal- 
ing in  the  open  sea  off  Santiago  was  uncertain,  and  even  danger- 
ous, and  never  to  he  depended  upon.  If  it  had  been  otherwise, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  explain  the  reason  for  sending  vessels 
forty  miles  away  to  do  what  might  have  been  done  without  risk 
on  the  blockade. 

Very  shortly  after  the  squadron  arrived  off  Santiago  the  in- 
termediate valve-chest  of  the  Merrimac’s  engine  broke  down,  to 
the  great  annoyance  of  her  officers,  as  well  as  of  the  commander 
of  the  Flying  Squadron.  The  conditions  of  wind  and  sea  are 
better  attested  by  the  fact  that  the  YaWs  officers  were  nearly 
twenty-four  hours  in  taking  her  in  tow. 

The  detachment  of  the  Eagle  to  Port  Antonio  on  the  morn- 
ing of  May  26th  was  due  to  the  commanding  officer’s  report  that 
he  had  less  than  a day’s  coal  on  board.  There  was  no  protest 
about  leaving,  no  request  to  coal ; for  if  her  commander  was  fit 
to  command  he  ought  to  have  known  it  was  impossible.  His  only 
expression  was  regret  that  he  was  unable  to  remain  with  the 
squadron. 

In  the  meanwhile  Captain  Sigsbee  came  on  board  to  report 
the  situation  as  he  viewed  it.  There  is  no  doubt  of  what  the 
captain  thought  at  that  time,  nor  of  what  he  said,  for  that  has 
19 


276 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


been  testified  to  by  Ensign  Llarble,  Mr.  Geo.  E.  Graham,  and  the 
orderly  of  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  all  of  whom 
sustained  that  officer’s  recollection  of  the  conversation.  If  any- 
thing further  is  needed  to  sustain  this  fact  a letter,  written  off 
Santiago,  as  follows,  would  do  so : 

U.  S.  S.  SL  Paul, 

Off  Santiago  de  Cuba, 

May  26,  1898. 

Sir:  This  morning  I boarded  the  British  steamer  Jason  bound  for  New 
York.  She  transferred  to  me  a colored  pilot,  named  Eduardo  Nunez,  recently 
employed  by  the  Spanish  navy  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Also,  a Cuban  recently 
employed  as  clerk  in  the  U.  S.  Consulate  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  I send  you 
two  letters  from  the  U.  S.  Consul  at  Kingston,  Jamaica,  bearing  upon  the 
matter. 

Captain  W.  C.  Wise,  senior  officer,  directed  me  to  transfer  those  men 
to  the  Minneapolis,  and  later  he  revoked  this  order.  I note  that  the  consular 
letters  have  not  the  consular  seal  attached.  Stiff,  I assume  they  are  genuine- 

I had  1,200  tons  of  coal  on  board  at  noon.  Yesterday  I captured  prize 
the  British  steamer  Restormel,  of  Cardiff.  She  had  touched  at  Puerto  Rico 
and  Curagoa.  I send  you  a memorandum  copy  of  a letter  I wrote  to  the 
Navy  Department  and  the  prize  commissioner  at  Key  West,  Florida,  where 
I sent  the  prize.  The  captain  and  crew  seemed  to  be  glad  to  be  captured. 
She  had  twenty-four  hundred  tons  of  coal  on  board. 

I captured  her  very  close  to  the  Morro  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  in  broad  day- 
light. No  news  here.  I have  seen  absolutely  nothing  of  the  Spanish  fleet. 

Very  respectfully, 

C.  D.  SiGSBEE, 

Captain  U.  S.  N.,  Comdg. 

Commodore  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N. 

W^hen  the  captain  came  on  board  the  Brooklyn  he  was  much 
impressed  with  the  great  size  of  his  own  ship,  the  St.  Paul,  as 
he  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  she  w^as  a tenth  of  a mile 
long,  and  recalled  it  several  times,  with  the  information  added 
that  it  took  one  hundred  and  fifty  tons  of  coal  a day  to  turn  her 
engines  over.  With  the  last  paragraph  of  his  letter  in  view,  the 
captain  was  asked,  “Have  you  got  the  Dons  here,  or  in  here?” 
Ilis  reply  was,  “No!  They  are  not  in  here,  they  are  only  re- 
ported here,  ’ ’ and  he  followed  this  statement  with  the  explanatory 
observation  that  he  had  been  in  close  the  day  before  sketching 
and  saw  nothing  unusual  about  the  harbor.  Asked  if  any  of 
the  other  vessels  had  seen  them — the  Yale  or  the  Minneapolis 
— his  reply  was,  ‘ ‘ No,  they  have  not,  they  have  assured  me.  ’ ’ If 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 


277 


any  one  present  on  that  occasion  off  Santiago  was  possessed  of 
information  reliably  acquired  of  the  presence  of  the  Spanish 
fleet  and  did  not  do  his  utmost  to  inform  his  superior  ofiicer, 
he  violated  his  duty. 

If  the  commanders  of  these  scouts  were  so  sure  of  the  situa- 
tion of  the  Spanish  fleet  on  May  26,  1898,  as  they  testified  be- 
fore the  inquiry  in  1901,  it  is  simply  inconceivable  that  they 
should  have  failed  to  communicate  this  information  during  the 
twenty-four  hours  the  squadron  was  within  easy  signal  distance. 

If  the  commanders  of  these  scouts  knew  on  May  26,  1898, 
from  department  telegrams,  that  Cervera’s  fleet  was  in  Santiago, 
as  they  claimed  to  have  known  when  testifying  before  the  inquiry 
three  years  afterwards,  then  it  is  simply  astounding  that  this 
information  should  have  been  withheld.  But,  as  the  department 
itself  was  uncertain  at  the  time,  it  is  not  easy  to  understand 
how  any  definite  information  could  have  been  sent  from  it  of 
Cervera ’s  actual  whereabouts. 

It  is  most  fortunate  for  these  officers  that  the  facts  testified 
to  before  the  inquiry  in  1901  were  not  known  to  the  commander 
of  the  Flying  Squadron  in  May,  1898. 

Happily,  however,  on  May  29,  1898,  three  days  afterwards, 
one  of  these  officers,  in  a letter  to  the  secretary  from  Nicholas 
Mole,  where  he  had  been  sent  to  report  the  Flying  Squadron’s 
discovery  of  the  Spanish  fleet  in  Santiago,  wrote  that  “this 
morning,  while  in  towards  the  coast,  after  chasing,  I saw  the 
smoke  of  quite  a number  of  vessels  to  the  westward,  and  I at 
once  made  for  the  Santiago  entrance,  believing  it  possible  that 
the  strangers  were  the  Spanish  squadron  approaching  that  port” ! 

This  officer,  in  a letter  dated  February  24,  1899,  volunteered 
to  the  department,  by  reason  of  a letter  written  to  the  Senate 
by  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  says  “that  every 
officer  on  board  the  St.  Paul  knew  that  I believed  Cervera  to 
be  in  Santiago  (meaning  on  May  26th).” 

How  all  these  statements  can  be  made  to  agree  must  be  puz- 
zling. If  the  captain  believed  that  the  Spanish  ships  were  in 
port  on  May  26,  1898,  how  could  it  be  possible  on  May  29,  1898, 
three  days  afterwards,  that  he  thought  the  ships  of  this  squadron 
were  outside  “approaching  that  port”?  Or,  how  is  it  possible 
to  explain  his  letter  of  May  26,  1898,  in  which  there  is  the  state- 


278 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ment,  “No  news  here!  I have  seen  absolutely  nothing  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  1 ’ ’ 

After  Captain  Sigsbee  had  left  the  Brooklyn,  Edouard 
Nuiiez,  the  pilot  whom  he  had  delivered  on  board,  was  interro- 
gated closely,  as  he  was  an  expert  in  such  matters,  having  served 
for  many  years  in  the  waters  about  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Nunez 
did  not  hesitate  to  express  the  opinion  that  vessels  of  the  size 
and  draft  of  the  Teresa,  Oquendo,  Viscaya  and  Colon  could  not 
pass  through  the  channel  into  the  harbor,  except  at  the  top  of 
high  water,  and  then  on  the  smoothest  days  only  with  the  assist- 
ance of  tugs.  Nunez  testified  to  this  opinion  before  the  court 
of  inquiry  convened  three  years  afterwards. 

This,  taken  with  the  information,  or  non-information,  from 
the  scouts;  taken  with  the  strong  possibility  of  the  truth  of  the 
J amaica  bulletins ; taken  with  the  possibilities  that  the  Santiago 
telegrams  of  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  might  well  be  ruses  to 
draw  the  Flying  Squadron  from  its  objective;  taken  with  the 
implied  doubts  in  the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief;  taken 
with  the  uncertainty  of  Mr.  Long’s  information  and  the  known 
fact  that  Sampson’s  fleet  was  at  Cay  Francis,  in  the  Bahama 
Channel  to  the  east  of  Havana,  suggested  the  move  to  the  west- 
ward at  9.50  p.  M.  on  the  night  of  May  26th,  with  the  purpose 
in  view  of  blocking  the  passage  to  the  westward  to  bar  any  elfort 
of  the  enemy  to  reach  Havana  by  a dash  through  the  Yucatan 
passage  in  Sampson’s  rear. 

It  was  quite  twenty-four  hours  before  the  collier’s  engines 
could  be  functioned,  and  then  only  under  reduced  speed.  The 
fleet  engineer  had  been  sent  on  board  the  Merrimac  to  examine 
and  report  the  extent  of  damage,  and  it  is  to  the  credit  of  the 
engineering  force  of  the  Brooklyn  that  the  completely  smashed 
valve-gear  was  so  well  repaired  that  it  worked  well  when  it  was 
installed  a day  or  two  later  olf  Santiago. 

At  9.30  A.  M.,  about,  on  May  27th,  the  Harvard  (scout) 
joined  the  Flying  Squadron,  bearing  a despatch  from  Mr.  Long 
as  follows: 


Washington,  May  25,  1898. 

Harvard,  St.  Nicholas  Mole,  Haiti: 

Proceed  at  once  and  inform  Schley,  and  also  the  senior  officer  off  San- 
tiago, as  follows:  All  department’s  information  indicates  Spanish  division 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 


279 


is  still  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  department  looks  to  you  to  ascertain 
facts,  and  that  the  enemy,  if  therein,  does  not  leave  without  a decisive  action. 
Cubans  familiar  with  Santiago  de  Cuba  say  there  are  landing  places  five  or 
six  miles  west  from  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  that  there  insurgents  prob- 
ably will  be  found,  and  not  the  Spanish.  From  Santiago  heights  can  see 
every  vessel  in  port.  As  soon  as  ascertained  notify  department  whether 
enemy  is  there.  Could  not  squadron,  and  also  Harvard,  coal  from  Merrimac 
leeward  Cape  Cruz,  Gonoives  Channel,  or  Mole,  Haiti?  Report  without  delay 
situation  at  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

This  despatch  was  sent  from  Washin^on  before  the  depart- 
ment knew  the  Flying  Squadron  had  reached  Santiago,  or  had 
gone  west,  and  in  the  letter  sent  to  the  Senate  on  February  6, 
1899  (Executive  Document),  a significance  was  given  this  de- 
spatch which  it  does  not  import,  as  “directing  Schley  to  remain 
at  Santiago  and  ascertain  whether  the  enemy  is  there  or  not”! 
The  secretary  may  have  had  that  in  his  mind,  but  the  despatch, 
sent  before  he  knew  anything  to  the  contrary,  could  hardly  bear 
the  interpretation  afterwards  given  it. 

That  despatch,  coldly  read,  is  characterized  by  the  same  un- 
certainty that  prevailed  in  all  the  despatches  with  respect  to 
Cervera’s  whereabouts. 

The  despatch  of  May  27th,  from  the  commander  of  the  Fly- 
ing Squadron  to  the  secretary,  “Much  to  be  regretted,  can  not 
obey  orders  of  the  department;  forced  to  proceed  for  coal  to 
Key  West,  by  way  of  the  Yucatan  passage;  can  not  ascertain 
anything  respecting  enemy,  positive,  etc,”  did  not  reach  the  de- 
partment until  May  28th,  on  the  evening  of  which  day  the 
squadron  was  before  Santiago  blockading.  The  weather  having 
moderated,  and  the  sea  having  smoothed  down,  permitted  coal 
to  be  taken  on  board  to  equalize  the  steaming  efficiency  of  two 
or  three  of  the  vessels,  enabling  them  to  continue  with  the 
squadron. 

Everybody  knows,  now,  that  the  enemy  was  in  Santiago  Har- 
bor; and  everybody  knows  as  well  that,  whether  the  Flying 
Squadron  had  proceeded  forty  miles  or  four  hundred  miles,  it 
could  have  got  back  in  time,  as  it  did,  for  it  is  now  known  that 
the  Spanish  squadron  could  not  leave  the  harbor  on  account  of 
the  lack  of  facilities  for  getting  coal  and  water  and  other  needed 
supplies,  and  making  necessary  repairs  that  were  hardly  within 
the  capacity  of  the  port. 


280 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  outcry  about  this  movement  to  the  westward  was  not 
thought  of  until  all  the  facts  were  subsequently  known  about 
Cervera’s  division.  It  was  not  dreamed  of  while  every  one  was 
in  doubt.  Even  after  the  Spanish  squadron  was  located  the  de- 
spatch, dated  June  8,  1898,  to  Admiral  Sampson,  would  seem  to 
indicate  that  there  was  still  some  doubt  about  it.  Its  last  para- 
graph reads : ‘ ‘ Are  you  sure  all  four  Spanish  armored  cruisers 
are  at  Santiago?  Six  hundred  marines.  Panther,  started  for 
you  last  evening,  convoyed  by  Auxiliary  No.  596  (Yosemite) 

The  whole  theory  of  this  tempest  in  a teapot  was  built  upon 
what  might  have  happened,  and  not  what  actually  did.  The 
undisputed  fact  remains  that  the  Flying  Squadron  did  locate, 
for  the  first  time  positively,  the  whereabouts  of  Cervera’s  squad- 
ron, and  it  was  a most  important  factor  afterwards  in  destroy- 
ing absolutely  this  Spanish  division  in  the  battle  later  on,  of 
July  3d,  1898. 

A pertinent  incident  in  connection  with  these  matters,  and 
which  may  not  be  recalled  by  every  one,  is  that  Sir  John  Jervis, 
one  of  England’s  great  sea-fighters  of  a hundred  years  ago,  de- 
spatched Nelson,  in  May,  1798,  to  intercept  the  Great  French 
Armament,  prepared  under  Napoleon  Bonaparte’s  guidance  to 
reach  Egypt  in  order  to  menace  England’s  route  to  India.  Nel- 
son’s fleet,  crippled  by  a gale,  reached  Toulon  too  late.  The 
French  squadron  eluded  Nelson  and  reached  Aboukir  Bay  July 
1st.  In  seeking  the  French  squadron.  Nelson  divined  its  pur- 
pose to  be  to  reach  Egypt,  and  he  arrived  at  Aboukir  Bay  on 
June  28th,  three  days  before  the  French  arrived.  Believing  the 
enemy  still  at  sea.  Nelson  made  a circuit  of  Crete  to  the  shores 
of  Sicily  and  back  again  to  the  shores  of  Greece,  where  he 
learned  that  the  French  had  made  good  their  landing  in  Egypt. 
He  set  out  from  the  Gulf  of  Coron,  and,  on  August  1st,  just  one 
month  after  the  French  arrived  at  Aboukir  Bay,  Nelson  descried 
them  in  that  port.  The  battle  which  took  place  on  that  memora- 
ble night  in  1798  history  accords  rightly  to  Nelson,  though  his 
command  was  a division  of  Sir  John  Jervis’s  fleet. 

From  that  day  to  this  no  military  man  has  ever  claimed  that 
the  glory  of  Aboukir  Bay,  or,  as  better  known,  the  Battle  of 
the  Nile,  was  in  any  respect  shared  by  the  grand  and  great 
Jervis,  who  was  Nelson’s  commander-in-chief.  It  made  no  dif- 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 


281 


ference  then,  and  it  makes  none  to-day,  whether  a commander- 
in-chief  be  eleven  miles,  or  eleven  hundred  miles,  away  from 
the  scene  of  an  action  in  which  he  did  not  participate;  history 
will  always  accord  the  guerdon  of  victory  to  that  commander 
who  fights  and  wins  the  battle! 

The  plan  of  an  active,  mobile  and  moving  squadron,  blockad- 
ing in  battle  formation  ready  for  action,  established  before  San- 
tiago on  May  28th,  with  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  squad- 
rons then  facing  each  other  equal,  needs  no  defense.  The  recent 
experience  of  the  Japanese  fleet  before  Port  Arthur  against  the 
Russian  squadron  anchored  there  is  an  unqualified  exemplifi- 
cation of  the  tactical  correctness  of  the  blockade  of  the  Flying 
Squadron  before  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

The  form  of  a circular  blockade,  with  the  ships  in  station- 
ary position,  afterwards  adopted,  was  not  possible  for  the  Fly- 
ing Squadron  with  its  five  ships,  even  if  it  had  been  held  wise 
to  have  so  established  it  with  any  number  of  vessels.  But  the 
success  that  attended  it  was  due  mainly  to  the  fact  that  the 
enemy  was  not  aggressive  in  torpedo  attack  upon  it.  That  the 
blockade  of  the  Flying  Squadron  was  effective  and  efficient  is 
attested  better  by  the  fact  that,  up  to  June  2d,  no  vessel  passed 
in  or  out  of  Santiago  and  none  could  have  done  so  with 
safety. 

The  next  incident  of  importance  was  the  discovery  of  the 
Colon  lying  well  inside  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  at  daylight  on 
the  morning  of  May  29th.  The  St.  Paul  was  sighted  to  the 
eastward  about  7 a.  m.,  and  in  the  next  half  hour  arrived  near 
the  Flying  Squadron.  Her  commander  was  called  on  board  the 
flagship  and  given  a despatch  with  orders  to  proceed  to  Nicholas 
Mole  to  transmit  its  contents  to  the  department  and  to  Admiral 
Sampson.  In  proceeding  on  this  mission,  the  St.  Paul  swept  to 
the  westward  in  making  her  turn  and  then  saw  the  Colon.  She 
had  been  discovered  an  hour  or  two  before  the  St.  Paul  had 
been  sighted  at  all. 

As  soon  as  possible  after  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  ships 
had  been  discovered,  the  commanding  officers  of  the  ships  of 
the  Flying  Squadron  were  summoned  on  board  the  Brooklyn. 
The  fact  of  the  enemy’s  presence  was  announced,  the  form  of 
blockade  was  explained,  the  method  of  attack,  if  the  Spanish 


282 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


fleet  should  attempt  a sortie,  was  declared.  The  Flying  Squad- 
ron being  in  line  of  battle,  cruising  slowly  before  the  entrance 
to  the  harbor,  the  plan  was  to  charge  in  upon  the  Spanish  ships 
as  they  filed  out,  concentrating  our  fire  upon  their  leading  ves- 
sels, with  a few  guns  to  work  upon  those  following;  if  they 
escaped  this  cyclone  of  gun-fire,  to  pursue  them  as  far  as  coal 
would  permit. 

One  of  the  commanding  officers  asked  if  the  purpose  was 
to  dash  into  the  entrance  if  the  enemy  attempted  to  escape.  He 
learned,  with  some  emphasis,  that  such  was  the  purpose  and 
order. 

On  May  31st  the  Harvard  arrived  from  Jamaica,  where  she 
had  been  sent,  as  her  commander  had  reported,  on  May  27th, 
that  his  coal  supply  was  so  depleted  after  he  had  delivered  the 
.despatches  which  became  so  important  in  Mr.  Long’s  estimation 
that  he  was  unable  to  reach  any  home  port.  Captain  Cotton 
brought  back  Pilot  Nunez  from  Jamaica,  where  he  had  requested 
to  go  to  obtain  important  papers  left  there.  Nunez  was  sent 
in  the  Vixen  to  Asseradores  to  communicate  with  the  insurgents 
who  were  said  to  be  at  that  point  on  the  coast.  He  bore  a note 
from  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  to  General  Cer- 
bereco  looking  to  the  establishing  of  a code  of  signals  for  com- 
munications, and  was  given  verbal  instructions  to  ascertain  if  all 
of  Cervera’s  squadron  were  at  Santiago.  On  his  return,  on 
June  2d,  Nunez  reported  that  he  had  been  obliged  to  make  a 
trip  of  thirty  miles  into  the  mountains  back  of  the  coast  to  find 
the  insurgent  general,  but  with  the  result  that  he  had  learned 
that  the  entire  Spanish  squadron  was  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago. 
Nunez  was  sent  immediately  to  report  this  information  to  Samp- 
son. The  suggestions  of  the  despatch  delivered  on  May  27th 
were  thus  fulfilled. 

On  May  31st  a reconnaissance  of  the  fortifications  was  made. 
The  Colon  was  lying  in  the  upper  reach  of  the  channel,  about 
one  thousand  yards  from  the  entrance,  where  her  log-book  shows 
she  had  been  since  May  25th,  and  just  clear  of  Punta  Gorda 
battery. 

The  intention  to  develop  these  fortifications  was  explained 
to  several  officers  the  evening  before,  when  the  instructions  of 
Mr.  Long  not  to  risk  hazarding  the  ships  of  the  American  fleet 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 


283 


against  the  fortifications  until  the  Spanish  fieet  had  been  dis- 
posed of  were  discussed. 

The  range  for  this  reconnaissance  was  chosen  at  seven  thou- 
sand yards,  and  for  a day  or  two  afterwards  was  thought  to  have 
been  that  distance.  This  range  was  determined  by  Lieutenant 
Potts,  but  was  about  as  inexact  as  his  memory  was  after  three 
years  had  elapsed.  The  enemy  had  no  trouble  at  all  in  reach- 
ing our  ships,  for  a number  of  their  shells  fell  well  outside  them. 
The  conclusion  must  be  that  their  guns  were  superior  in  range 
to  ours  if  the  range,  apparently  guessed  at  by  Mr.  Potts,  was 
so  much  in  error. 

Clouds  of  powder  smoke  were  seen  to  arise  from  the  harbor, 
lying  back  of  the  hills,  which  was  interpreted  to  mean  that  the 
Spanish  ships  were  in  port,  and  this  assumption  was  correct,  as 
we  now  know  that  the  vessels  were  there  at  that  time. 

The  reconnaissance,  at  whatever  range,  settled  definitely  and 
for  the  first  time  two  vital  points,  first,  that  Cervera’s  fleet  was 
in  Santiago,  and,  second,  that  the  fortifications  had  some  good 
long-range  guns  well  placed  and  capable  of  injuring  the  ships 
on  the  blockading  lines  whenever  the  enemy  desired  to  become 
aggressive.  It  was  a perfectly  well-known  method  in  military 
operations  to  ascertain  the  location  of  batteries  and  to  test  their 
strength  from  the  moment  when  gunpowder  and  guns  became 
known  in  warfare.  Why  a commander  should  be  brought  under 
censure  for  not  risking  his  ships  or  the  lives  of  his  men  in  such 
operations,  when  the  purpose  to  be  reached  could  be  accom- 
plished without  doing  either,  is  another  of  the  anomalies  of  this 
incident. 

On  June  1st  Admiral  Sampson  arrived  off  Santiago  and,  in 
the  call  made  upon  him,  the  entire  situation  was  explained.  The 
Colon  was  pointed  out,  and  he  was  thanked  for  his  telegram  of 
congratulation  upon  the  Flying  Squadron’s  success  in  locating 
and  blockading  Cervera’s  fleet.  No  complaint  was  made  of  the 
blockade  as  found,  no  fault  was  expressed  with  the  operations 
as  reported,  and  no  manifestations  of  disapproval  in  any  form 
were  suggested  by  Admiral  Sampson  at  that  time.  The  situa- 
tion of  the  Colon  had  not  changed  on  the  morning  when  the 
New  York  arrived,  for  her  log-book  records  that  she  did  not 
shift  her  position  until  10.35  a.  m.  The  fact  that  the  com- 


284 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


mander-in-chief  took  no  further  action  that  day  against  the  bat- 
teries or  against  the  Colon,  then  in  plain  sight  and  remaining 
so  for  several  hours  after  his  arrival,  must  be  construed  to  mean 
that  he  was  fully  satisfied  with  the  situation  as  found  and  as 
explained.  Any  theory  that  he  was  not  satisfied  must  involve 
censure  for  failing,  with  the  better  opportunity  an  augmented 
squadron  permitted,  to  repair  a situation  of  which  he  had  dis- 
approved. 

Further,  at  5.55  a.  m.  of  June  2d,  the  New  York  left  the 
blockade  and  steamed  rapidly  to  the  southwest  in  chase  of  a 
steamer  on  the  horizon,  and  did  not  return  until  1.40  p.  m.,  after 
an  absence  of  nearly  eight  hours.  If  the  blockade  by  the  Flying 
Squadron  was  ineffective  as  found,  can  it  be  possible  that  the 
chance  of  a prospective  prize  was  regarded  of  greater  impor- 
tance? Suppose  Cervera  had  been  able  to  take  advantage  of  that 
opportunity  to  escape  and  had  gone  eastward  ? 

The  circular  form  of  blockade  was  adopted  on  the  evening 
of  June  2d,  after  the  New  York  had  returned  from  the  chase 
after  a possible  prize.  The  Brookly^i  was  assigned  a position 
in  the  west  quadrant  of  the  semicircle,  the  New  York  took  posi- 
tion in  the  eastern  quadrant  of  the  semicircle  of  six  miles  radius ; 
the  two  fiagships  were  almost  as  far  apart  as  it  was  possible  to 
place  them.  On  the  clearest  days  only  was  it  possible  to  read 
signals  from  the  New  York,  and  generally  some  intermediate  ship 
had  to  repeat  them. 

Suggestion  was  made  through  Captain  Philip,  to  Admiral 
Sampson,  that  it  would  facilitate  operations  if  the  Brooklyn  and 
the  New  York  should  lie  nearly  south  of  the  entrance,  for  the 
obvious  reason  that  both  fiagships  ought  to  be  in  position  to  know 
first  any  movement  of  the  enemy  as  well  as  to  hold  the  two  squad- 
rons under  better  signal  control.  Victory,  or  defeat,  may  result 
from  the  proper,  or  improper,  interpretation  of  signals.  This 
was  intended  to  help  the  commander-in-chief,  whose  mind,  ab- 
sorbed in  the  other  responsibilities  of  duty,  might  overlook  the 
small  essentials  that  so  often  help  operations  and  hinder  mis- 
takes. The  form  of  semicircular  blockade  was  in  no  sense  novel, 
but  had  come  down  from  the  past,  with  features  of  weakness 
that  any  active  compact  squadron  might  turn  to  advantage  in 
any  vigorous  sortie.  Its  success  was  due  entirely  to  the  fact 


ARRIVAL  AT  SANTIAGO 


285 


that  it  was  never  menaced  by  the  enemy  until  July  3,  1898,  when 
it  was  broken  through. 

On  May  31st  the  New  Orleans  arrived  off  Santiago  to  report 
for  duty.  Captain  Folger  brought  orders  from  Admiral  Samp- 
son to  sink  the  collier  Sterling  in  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  but 
he  conveyed  verbally  a message  from  Sampson  that  the  details 
were  left  to  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron.  On  this 
same  day  a telegram  was  brought  from  Port  Antonio  by  Mr. 
Wright,  in  the  press  boat  Dandy , from  Mr.  Long,  as  follows: 

Unless  it  is  unsafe  for  your  (our)  squadron,  the  department  wishes  you  re- 
main off  Santiago  de  Cuba  ; so  can  not  you  take  possession  of  Guantanamo, 
Cuba,  occupying  as  coaling  station?  If  you  must  leave  are  authorized  to 
sink  collier  in  the  mouth  of  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  if  you  obstruct  thereby. 
But  if  not  so  used,  and  if  not  necessary  to  you,  it  would  be  very  desirable  to 
leave  her  at  Mole  Haiti,  or  vicinity.  You  must  not  leave  the  vicinity  of 
Santiago  de  Cuba  unless  it  is  unsafe  for  your  squadron,  or  unless  Spanish 
division  is  not  there.  Long. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  after  reading  this  despatch  that  the 
matter  of  sinking  a collier  to  obstruct  the  passage  was  condi- 
tioned upon  the  Flying  Squadron  being  forced  to  leave  its  posi- 
tion off  Santiago.  As  it  was  a later  despatch  than  Sampson ’s,  it 
clearly  left  the  matter  to  the  discretion  of  the  commander  of 
the  Flying  Squadron.  This  despatch  indicates,  too,  that  the 
department  was  in  no  sense  sure  when  the  despatch  was  sent  that 
the  Spanish  division  was  in  Santiago  de  Cuba. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO 

1898 

Admiral  Sampson,  for  reasons  he  deemed  sufficient,  decided 
to  sink  the  Merrimac  in  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  and  forthwith 
directed  her  to  be  prepared  for  this  purpose.  Assistant  Naval 
Constructor  R.  P.  Hobson  was  chosen  for  her  commander,  and  a 
call  for  volunteers  to  man  her  was  made.  It  is  to  the  honor 
of  the  men  of  the  navy  that  every  one  in  the  squadron  was  ready 
to  embark  on  this  service.  There  was  no  trouble  in  getting  vol- 
unteers; the  chief  difficulty  was  to  select  from  the  great  num- 
ber the  few  needed  to  man  the  collier.  Those  finally  chosen  to 
represent  the  navy  were  as  follows : 

Naval  Constructor  R.  P.  Hobson,  in  charge. 

Chief  Master-at-Arms  D.  Montague,  from  the  New  York. 

Gunner’s  Mate  Geo.  Charette,  from  the  New  York. 

Coxswain  R.  Clausen,  from  the  New  York. 

First  Class  Machinist  G.  F.  Philips,  from  the  Mtrrimac. 

Water  Tender  F.  Kelley,  from  the  Merrimac. 

Coxswain  O.  Deignan,  from  the  Merrimac. 

Coxswain  J.  E.  Murphy,  from  the  Iowa. 

During  the  midnight  watch  (12  to  4 A.  m.),  June  3d,  the 
commander  of  the  Flying  Squadroii  was  awakened  from  sleep 
by  his  orderly,  who  had  been  directed  by  the  officer  of  the  deck 
to  report  that  the  Merrimac  was  lying  near  by  and  had  requested 
to  be  informed  what  the  exact  bearing  of  the  mouth  of  the  har- 
bor was.  The  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  went  on 
deck  at  once  and  gave  the  course  in  as  N.  E.  by  N.  The  night 
being  very  dark,  the  opening  into  the  harbor  had  faded  into  the 
background  of  hills,  giving  the  coast  the  appearance  of  a con- 
tinuous unbroken  line.  With  the  direction  given,  Hobson 
started  ahead,  and  it  was  not  long  afterwards  when  the  artillery 
fire  from  the  hills  and  the  rattle  of  musketry  on  both  sides  of 
286 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  287 


the  entrance  announced  that  the  Merrimac  had  been  discovered. 
It  is  not  easy  now  to  describe  the  emotions  which  filled  the  hearts 
of  those  who  looked  on  that  thrilling  scene  of  noble  men  going 
to  duty  which  their  honor  required  them  to  face  in  an  unarmed 
and  defenseless  vessel.  Nor  would  it  be  easy  to  picture  in  words 
the  sleepless  impatience,  that  continued  until  the  dawn  of  day 
after  the  firing  had  ceased,  to  know  the  result  of  this  intrepid 
attempt  of  that  noble  band  of  gallant  fellows. 

Memory  was  searched  for  examples  with  which  to  find  its 
parallel  in  history.  Thermopylae  with  her  one  messenger  to  tell 
the  calamity ; the  Alamo  with  no  survivors ; the  famed  charge  of 
the  Six  Hundred  in  the  Crimea;  the  intrepid  dash  of  Decatur 
at  Tripoli ; the  daring  of  Cushing  in  sinking  the  Albemarle^  were 
all  passed  in  mental  review  only  to  place  Hobson  and  his  brave 
fellows,  whatever  their  fate,  among  the  galaxy  of  great  names 
of  other  days. 

Daylight  came  at  last  to  many  eyes  peering  and  straining 
through  glasses  only  to  realize  that  the  Merrimac  was  sunk.  Her 
funnel  was  seen  above  the  waters,  well  up  in  the  entrance,  ap- 
parently on  the  right  side  of  the  channel  looking  in  from  sea- 
ward; but  what  the  fate  of  those  gallant  fellows  had  been  was 
unknown.  This  was  only  to  be  revealed  later  in  the  afternoon 
when  the  knightly  Cervera  sent  out  a flag  of  truce  with  the 
information  that  they  were  safe,  accompanied  by  expressions  of 
admiration  of  this  daring  attempt  of  his  foes. 

In  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  it  is  a matter  of  congratu- 
lation that  this  bold  attempt  to  block  the  passage  was  abortive. 
If  the  attempt  had  been  successful  in  closing  the  harbor  against 
ingress  or  egress,  the  problem  of  its  ulterior  effect  upon  the  navy 
is  full  of  speculation. 

Commander  J.  M.  Miller  had  been  forced,  reluctantly,  to  sur- 
render his  command  of  the  Merrimac.  Here  was  the  oppor- 
tunity of  a lifetime  for  distinction,  and  its  loss  can  well  be  sym- 
pathized with  by  his  professional  associates.  He  was  a skilful, 
intelligent  and  gallant  officer,  and  it  is  possible  that,  under  his 
guidance  and  expert  familiarity  in  handling  vessels,  a success 
might  have  been  scored.  But  it  was  not  to  be,  and  in  it  all  there 
was  a Power  above  that  shaped  events  to  the  end  that  came  in 
this  attempt. 


288 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


On  June  4th  a council  of  war  was  held  on  board  the  New 
York,  before  which  the  question  of  attack  upon  the  fortifications, 
to  be  made  the  day  following,  was  outlined,  but  some  one,  as 
now  remembered,  suggested  that  the  day  following  would  be 
Sunday  and  that  it  might  be  well  to  postpone  the  attack  until 
Monday.  This  view  was  acceded  to.  The  fieet  off  Santiago  was 
divided  into  two  squadrons  in  accordance  with  the  following 
order : 


U.  S.  Flagship  New  York,  1st  Rate, 
Off  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
June  2,  1898. 

The  fleet  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  will  be  organized  during  operations  against 
that  port  and  the  Spanish  squadron  as  follows: 

First  Squadron  (under  personal  command  of  Commander-in-Chief) — New 
York,  Iowa,  Oregon,  New  Orleans,  Mayflower,  Porter. 

Second  Squadron  (under  Commodore  Schley) — Brooklyn,  Massachusetts, 
Texas,  Marblehead,  Vixen. 

Vessels  joining  subsequently  will  be  assigned  by  the  commander-in  chief. 
The  vessels  wiU  blockade  Santiago  de  Cuba  closely,  keeping  about  six  miles 
from  the  Morro  in  the  daytime,  and  closing  in  at  night,  the  lighter  vessels  well 
in  shore.  The  First  Squadron  will  blockade  the  east  side  of  the  port,  and 
the  Second  Squadron  on  the  west  side.  If  the  enemy  tries  to  escape  the 
ships  must  close  and  engage  as  soon  as  possible,  and  endeavor  to  sink  his 
vessels  or  force  them  to  run  ashore  in  the  channel.  It  is  not  considered  that 
the  shore  batteries  are  of  sufficient  power  to  do  any  material  injury  to  battle- 
ships. 

In  smooth  weather  the  vessels  will  coal  on  station.  If  withdrawn  to 
coal  elsewhere,  or  for  other  duty,  the  blockading  vessels  on  either  side  will 
cover  the  angle  thus  left  vacant. 

In  the  order  named  the  vessels  of  the  two  squadrons  were 
arranged  in  a semicircle  around  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and 
in  this  form  maintained  the  blockade  up  to  the  morning  of 
July  3d.  On  one  or  two  occasions  there  were  subsequent  modi- 
fications of  the  distance  off  shore  to  a distance  less  than  six  miles, 
and  the  establishment  of  an  inner  line  of  smaller  vessels.  Later 
still,  the  plan  of  lighting  up  the  channel  at  the  port  entrance 
was  directed  during  the  dark  hours  of  the  night  with  the  search- 
lights of  the  battleships.  While  this  measure  was  effective,  so 
long  as  it  was  not  interfered  with  by  the  enemy’s  batteries,  it 
would  have  been  the  means  to  a nightly  contest  before  any  well- 
fortified  port  of  an  aggressive  enemy.  During  the  great  Civil 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  289 


War  no  vessel  was  ever  permitted  to  approach  within  range  of 
the  Confederate  batteries  without  challenge,  day  or  night,  and 
it  was  well  understood  by  the  commanders  of  the  vessels  that 
any  opportunity  taken  to  examine  these  batteries  at  any  time 
at  closer  range  than  the  usual  blockading  distance  subjected  them 
to  the  ordeal  of  a fight,  with  damage  to  vessel,  or  loss  of  life, 
or  both.  The  supineness  of  the  Spanish  in  this  respect,  as  well 
as  their  lack  of  aggressiveness,  was  constantly  commented  upon, 
and,  owing  to  this,  the  blockading  squadron  took  many  liberties 
in  lying  generally  within  easy  range  to  maintain  a more  rigid 
blockade,  which  made  a sortie  all  the  more  dangerous  for  the 
squadron  inside. 

Monday  morning,  June  6th,  came,  and  with  it,  at  7 a.  m., 
the  two  squadrons  moved  into  position  about  four  thousand  yards 
from  the  fortifications  for  the  attack  agreed  upon  the  Saturday 
before.  The  battleships  Texas,  Massachusetts,  Iowa  and  the 
Oregon,  in  the  order  and  distance  named,  took  up  position  on 
an  east  and  west  line.  The  Brooklyn,  Marblehead  and  Vixen 
were  assigned  to  an  enfilading  position  west  of  the  entrance  to 
the  harbor  at  the  same  distance.  The  New  York,  New  Orleans 
and  the  Yankee  were  assigned  to  a similar  position  and  distance 
eastward  of  the  entrance.  As  soon  as  the  distance  appointed 
had  been  reached,  a ferocious  assault  upon  the  fortifications  was 
made  by  the  squadron,  lasting  for  well  nigh  two  hours,  during 
which  there  was  a terrific  bombardment  of  Estrella  Point,  the 
Socapa  battery  and  the  Morro  batteries  east  of  the  castle.  Direc- 
tions were  given  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  injury  to  the  Mer- 
rimac’s  crew  confined  as  prisoners  of  war  in  Morro  Castle. 

Vigorous  reply  was  made  from  the  forts  for  a period  of  ten 
or  fifteen  minutes,  but  the  firing  of  the  squadron  was  too  severe 
and  too  well  maintained  to  be  withstood  by  the  Spanish  gun- 
ners, who  abandoned  their  guns  to  seek  safety  in  the  traverses 
prepared  behind  the  breastworks,  where  they  were  safe  from 
harm.  On  the  west  side  every  structure  near  the  enemy’s  works 
took  fire  from  the  shell  explosions,  while  the  parapets  of  the 
Socapa  were  swept  with  shells,  which  made  it  impossible  for  the 
defenders  to  live  anywhere  near  their  guns.  Vast  quantities 
of  ammunition  were  expended ; but  the  earthworks  were  not  in- 
jured beyond  what  a few  hours  could  repair.  The  squadron 


290 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


had  things  all  its  own  way  and  during  the  action  was  not  struck 
by  a single  projectile  of  the  enemy,  although  many  of  their  shells 
fell  beyond  our  vessels.  When  the  signal  to  withdraw  w^as  made^ 
and  the  movement  in  doing  so  became  apparent  to  the  enemy, 
they  remanned  their  guns  and  fired  a few  shots  at  the  ships, 
but  with  a lamentable  lack  of  accurate  aim.  So  the  first  en- 
gagement of  the  combined  fieet  ended  with  little  apparent  dam- 
age to  the  forts  and  with  no  injury  to  the  ships. 

Resuming  the  blockading  positions,  there  were  many  weary 
and  monotonous  days  of  waiting  and  hoping  for  activity.  The 
weather  happily  continued  exceptionally  good  but  excessively 
hot,  sticky  and  oppressive,  which  was  slowly  sapping  the  strength 
and  energy  of  all.  To  those  splendid  fellows  before  the  furnaces 
and  standing  ready  at  the  engine  throttles  below  decks,  where 
the  heat  was  almost  insufferable,  the  task  of  duty  was  most 
severe.  There  were  no  complaints  or  murmurings  heard  above 
the  protective  decks,  and  up  to  the  crucial  moment,  on  July  3, 
1898,  they  were  as  true  as  steel  and  as  unchangeable  as  the  needle 
to  the  pole.  Occasional  mails  from  home  bearing  messages  from 
loved  ones  and  friends  solaced  many  hours  that  would  other- 
wise have  been  weary,  and  the  anticipation  aroused  when  steam- 
ers arrived  on  the  blockade  was  one  of  the  features  which  filled 
in  the  days  of  this  duty  with  some  pleasure. 

The  press  steamers  coming  and  going  from  the  lines  afforded 
many  opportunities  to  send  our  letters  and  to  learn  the  news 
in  the  world  beyond  our  horizon.  These  gentlemen  of  the  press 
were  always  mindful  of  the  value  of  a few  bushels  of  potatoes, 
a few  dozen  eggs  and  a little  fruit  thoughtfully  brought  to  us 
by  them  from  Port  Antonio.  Such  things  did  add  a lot  of 
relish  to  the  herrings  and  ‘‘hardtack”  of  our  larders,  while  such 
kind  attention  set  up  memories  and  friendships  that  can  never 
be  forgotten. 

Tired  of  the  monotony,  the  commander-in-chief  decided  to 
bombard  the  works  about  the  port  once  more  on  June  16th,  be- 
lieving that  the  Spaniards  had  been  adding  to  the  defenses  to 
the  east  and  west  of  the  entrance.  It  was  determined  to  bom- 
bard both  the  batteries  at  daylight.  There  was  no  special  for- 
mation for  this  action  beyond  the  direction  to  carefully  adjust 
the  position  of  blockade  distance  (three  miles),  then  to  go  quickly 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  291 


to  quarters  and  move  towards  the  entrance  of  the  harbor  at  a 
speed  of  five  knots  to  a position  three  thousand  yards  from  the 
forts;  the  New  York,  New  Orleans,  Oregon  and  Iowa  to  turn 
with  port  helm;  the  Brooklyn,  Texas  and  Massachusetts  to  turn 
with  starboard  helm,  to  present  their  broadsides  to  the  forts. 
Firing  was  to  begin  when  the  signal  was  made  from  the  flag- 
ship, and  after  that  the  ships  were  to  maintain  their  position, 
or  to  close  in  if  the  targets  to  be  fired  at  could  be  better  seen 
for  effective  firing. 

At  early  dawn  the  bombardment  began  and  continued  quite 
an  hour,  but  with  no  greater  visible  effect  than  on  June  6th. 
Reduced  charges  were  used  in  all  guns  of  eight-inch  caliber  and 
above  to  increase  the  angle  of  fall  of  the  projectile  in  the  hope 
thus  to  destroy  the  enemy  ^s  batteries.  As  in  the  previous  bom- 
bardment, the  enemy’s  fire  was  vigorous  for  ten  or  fifteen  min- 
utes, after  which  the  gunners  again  fled  to  the  protection  of  their 
traverse  ditches,  to  remain  until  the  squadron  withdrew,  when 
they  remanned  their  guns  and  fired  a few  shots,  which  fell  wide 
of  their  mark  beyond  the  ships.  This  bombardment,  like  the 
first,  did  little  damage  to  the  works,  but  it  was  excellent  practice 
for  a more  vital  occasion. 

The  nights  were  enlivened  now  and  then  by  the  Vesuvius 
going  close  in  shore  under  the  cover  of  darkness,  to  throw  into 
the  works  two  or  three  aerial  torpedoes  from  her  pneumatic  guns. 
The  detonation  of  these  charges  was  terrific  and  their  effect  on 
shore  must  have  suggested  to  the  defenders  something  in  the 
nature  of  an  earthquake,  as  the  concussion  was  sensibly  felt  on 
the  Brooklyn.  While  the  effect  was  not  known  at  the  time,  there 
must  have  been  a widespread  demoralization  among  the  enemy, 
and  this  is  worth  a great  deal  in  war.  Choosing  a different  hour 
each  night,  as  Commander  Pillsbury  did,  left  the  enemy  uncer- 
tain when  or  where  the  attack  was  to  be  made,  and  it  must  have 
disturbed  many  hours  of  needed  sleep. 

The  seizure  and  occupation  of  Guantanamo  Bay  and  the  land- 
ing of  marines  there  took  place  during  the  second  week  in  June. 
By  this  important  movement  a base  for  supplies  was  secured 
and  the  necessity  for  coaling  at  sea  no  longer  existed.  While 
it  is  true  that  the  defenses  of  that  port  were  of  little  conse- 
quence, the  marine  battalion,  under  Colonel  Huntington,  had 
20 


292 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


one  or  two  sharp  fights  with  the  enemy  on  the  high  ground  near 
the  entrance,  during  which  the  enemy  was  forced  back  with 
considerable  loss.  The  ground  gained  by  the  battalion  in  these 
fights  was  never  retaken,  but  was  held  until  the  end  of  the  war. 
The  attack  upon  the  fort  up  the  river,  towards  Caimanera,  on 
June  15th,  by  the  Texas,  3Iarhlehead  and  Suwanee,  resulted  in 
driving  the  enemy  out  of  it  with  no  known  loss.  The  main  in- 
cident of  this  affair  was  the  picking  up  of  torpedoes  by  the 
screws  of  the  Texas  and  Marhleliead  while  in  the  shoal  water 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river.  These  torpedoes  had  been  in  the 
water  so  long  that  it  is  doubtful  if  they  were  serious  menaces. 
In  the  first  place,  they  were  imperfectly  made  and  so  hastily  laid 
that  their  value  as  a defense  was  inconsiderable. 

On  the  21st  of  June,  the  North  Atlantic  fleet,  under  Admiral 
Sampson’s  command,  was  divided  into  two  squadrons,  to  wit: 

First  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  Commodore  J.  C.  Watson. 

Second  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  Commodore  W.  S.  Schley. 

The  squadron  operating  against  Santiago  had  been  separated 
into  two  squadrons,  the  first  under  Admiral  Sampson,  the  sec- 
ond under  Commodore  Schley,  for  action  against  the  fortifica- 
tions, for  blockading,  and  for  battle  with  the  Spanish  squadron. 
This  arrangement  was  maintained  until  the  end  of  hostilities. 

On  June  20th,  the  transport  fleet,  bearing  the  Fifth  Army 
Corps,  under  Major  General  W.  R.  Shatter,  arrived  off  San- 
tiago convoyed  by  a small  squadron  of  war  vessels.  Some  delay 
in  the  departure  of  this  fleet  had  been  caused  by  a report  made 
by  Lieutenant  Southerland,  of  the  Eagle,  that  he  had  seen  sev- 
eral strange  men-of-war  and  had  been  chased  by  a torpedo-boat 
on  the  night  of  June  7th.  This  report  was  supplemented  by 
a similar  report  of  the  commander  of  the  Besolute  that  his  vessel 
had  been  chased  a short  time  afterwards  by  four  vessels.  Both 
commanders  hastened  to  Key  West  to  report  these  occurrences 
to  Washington.  There  was  nothing  in  the  report,  however.  It 
turned  out  to  be  a “will  of  the  wisp”  easily  distorted  into  a 
mysterious  Spanish  vessel.  In  all  probability  the  vessel  seen 
was  the  English  cruiser  Talbot,  on  a cruise,  but  there  was  no 
torpedo-boat  in  chase  of  the  Eagle.  These  reports  had  their 
effect,  however,  upon  the  sailing  of  the  transport  fleet,  as  the 
following  telegram  shows : 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  293 


Washington,  June  8,  1898. 

The  Spanish  armored  cruiser,  first  class,  torpedo  destroyers  are  re- 
ported by  Eagle  and  Resolute  yesterday  and  last  night  and  therefore  the  army 
expedition  is  stopped  temporarily.  Convoy  is  distributed  to  scour  the  straits 
and  reinforce  the  blockade  of  Cuba.  Send  two  of  your  most  fast  armored 
vessels  to  search  through  Nicholas  Channel,  Cuba;  ...  at  Key  West, 
and  thence  reinforce  convoy  too.  We  mean  to  start  this  as  soon  as  strong 
enough,  the  delay  being  only  temporary. 

Are  you  sure  all  four  Spanish  armored  cruisers  are  at  Santiago?  Six 
hundred  marines,  Panther ^ started  for  you  last  evening  convoyed  by  Auxiliary 
No.  596  (Yosemite).  Allen, 

Acting  Secretary. 

Before  a suitable  place  to  make  a landing  could  be  chosen, 
General  Shafter  made  an  examination  of  the  coast  from  Daiquiri 
on  the  east  to  Asseradero  on  the  west  of  the  entrance  to  San- 
tiago. The  former  was  chosen,  and  the  arrangement  of  war  ves- 
sels to  bombard  the  coast  from  Daiquiri  to  Cabanas  to  clear  it 
of  any  Spanish  force  prepared  to  resist  the  landing  was  as 
follows : 

At  Cabanas — The  Scorpion,  Vixen  and  Texas. 

At  Aguadores — The  Eagle  and  Gloucester. 

At  Altares — The  Hornet,  Helena  and  Bancroft. 

At  Daiquiri — The  Detroit,  Castine,  Wasp  and  Neiv  Orleans. 

The  vessels  thus  assigned  were  to  be  in  position  at  daylight 
on  the  morning  of  June  22d. 

The  Brooklyn,  Massachusetts,  Oregon  and  Iowa  were  required 
to  maintain  their  blockading  positions  before  the  entrance  in 
order  vigilantly  to  guard  against  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to 
break  through  and  escape  while  the  opposing  squadron  was  so 
widely  dispersed  on  duty  to  cover  the  army  landing.  Captain  C. 
F.  Goodrich,  of  the  St.  Louis,  was  chosen  to  take  charge  of  the 
operation  of  landing  the  army,  and  all  the  launches  and  boats 
of  the  squadron,  some  fifty  in  number,  were  sent  to  him  for  this 
purpose.  This  officer  worked  with  such  energy  and  skill  that 
the  army,  with  most  of  its  supplies  and  many  of  its  necessary 
animals,  was  put  on  shore  in  forty-eight  hours.  It  was  a work 
of  much  merit  and  deserved  more  than  the  niggardly  mention 
made  at  the  time.  Effected  as  it  was  in  the  midst  of  every  con- 
ceivable difficulty,  it  was  a triumph  of  decision  over  every  diffi- 
culty and  demonstrated  again  that  for  a sailor’s  work  there  is 


294 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


no  one  so  good  or  so  full  of  expedients  in  times  of  difficulty  as 
the  reliable  sailor.  There  was  no  sort  of  doubt  on  the  ques- 
tion in  the  minds  of  our  comrades  in  the  sister  service  on  that 
eventful  occasion. 

The  duty  assigned  to  the  Texas  at  Cabanas,  west  of  the  en- 
trance, to  make  a feint  at  landing  on  June  22d,  was  challenged 
by  the  Socapa  battery,  which  fired  quite  a number  of  shells, 
and  did  succeed  for  once  in  scoring  a hit.  One  shell  landed 
on  board  of  her,  killing  one  man  and  wounding  eight  others, 
but  it  was  the  first  successful  shot  up  to  that  time  fired 
at  the  squadron  in  front  of  Santiago.  It  could  hardly  be 
expected  that  the  enemy’s  firing  would  fail  of  purpose  all  the 
time. 

The  landing  of  the  army  having  been  effected,  its  advance,  as 
well  as  that  could  be  seen,  or  known  from  signals,  was  watched 
with  intense  interest  from  the  blockading  ships.  At  times,  when 
the  atmospheric  conditions  were  favorable,  the  rattle  of  musketry 
or  the  reverberations  of  artillery  would  roll  up  over  the  table- 
lands skirting  the  coast  and  out  to  the  squadron.  To  the  prac- 
ticed ear  each  time  these  sounds  reached  the  ships  they  were 
interpreted  in  their  greater  distinctness  to  mean  that  every 
clash  of  arms  brought  our  army  closer  to  Santiago.  This  was 
indeed  the  case,  after  the  manner  of  our  interpretation. 

From  Daiquiri,  Altares  or  Siboney,  and  Aguadores,  the 
enemy’s  forces  at  these  points  were  driven  back  by  the  spirited 
charges  of  our  gallant  army.  Slowly  but  surely  the  army  was 
extending  its  lines  to  enfold  in  its  vigorous  coil  the  doomed  San- 
tiago with  its  defenders.  Fight  after  fight  had  resulted  in 
demonstrating  the  superior  morale  of  our  army.  With  each  set- 
ting sun  its  ranks  were  found  in  advanced  positions  nearer  to 
its  fated  objective.  And,  although  it  trudged  on  over  muddy 
roads,  through  morasses,  drenched  with  rain,  the  ardor  of  these 
brave  fellows  failed  not.  At  last  it  had  gained  a position  where 
its  next  move  must  of  necessity  be  against  the  last  lines  of  defense 
guarding  Santiago.  This  was  after  a brilliant  series  of  move- 
ments and  attacks  ending  about  June  30th.  On  that  day  Gen- 
eral Shatter  indicated  his  purpose  to  attack  the  next  morning 
in  a communication  from  his  headquarters  on  the  San  Juan 
River  to  Admiral  Sampson,  as  follows: 


THE  BOMBAllDMENT  OF  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  295 


Headquarters  Fifth  Army  Corps, 

Camp  near  San  Juan  River, 
June  30,  1898. 

Sir:  I expect  to  attack  Santiago  to-morrow  morning.  I wish  you 
would  bombard  the  forts  at  Aguadores  in  support  of  a regiment  of  in- 
fantry which  I shall  send  there  early  to-morrow,  and  also  make  such 
demonstration  as  you  think  proper  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  so  as  to 
keep  as  many  of  the  enemy  there  as  possible. 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  R.  Shafter, 

Major  General,  U.  8.  V.,  Com’d’g. 

In  conformity  with  this  request,  a formidable  bombardment 
of  the  forts  to  the  east  and  west  of  the  entrance  was  begun  by 
the  squadron  at  5.45  a.  m.  and  continued  until  7.45  on  July  2d. 
During  the  terrific  onslaught  of  our  army  the  day  before  the 
enemy  was  driven  back  at  all  points,  though  with  heavy  loss  to 
our  men ; and,  although  the  bombardment  of  the  forts  produced 
no  visible  injury,  yet  from  the  squadron’s  position  it  could  be 
seen  that  the  moral  effect  of  these  operations  had  been  disas- 
trous to  the  enemy.  His  forces  began  to  withdraw  from  their 
outposts  on  the  high  hills  west  of  the  harbor  on  the  morning 
of  July  2d,  with  the  purpose  of  retreat  to  the  defenses  about  the 
city  before  the  right  wing  of  our  army  could  be  extended  to 
cut  them  off  in  its  investment.  On  the  morning  of  July  2d  Ad- 
miral Sampson  received  this  telegram  from  General  Shafter : 

Terrible  fight  yesterday,  but  my  line  is  strongly  entrenched  three- 
quarters  of  a mile  from  town.  I urge  that  you  make  effort  immediately 
to  force  the  entrance  to  avoid  future  losses  among  my  men,  which  are 
already  very  heavy.  You  can  now  operate  with  less  loss  of  life  than  I can. 
Please  telephone  answer. 

W.  R.  Shafter, 
Major  General, 

Accordingly  the  following  message  was  telephoned: 

General  Shafter: 

Admiral  Sampson  has  this  morning  bombarded  forts  at  entrance  of 
Santiago,  and  also  Punta  Gorda  Battery  inside,  silencing  their  fire.  Do 
you  wish  further  firing  on  his  part?  He  began  at  5.50,  finished  at  7.30. 
Your  message  to  him  here.  Impossible  to  force  entrance  until  we  can  clear 
channel  of  mines — a work  of  some  time  after  forts  are  taken  possession  of 
by  your  troops.  Nothing  in  this  direction  accomplished  yesterday  by  the 
advance  on  Aguadores. 


Lieutenant  Staunton. 


296 


FORTY-FIVE  YEiYRS  UNDER  THE  FUVG 


A rejoinder  was  made  to  this  message  from  the  army  head- 
quarters as  follows: 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  say  when  I can  take  batteries  at  entrance 
to  harbor.  If  they  are  as  difficult  to  take  as  those  we  have  been  pitted 
against,  it  will  be  some  time  and  a great  loss  of  life.  I am  at  a loss  to 
see  why  the  navy  can  not  work  under  a destructive  fire  as  well  as  the 
army.  My  loss  yesterday  was  over  500  men.  By  all  means  keep  up  fire 
on  all  things  in  sight  of  you  until  demolished.  I expect,  however,  in  time 
and  with  sufficient  men  to  capture  the  forts  along  the  bay.  Shafter 

To  this  communication  from  the  general  the  communication 
which  follows  was  made  by  Admiral  Sampson : 

U.  S.  Flagship  ~New  York,  1st  Rate, 

No.  7.  Off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  2,  1898. 

My  Dear  General: 

I have  your  note  of  this  morning,  just  received  at  11.30.  An  officer 
of  my  staff  has  already  reported  to  you  the  firing  which  we  did  this 
morning,  and  I must  say,  in  addition  to  that,  he  has  told  you  that  the 
forts  which  we  silenced  were  not  the  forts  which  would  give  you  any 
inconvenience  in  capturing  the  city,  as  they  can  not  fire  except  to  seaward. 
They  can  not  even  prevent  our  entrance  into  the  harbor  of  Santiago.  Our 
trouble  from  the  first  has  been  that  the  channel  to  the  harbor  is  well 
strewn  with  observation  mines  which  would  certainly  result  in  the  sinking 
of  one  or  more  of  our  ships  if  we  attempted  to  enter  the  harbor;  and  by 
the  sinking  of  a ship  the  object  of  entering  the  harbor  would  be  defeated 
by  the  preventing  of  further  progress  on  our  part. 

It  was  my  hope  that  an  attack  on  your  part  of  these  shore  batteries, 
from  the  rear,  would  leave  us  at  liberty  to  drag  the  channel  for  torpedoes. 

If  it  is  your  earnest  desire  that  we  should  force  the  entrance,  I will  at 
once  prepare  to  undertake  it.  I think,  however,  that  our  position  and 
yours  would  be  made  more  difficult  if,  as  is  possible,  we  fail  in  our  attempt. 

We  have  in  our  outfit  at  Guantanamo  forty  countermining  mines  which 
I will  bring  here  with  as  little  delay  as  possible,  and  if  w^e  can  succeed  in 
freeing  the  entrance  of  mines  by  their  use  I will  enter  the  harbor 

This  work,  which  is  unfamiliar  to  us,  will  require  considerable  time. 

It  is  not  so  much  the  loss  of  men  as  it  is  the  loss  of  ships  which  has 
until  now  deterred  me  from  making  a direct  attack  upon  the  ships  within 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Commandcr-in-Chief,  U.  8.  Naval  Force, 
North  Atlantic  Station. 

At  the  western  end  of  the  blockade,  held  by  the  Brooklyn, 
a critical  moment  was  deemed  to  have  arrived.  The  falling  back 
of  the  enemy  from  his  outposts  on  the  high  hills  west  of  the 


THE  BOMBARDMENT  OE  DEFENSES  AT  SANTIAGO  297 


Socapa  battery,  and  the  ascending  columns  of  smoke  in  the  harbor 
from  the  Spanish  ships,  showed  clearly  that  they  were  dropping 
down  towards  the  entrance,  preparing  to  make  a sortie.  The 
commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  was  so  much  impressed  by 
these  unmistakable  evidences  of  the  enemy’s  intended  purposes 
that  the  Vixen  was  called  alongside  about  5 o’clock  in  the  after- 
noon of  July  2d  and  sent  with  a verbal  message  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief that  the  movements  on  the  hills  west,  together 
with  those  indicated  in  the  harbor,  were  suspicious  in  the  extreme 
of  the  enemy’s  purpose.  This  message  to  the  commander-in- 
chief  must  have  been  received  by  some  one  on  board  the  flag- 
ship, for  a reply  was  brought  back  from  the  New  York  to  the 
Brooklyn  directing  a sharp  lookout  to  be  kept  for  any  movement 
of  the  ships  of  the  enemy. 

We  know  now,  what  was  unknown  at  the  time,  that  during 
that  very  afternoon  Cervera  had  summoned  his  captains  on  board 
his  flagship  to  discuss  the  plan  of  sortie  and  to  give  them  his 
instructions.  From  a signal  made  afterwards  by  one  of  his  ships, 
‘'mejor  de  dia, ” which,  interpreted,  meant  ‘‘it  was  better  by 
day,”  the  question  appears  to  have  been  settled  in  favor  of  a 
sortie  by  day  rather  than  by  night. 

After  darkness  had  set  in,  the  Cuban  forces  advanced  upon 
the  blockhouses  abandoned  by  the  Spanish  in  the  afternoon  and 
burned  them  in  succession.  Strangely  enough,  their  number  was 
six,  the  number  corresponding  to  the  ships  in  Cervera’s  fleet. 
Several  of  his  officers  construed  this  coincidence  of  numbers  to 
be  a signal  from  the  insurgents  to  the  American  squadron  out- 
side that  a sortie  was  to  be  made  by  Cervera  with  six  ships. 

The  fact  was  that  no  system  of  signals  arranged  with  the 
insurgents  about  Santiago  had  ever  been  made  known  to  the 
commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron  during  the  blockade  and 
operations  in  that  vicinity.  The  glare  of  the  burning  block- 
houses had  no  other  meaning  to  us  than  the  evident  abandon- 
ment of  the  enemy’s  outer  lines. 

How  often  little  things  shape  fortune ! The  mistake  of  choos- 
ing daylight  instead  of  darkness  for  the  sortie  decided  the  fate 
of  Cervera’s  squadron.  If  he  had  risked  darkness  for  his  move- 
ment, the  action  might  have  been  different;  at  all  events  that 
question  is  full  of  ground  for  speculation. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 
JULY  3,  1898 

At  about  8.45  a.  m.,  of  July  3,  1898,  the  flag  orderly  of  the 
Brooklyn  reported  that  a signal  had  been  made  from  the  New 
York  to  “Disregard  movements  of  the  commander-in-chief,” 
and  that  the  flagship  had  gone  eastward  at  high  speed ; also,  that 
the  Massachusetts  had  withdrawn  from  the  blockade  during  the 
middle  watch  (12  to  4 a.  m.)  and  had  gone  eastward.  Vliere 
either  ship  had  gone,  or  for  what  purpose,  had  not  been  vouch- 
safed to  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron,  whose  flag, 
thus  left  on  the  blockading  lines,  in  accordance  with  the  naval 
regulations,  constituted  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron 
the  senior  officer  present  in  command. 

The  regulations  of  the  navy  settle  that  beyond  any  doubt,  by 
fixing  the  responsibility  of  such  officer  when  the  service  exigen- 
cies impose  such  duties  upon  him.  The  unwritten  customs  for 
centuries  for  governing  or  for  controlling  such  matters  have 
been  gathered  into  a written  code  for  the  service  guidance.  The 
theory  upon  wffiich  all  military  organization  is  based,  whether 
a squad  or  a squadron,  is  that  no  element  of  such  organization 
can  ever  be  left  without  a responsible  commander,  and  no  mili- 
tary exigency  can  occur  in  war  when  such  a force  is  ever  left 
without  some  one  in  control.  The  dates  of  commission  held  by 
officers  is  for  the  purpose  of  fixing  this  very  question.  The  dif- 
ferent gradations  in  the  non-commissioned  ranks  are  but  the 
continuation  of  the  line  of  command,  in  case  the  ravages  of  bat- 
tle remove  one  after  another  in  the  commissioned  grades.  There 
must  be  some  one  upon  whom  the  responsibility  of  success  or 
defeat  can  be  imposed. 

From  a confidential  document  under  the  title,  “Executive 
C,  Third  Session,  55th  Congress,”  a communication  by  Mr. 
Long  respecting  ‘ ‘ advancements  in  the  navy,  ” it  is  seen  that  the 
298 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 


299 


commander-in-chief ’s  movements  to  Siboney  on  that  morning 
were  under  orders  from  the  department  to  meet  General  Shafter. 
This  order  then  furnishes  an  explanation  of  the  commander-in- 
chief’s signal  and  subsequent  movements  eastward  on  July  3d. 
It  supplies,  too,  evidence  of  temporary  assignment  to  a new 
duty,  taking  him  on  shore  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army.  It 
fixes  incontestably,  also,  the  status  of  the  commander  of  the 
Second  Squadron  as  senior  officer  present  in  command  before 
Santiago  after  Sampson’s  withdrawal. 

If  the  battle  here  related  had  miscarried,  or  if  through  mis- 
management Cervera  or  any  of  his  ships  had  escaped  that  day, 
there  would  have  been  no  difficulty  whatever  about  who  was  in 
eommand,  or  who  would  have  had  to  bear  the  censure.  It  is  as 
certain  in  that  event  that  there  would  have  been  no  effort  to  prove 
that  the  New  York  was  within  signal  distance,  no  claim  that  it 
was  a captains’  battle,  nor  any  other  of  the  sophistries  that  were 
invented  in  the  aftermath  of  controversy  about  this  great  victory. 

No  instance  is  recalled  where  great  success  was  won  in  bat- 
tle where  every  participant  was  not  anxious  to  share  in  the 
glory,  but  no  instance  is  remembered  where  any  subordinate 
ever  desired  to  share  with  his  superior  the  odium  of  defeat. 
Santiago  alone  would  be  unique  as  one  of  the  world’s  great  bat- 
tles won  without  anybody  being  in  command.  If  defeat  had 
occurred  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  would  have 
had  to  take  his  medicine  just  the  same. 

While  the  squadron’s  strength  was  thus  reduced,  we  know 
to-day,  from  the  contributions  of  the  Spanish  officers,  published 
afterwards  by  the  Office  of  Naval  Intelligence,  and,  therefore, 
official,  that  Captain  Concas  made  a reconnaissance  at  the  mouth 
of  the  harbor  on  the  morning  of  the  battle  in  order  to  learn  the 
disposition  of  the  American  fleet.  The  absence  of  the  New  York 
and  Massachusetts  must  have  impressed  him  as  giving  Cervera 
the  most  opportune  moment  he  had  had  for  the  sortie  he  made 
at  9.35  A.  M.  on  July  3,  1898,  when  the  Spanish  squadron,  re- 
gardless of  the  torpedoes  in  the  channel,  was  discovered  filing 
out. 

The  day  chosen  was  beautiful,  with  occasional  clouds  pass- 
ing across  the  skies.  The  land  breeze  seemed  to  have  continued 
a little  longer  than  usual  off  shore  that  morning.  After  break- 


300 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


fasting,  a little  after  8 o’clock,  a walk  of  a few  moments  was 
taken  on  deck  to  survey  the  situation  with  glasses.  The  Brook- 
lyn was  lying  at  this  time  about  6,000  yards  from  the  Morro,  on 
a line  bearing  northeast  by  north  and  southwest  by  south,  her 
assigned  position. 

Going  below  for  a few  moments  to  change  into  Sunday  rig, 
then  returning  on  deck  to  a seat  under  a small  awning  spread 
on  the  after  part  of  the  quarter-deck  to  protect  the  officers  from 
the  great  heat  of  the  sun  as  it  mounted  higher  and  higher  in 
its  course  across  the  sky,  a more  careful  survey  of  the  situation 
was  made  by  the  commander.  Only  a little  while  afterwards  a 
call  was  heard  from'  the  forward  bridge  to  the  after  one  to  ‘ ‘ tell 
the  Commodore  that  the  Spanish  fleet  are  coming  out!”  The 
time  of  this  call  from  the  forward  bridge  is  fixed  by  the  fact  that 
it  was  Sunday  morning,  and  that,  as  customary,  the  crew  had 
been  called  to  inspection  at  9.30  a.  m.,  and  that  the  crew  had 
assembled.  It  could  not  have  been  later  than  9.35  a.  m.  that 
the  sortie  was  reported. 

The  Brooklyn's  head  at  this  moment  was  in  the  direction  of 
Cabanas  Cove,  to  the  westward  of  the  entrance  to  Santiago,  or 
to  the  westward  of  north.  The  enemy’s  ships  were  seen  from 
the  starboard  side  of  the  Brooklijn’s  quarter-deck  coming  out. 
The  Texas  was  approximately  a point  or  more  abaft  the  Brook- 
lyn's starboard  beam,  heading  to  the  eastward.  The  Iowa  was 
slightly  ahead  of  the  Texas,  or,  looking  from  the  Brooklyn,  to 
the  left  of  the  Texas  and  eastward.  The  Oregon  was  east  again 
of  the  Iowa.  The  Indiana  was  still  east  of  the  Oregon,  while 
the  Gloucester  appeared  to  be  lying  near  Aguadores,  and  the 
Vixen  near  Cabanas.  The  Neiv  York  was  out  of  sight  and  signal 
distance,  even  with  glasses  from  the  forward  bridge.  She  was 
in  the  bight  at  Siboney,  ten  or  eleven  miles  eastward  of  the  San- 
tiago entrance.  There  is  no  doubt  about  this  fact,  which  had  to 
be  decided  in  order  to  determine  the  authority  the  commander 
of  the  Second  Squadron  had  to  exercise  in  the  action  then  to  be 
fought. 

Position  was  taken  on  a wooden  platform,  caused  to  be  built 
some  weeks  before  around  the  conning  tower  and  raised  about 
three  feet  above  the  deck,  in  order  to  be  in  touch  with  Captain 
Cook  during  battle  and  for  better  observation  of  the  field.  Only 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 


301 


a few  moments  had  elapsed  when  Captain  Cook  joined  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron.  Mr.  Hodgson,  the  navigating 
officer,  sang  out  from  the  bridge  to  the  captain  something  about 
being  connected  up^,  and  to  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squad- 
ron, “Commodore,  they  are  coming  right  at  us!”  He  was  di- 
rected to  “go  right  for  them!”  As  the  helm  had  been  put 
aport,  to  bring  the  Brooklyn’s  head  towards  the  Spanish  squad- 
ron, the  order  was  given  to  Cook:  “Ahead,  full  speed!”  and  to 
the  flag  lieutenant  to  signal,  “Clear  ship  for  action,”  that  being 
done  to  get  rid  of  temporary  railings  and  awnings  and  to  pro- 
tect the  crew,  following  that  signal  with  “Close  up,”  or  “Close 
action,”  explaining  quickly  to  Cook  the  nature  of  these  signals, 
and  directing  him  to  maintain  the  action  at  about  1,000  yards, 
so  as  to  be  a little  outside  the  effective  torpedo  range  of  the 
Spanish  vessels.  Much  was  to  depend  upon  the  Brooklyn  that 
day,  in  the  absence  of  the  New  York,  which  was  the  only  other 
ship  with  sufficient  speed  to  have  kept  up  if  our  lines  had  been 
broken  through,  as  indeed  did  happen. 

Captain  Cook  replied  that  “we  should  soon  be  in  the  cross- 
fire of  our  own  ships.  ’ ’ His  attention  was  called  to  the  possible 
dashes  of  torpedo  boats,  and  it  is  recalled  that  he  directed  Lieu- 
tenant Commander  Mason  to  detail  two  or  three  rapid-fire  guns 
for  especial  use  against  them  if  any  such  attempts  were  made. 
The  first  gun  from  the  Brooklyn  was  fired  by  Lieutenant  Simp- 
son from  the  forward  turret,  almost  directly  over  the  bow. 

The  leading  ship,  Teresa,  evidently  intended  to  ram,  and  we 
now  know  that  this  was  the  Spanish  plan  of  battle;  but,  being 
driven  off  by  the  rapid  Are,  she  made  a sudden  rank  sheer  to 
the  westward,  leaving  a small  gap  between  herself  and  the  ship 
immediately  following,  which  was  recognized  afterwards  as  the 
Viscaya.  The  distance  at  this  time  was  reported  to  be  900  yards, 
but  for  some  reason  the  Viscaya,  also  intending  to  ram,  gave  up 
the  idea  and  sheered  westward  to  follow  the  Teresa. 

The  Brooklyn  was  steering  a course  diametrically  opposite 
to  that  steered  by  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  it  was  apparent  that 
the  original  plan,  to  rush  in  upon  the  enemy  as  his  squadron 
was  emerging  from  the  channel  and  sink  it,  had  failed.  The 
Spanish  squadron  had  practically  broken  through  and  passed 
the  battleship  line,  thereby  creating  a new  situation  in  the  fight, 


302 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FU\G 


and  one  that  had  to  be  met  at  once  to  prevent  their  escape. 
A new  disposition^  therefore,  had  to  be  made  instantly  in  order 
to  meet  the  new  condition  after  the  failure  of  the  first  plan. 
Cook,  under  his  general  instructions,  had  perceived  the  situation 
and  gave  the  order  “Hard  aport!’’  anticipating  by  a few  sec- 
onds a similar  order  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron 
would  have  given.  Flag  Lieutenant  Sears  was  ordered  to  hoist* 
signal,  ‘ ‘ Follow  the  flag,  ’ ’ which  Clark  saw,  obeyed  and  repeated. 

The  Brooklyn  swung  rapidly  and  continuously  around  to 
the  westward  through  a little  more  than  half  her  tactical  diam- 
eter, to  W.S.W. — the  full  tactical  diameter  being  the  diameter 
of  the  circle  she  would  have  turned  through  if  she  had  returned 
to  the  course  N.E.  by  N.,  from  which  she  was  started.  The  order 
to  port  the  helm  was  not  given  by  the  commander  of  the  Sec- 
ond Squadron,  though  it  was  the  proper  military  maneuver 
under  the  circumstances.  It  met  with  his  approval,  and  saved 
the  day  beyond  any  doubt.  But,  observing  that  the  Brooklyn's 
bow  was  swinging  rapidly  to  starboard,  the  inquiry  was  made 
of  Captain  Cook  whether  the  “helm  was  hard  aport?’^  The 
proximity  of  the  Brooklyn,  at  the  time  of  the  turn,  to  the  second 
ship,  afterwards  recognized  as  the  Viscaya,  is  remembered  dis- 
tinctly from  the  fact  that  a number  of  men  were  running  on 
her  decks  between  the  superstructure  and  her  forward  turret, 
and  that  daylight  was  observed  by  the  naked  eye  between  their 
legs  as  they  ran. 

There  was  no  colloquy  of  any  kind,  or  of  any  character,  with 
any  one  at  the  time  about  the  turn,  and  none  would  have  been 
permitted  with  any  officer.  That  was  one  of  many  fictions  that 
grew  up  among  others  six  or  eight  months  after  the  fight. 
Among  them  was  the  Texas  incident.  That  ship  was  never  for 
a moment  in  the  least  danger  from  the  Brooklyn.  During  the 
turn,  her  distance  was  never  nearer  than  five  or  six  hundred 
yards  from  the  Brooklyn.  Some  testimony  before  the  court  of 
inquiry,  in  1901,  placed  her  at  much  greater  distance.  During 
the  turn  the  starboard  side  of  the  Texas  was  never  seen  from 
the  Brooklyn  at  all. 

As  recalled  to-day,  the  leading  ship  of  the  Spanish  squadron 
was  a little  abaft  the  port  beam  of  the  Brooklyn  before  the  turn 
began,  and,  when  the  half-circle  had  been  turned  through,  that 


ADMIRAL  CERVERAS  SQUAESION 

AHDrHOSEOrIHE 

UNITED  STATES  FLEET 

m THE  BATTLE  OF  JULY 3*40898,  OFF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA 




'iWv 

. 

.--y  • 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 


303 


vessel  was  ahead  on  the  Brooklyn's  starboard  bow.  All  four  of 
the  Spanish  ships  and  the  Socapa  battery  were  firing  at  the 
Brooklyn,  for  it  is  remembered  distinctly  that  the  jets  of  water 
from  impinging  shells  around  the  Brooklyn  were  countless,  and 
the  unbroken  roar  of  projectiles  passing  over  her  was  akin  to 
that  of  a passing  train  of  ears.  Up  to  this  moment  of  the  action 
there  was  not  the  slightest  evidence  perceptible  that  the  enemy’s 
ships  had  been  injured.  It  was  apprehended  that,  notwithstand- 
ing our  vigilance  and  waiting,  those  ships  had  broken  through 
our  lines  and  would  escape. 

It  was  felt  and  remarked  at  that  time  to  Captain  Cook  that 
we  were  alone  in  the  fight  and  would,  perhaps,  have  to  bear  the 
brunt  alone,  as  it  was  not  thought  that  any  of  the  battleships 
could  develop  speed  enough  to  keep  up.  There  was  hardly  any 
hope  that  the  Brooklyn  alone  could  withstand  the  continuous 
artillery  fire  of  the  Spanish  fleet ; nevertheless  it  was  determined 
to  stay  with  them,  be  the  consequences  what  they  might.  After 
a few  moments,  the  enemy’s  ships  appeared  to  have  broken  up  a 
little,  though  still  in  some  formation.  Looking  astern  at  this 
moment,  the  Oregon  was  seen  breaking  through  the  cloud  of 
smoke  enveloping  the  entire  field  of  battle.  She  had  what  sailors 
call  “a  tremendous  bone  in  her  mouth,”  and  was  following  the 
flag,  as  Clark  had  seen  the  signals  “Follow  the  flag”  and  “Close 
up.”  This  brought  a change  in  the  situation,  and  from  that 
moment  the  result  was  in  no  degree  doubtful. 

For  the  next  fifteen  minutes,  with  Clark  on  the  Brooklyn’s 
quarter,  the  fighting  was  terrific.  Both  ships  were  a sheet  of 
flame  fore  and  aft,  and  what  rapid  gun-fire  meant  was  truly 
realized.  Not  many  minutes  had  passed  in  this  terrific  on- 
slaught before  the  leading  ship  of  the  enemy  was  observed  to  be 
badly  hurt  and  wabbling  like  a bird  wounded,  and  apparently 
lagging.  Smoke  was  seen  issuing  from  her  ports,  and,  but  a 
few  minutes  afterwards,  from  her  hatches,  in  columns  mounting 
straight  into  the  air.  It  was  ominous  of  her  end  in  the  fight, 
and  clear  that  one  of  the  enemy  had  been  knocked  out.  It  was 
remarked  to  Cook,  standing  near,  that  “We  have  got  one.  Keep 
the  boys  below  informed  of  all  the  movements.  They  can’t  see, 
and  they  want  to  know.”  Cook  did  this  every  few  moments 
throughout  the  action,  and  the  cheering  that  reached  the  bridge 


304 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VES  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


indicated  the  delight  of  those  below.  The  Teresa  turned  in  for 
the  beach,  on  fire  fore  and  aft,  and  ran  ashore  about  six  miles 
west  of  the  entrance  to  Santiago. 

It  appeared  to  be  only  a short  interval  of  time  afterwards 
when  a second  ship,  the  Oquendo,  was  observed  to  be  on  fire. 
She,  too,  had  suffered  severely,  and,  like  the  first,  wabbled  for 
a while  and  then  turned  inshore  on  fire,  and  was  beached  about 
half  a mile  west  of  the  Teresa.  She  had  been  riddled  with 
shells.  This  left  the  Viscaya  and  Colon.  The  former  took  a 
position  in  the  lead  to  the  westward,  on  the  BrooMyn’s  starboard 
bow,  appearing  for  a while  to  outfoot  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon; 
but  it  was  not  so,  in  fact.  The  Colon  worked  more  inshore 
towards  the  beach  out  of  the  fire,  and  from  the  time  the  first 
two  ships  had  dropped  out  of  the  fight  until  the  Viscaya  had 
turned  in  to  the  beach,  on  fire  and  beaten,  was  perhaps  thirty 
minutes.  During  this  duel  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Oregon  had  so 
gained  on  the  retreating  ships  that  the  Viscaya  was  abeam,  or 
nearly  so.  She  had  been  savagely  punished  in  the  interim,  and, 
only  a moment  before  turning  in,  she  appeared  to  turn  as  if 
coming  towards  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon,  but  at  this  moment  a 
heavy  explosion  under  her  port  how  took  place,  doubtless  from 
a shell  from  one  of  the  opposing  ships.  Then  she  turned  inshore, 
with  a list  to  port  so  marked  it  was  thought  she  would  capsize 
in  deep  water.  Her  colors  were  hauled  down  and  she  fled  in  her 
turn  inshore,  on  fire  fore  and  aft,  and  was  beached  on  the  reef  at 
Asseraderos  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  miles  west  of  Santiago. 

During  the  terrific  onslaught  of  the  Spanish  column,  after 
the  Brooklyn’s  turn,  all  the  signal  halyards  were  shot  away,  and 
in  the  solicitude  felt  for  the  safety  of  the  Viscaya’ s people,  the 
signal  officer.  Ensign  Edward  McCauley,  was  directed  to  make 
signal  to  the  Texas  to  save  the  people  of  the  Viscaya.  In  a few 
minutes  IMcCauley  returned  and  reported  that,  during  the  fero- 
cious onslaught  of  the  Spanish  ships  to  the  eastward,  the  signal 
halyards  had  been  shot  away  and  that  the  Texas  was  so  far 
astern  he  had  been  unable  to  attract  her  attention  with  the  “wig- 
wag, ” as  the  army  code  is  known  on  board  ship. 

The  observation  was  made  to  him,  “Never  mind,  Philip  is 
always  sensible;  he  needs  no  instruction  about  such  things.” 
During  the  onslaught  referred  to,  the  iron  speed-cone  fell. 


THE  BROOKLYN  IN  TJIE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO  DE  CUBA,  JULY  3,  189S. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 


305 


striking  the  rail  of  the  bridge  where  the  commander  of  the  Sec- 
ond Squadron  was  standing.  Its.  halyards  having  been  shot 
away,  the  cone  fell  from  the  signal  yard-arm,  and,  if  it  had 
struck  any  one,  serious  if  not  fatal  injury  would  have  resulted 
from  the  blow. 

During  the  engagement  wdth  the  Viscaya,  the  smoke  at  times 
was  so  dense  that  inquiry  was  made  of  one  of  the  marines  in 
the  forward  military  top  as  to  the  effect  of  the  fire  upon  that 
ship.  His  reply,  that  he  could  see  none  of  the  shots  striking 
the  water,  left  the  impression  that  they  must  then  be  striking 
that  ship.  It  proved  to  be  correct.  Being  anxious,  too,  about 
the  ranges,  that  neither  the  Viscaya  nor  the  Colon  should  get 
out  of  good  fighting  range,  descent  was  made  to  the  platform  on 
the  deck  below,  around  the  outside  of  the  fighting  tower,  where 
Yeoman  Ellis  was  stationed  to  give  the  ranges  shown  by  the 
stadimeter  to  the  captain,  who  communicated  them  from  time 
to  time  during  the  battle  to  the  different  divisions.  Ellis  re- 
ported that  the  Brooklyn  was  maintaining  about  the  same  range, 
but,  to  eyes  sensitively  trained  in  judging  distances,  it  appeared 
that  the  interval  was  growing  somewhat. 

Ellis  went  towards  the  side  a second  time  to  verify  the  range. 
He  had  advanced  only  a few  feet  when  he  was  struck  in  the 
face  by  a large  shell,  and  fell,  instantly  dead,  only  a few  feet 
away.  It  was  a shocking  scene  to  those  wdio  had  never  before 
witnessed  such  things.  Ensign  McCauley  and  Dr.  DeValin, 
who  were  near  by,  picked  up  the  headless  body  and  carried  it 
to  the  ship’s  side.  At  that  moment,  happening  to  look  in  that 
direction  and  divining  their  intention  to  throw  the  body  over- 
board, of  course  thoughtlessly,  the  order  was  given,  ‘‘No!  Do 
not  throw  that  body  overboard!  One  who  has  fallen  so  gal- 
lantly deserves  the  honors  of  Christian  burial ! ’ ’ The  body  was 
reverently  laid  beside  the  turret  and  covered  over  till  place  and 
time  could  be  found  to  bury  it  with  the  honors  of  war  after  the 
battle  was  over. 

The  Colon  was  left,  and  had  worked  her  way  in  close  to  the 
beach,  apparently  as  if  seeking  some  favorable  place  to  run 
ashore  to  save  the  crew  and  escape.  It  was  surmised  that  the 
sight  her  crew  had  witnessed  astern,  as  one  after  another  of  the 
ships  of  her  squadron  had  been  vanquished  and  had  fled  to  the 


30G 


FOETY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


beach,  had  suggested  to  her  commander  the  utter  uselessness  of 
attempting  further  resistance  when  he  could  end  matters  at 
once.  Signal  was  made  to  cease  firing,  and  instructions  were 
given  to  let  the  men  have  a hasty  luncheon  in  the  cooler  air 
above  decks,  after  the  Viscaya  had  been  driven  from  the  combat, 
it  being  evident  that  the  Colon  could  not  escape.  Before  the  end 
came  to  the  Colon,  in  the  chase  outward  to  the  Tarquino  River, 
directions  were  given  to  get  up  a number  of  extra  rounds  for 
the  battery,  so  that,  should  the  remaining  ship  venture  out  of 
the  bight  to  escape,  she  must  pass  very  close,  when  the  Brooklyn 
would  be  able  to  pump  iron  into  her  for  a few  minutes,  which 
would  end  her  in  short  order.  Cook  suggested  also,  that  even  if 
she  did,  unluckily,  escape,  the  victory  already  gained  was  over- 
whelming; but  when  Nelson’s  disappointment  over  the  escape 
of  two  ships  at  Aboukir  Bay  was  recalled,  he  agreed  with  the 
commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  that,  if  necessary,  the  Brook- 
lyn should  chase  her  to  Cadiz. 

It  was  noticed,  also,  that  the  motion  of  the  ship  in  rolling 
was  not  natural,  and  this  suggested  an  examination  of  the  com- 
partments below  by  the  carpenter,  which  developed  the  fact  that 
the  after  compartment  was  full  of  water,  thought  to  be  due  to 
some  injury  below  the  w^ater-line.  As  the  extent  of  the  damage 
or  its  cause  was  not  known,  it  was  held  to  be  wiser  to  wait  until 
the  ship  could  reach  smoother  water,  to  facilitate  better  handling, 
if  the  damage  should  be  found  to  be  under  water. 

As  ship  after  ship  fell  out  of  the  line  of  battle,  they  were 
disregarded,  as  it  was  felt  that  those  vessels  which  were  unable 
to  keep  up  the  pace  of  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  would  take  care 
to  save  the  prisoners. 

After  the  first  few  moments  of  the  battle,  the  field  was  so 
covered  with  smoke  that  the  Indiana  and  Gloucester  could  not  be 
seen,  except  occasionally.  They  w’ere  seen  advancing  and  were 
believed  to  be  doing  good  work,  but  the  battle  changed  so  rapidly 
westward  that  their  share  in  the  work  of  the  day  was  not  imme- 
diately under  the  eye  of  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron. 

About  12.50  p.  M.  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  had  overhauled 
the  Colon  so  much  as  to  have  her  in  range  of  the  thirteen-  and 
eight-inch  guns  of  both  ships.  Signal  was  made  to  the  Oregon 
to  try  her  thirteen-inch  guns,  with  the  result  that  the  first  shell 


21 


308 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


fell  apparently  close  under  the  Colon's  stern.  Another  passed 
over  and  beyond  her.  An  eight-inch  shell  from  the  Brooklyn 
passed  over  her,  and  others  from  both  ships  fell  close.  One  of 
the  eight-inch  shells  from  the  Brooklyn  fell  beyond,  as  the  jet  of 
water  when  it  impinged  was  seen  plainly  from  the  bridge  be- 
yond the  Colon.  This  firing  appeared  to  convince  Captain  Moron 
of  the  Colon  that  further  resistance  was  hopeless,  so  he  caused  a 
gun  to  be  fired  to  leeward,  a signal  of  surrender,  hauled  down 
his  flag  and  ran  his  ship  ashore,  at  1.15  p.  m.,  on  the  bar  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tarquino  River,  distant  about  forty-three  miles 
from  the  entrance  to  Santiago,  off  which  the  Virginiiis  had  been 
seized,  some  twenty-five  years  before,  and  carried  into  Santiago, 
where  many  of  her  crew  were  shot  by  General  Burriel’s  orders. 

Signal  was  made  to  “Cease  firing;  the  enemy  has  surren- 
dered.” Both  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  bore  down  upon  the 
Colon,  and  were  within  a few  hundred  yards  of  her  about  1.30 
p.  M.,  with  the  batteries  of  both  ships  trained  upon  her.  A boat 
was  lowered  as  quickly  as  possible,  and  Captain  F.  A.  Cook  was 
sent  on  board  to  demand  unconditional  surrender.  The  flag 
lieutenant,  Lieutenant  B.  W.  Wells,  Ensign  Halligan,  and 
Boatswain  Hill  accompanied  Captain  Cook  to  assist  him  in  the 
ceremonies  of  the  surrender. 

The  fight  having  ended  at  1.15  p.  m.,  a natural  interest  in 
the  vessels  following  prompted  a survey  of  the  horizon  with 
glasses.  The  masts  of  two  ships  and  the  smoke  only  of  a third 
were  descried  away  on  the  horizon.  Later,  the  first  two  were 
discovered  to  be  the  Texas  and  Vixen.  The  third,  whose  smoke 
was  visible,  proved  to  be  the  New  York,  which  arrived  on  the 
scene  at  2.23  p.  m.,  one  hour  and  eight  minutes  after  the  battle 
had  ended.  If  the  New  Yo7'k  was  making  at  that  time  the  speed 
of  seventeen  knots,  as  Captain  Chadwick  reported  in  his  letter 
dated  July  29,  1898,  to  the  commander-in-chief  at  Guantanamo, 
then  at  the  time  of  the  Colon's  surrender  she  could  not  have  been 
nearer  than  about  nineteen  miles — too  far  to  be  within  seeing  dis- 
tance, and  too  far  away  to  be  anywhere  within  signal  distance 
when  this  great  battle  ended. 

A conspicuous  figure  on  board  the  Brooklyn  in  that  day’s 
fight  was  Mr.  Geo.  E.  Graham,  of  Albany,  N.  Y.,  the  correspond- 
ent of  the  Associated  Press.  Though  short  in  stature,  Mr. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SANTIAGO 


309 


Graham  was  long  in  courage.  In  the  smoke  and  din  of  battle  he 
fearlessly  sought  the  best  point  of  observation  to  record  the 
incidents  of  the  action.  He  was  the  only  correspondent  with  the 
fleet  who  witnessed  the  combat  under  fire  from  beginning  to  end, 
or  whose  account  of  the  battle  was  written  from  observation  of 
its  details  from  the  very  commencement  to  the  final  gun  fired. 

The  grand  result  of  the  day  was  that  the  Brooklyn  and  the 
Oregon  won  a renown  which  can  not  be  ‘Gmpugned  by  disap- 
pointment, or  mitigated  by  jealousy,  or  contemned  by  envy  as 
long  as  justice  holds  empire  in  the  reason  of  our  countrymen!” 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 
1898 

As  the  New  York  was  approaching  the  final  scene  of  the 
tragedy,  signal  was  made  from  the  Brooklyn,  “We  have  gained 
a great  victory ; details  will  be  communicated.  ’ ’ This  signal  was 
kept  flying  quite  a half  hour  before  it  was  answered  by  the 
New  York,  but  the  omission  was  thought  to  arise  from  the  fact 
that  the  signal  could  not  be  read  at  the  distance  the  New  York 
was.  When  it  was  answered,  however,  it  was  in  the  form  of  an 
order  to  ‘ ‘ Report  your  casualties.  ” It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no 
word  of  congratulation,  so  much  valued  by  men  and  officers  on 
such  occasions,  issued  from  the  flagship.  Notwithstanding  this, 
at  2.15  p.  M.,  while  the  New  York  was  still  some  two  miles  away, 
another  signal  was  made  from  the  Brooklyn,  “This  is  a great  day 
for  our  country!”  This  signal  was  merely  acknowledged  with 
an  answering  pennant,  but  no  answer  otherwise  was  made. 

At  2.23  p.  M.  the  New  York  arrived  and  steamed  into  a posi- 
tion between  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Colon.  Cook  had  been  de- 
tained for  some  time  on  board  the  Colon  in  arranging  the  surren- 
der; when  this  was  concluded,  he  was  returning  as  the  New  York 
arrived  and  was  ordered  on  board  that  ship  to  make  a report. 
As  Cook’s  orders  were  given  by  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron,  it  would  have  relieved  the  official  records  of  an  error 
if  the  latter  officer  had  been  able  to  say  that  no  orders  liad  been 
given  by  him  that  the  Spanish  officers  in  surrendering  uncon- 
ditionally should  retain  their  effects.  It  would  have  given  the 
opportunity  to  state  that  the  Oregon  did  not  take  a ‘ ‘ front  posi- 
tion in  the  chase.”  The  Oregon’s  services  on  the  day  of  battle 
were  superb ; her  position  was  always  close  to  the  Brooklyn  from 
beginning  to  end,  but  she  was  at  no  time  ahead.  Clark’s  testi- 
mony at  the  inquiry,  three  years  afterwards,  is  conclusive  upon 
this  point,  and  settles  for  all  time  the  Oregon’s  position  as  well 
310 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


311 


as  the  part  taken  by  the  two  ships  in  the  result  of  the  day’s 
battle. 

As  soon  as  Cook  returned  from  the  New  York,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron  went  in  the  same  boat  to  the 
New  York  to  report,  as  customary.  As  this  boat  shoved  off 
from  the  ship’s  side,  with  the  commodore’s  pennant  flying  from 
a staff  in  the  bow,  the  crews  of  the  Brooklyn,  Oregon,  Texas  and 
Vixen  manned  the  rail,  shouting  in  tumultuous  huzzas  that  fairly 
shook  the  air.  It  was  a tribute  of  confidence,  an  expression  of 
approval  in  the  very  smoke  of  battle,  that  can  not  be  dimmed  or 
diminished  by  envious  disappointments  shown  afterwards. 

Arriving  on  board  the  New  York,  the  commander-in-chief 
received  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron.  Very  nat- 
urally, he  appeared  to  be  disappointed  that  an  unfortunate  cir- 
cumstance had  prevented  the  New  York  from  participating  in 
the  glories  of  that  day’s  work.  After  running  hastily  over  the 
events  of  the  battle,  the  suggestion  was  made  to  hoist  our  flag 
over  the  Colon,  coupled  with  the  offer  of  the  boat  flag  of  the 
Brooklyn’s  boat  for  that  purpose.  This  was  declined  by  Cap- 
tain Chadwick,  who  had  a flag  of  the  New  York  brought  up 
from  below  for  this  duty.  Several  officers  of  the  New  York  were 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  quarter-deck,  and  appeared  anxious 
to  hear  the  incidents  of  the  battle. 

While  they  were  being  narrated,  the  chaplain  came  over  to 
that  side  and  said,  “Commodore,  your  work  is  not  over  yet! 
The  Resolute  has  just  arrived.  Captain  Eaton  reports  that  there 
is  a Spanish  battleship  on  the  coast  and  the  admiral  wants  to 
see  you.”  Going  immediately  to  where  Admiral  Sampson  was 
sitting.  Captain  Clark  was  met.  Sampson  directed  the  Brooklyn 
and  Oregon  to  go  eastward  to  meet  this  supposed  newcomer  and 
engage  her.  Before  leaving  the  New  York,  the  suggestion  was 
made  to  the  admiral  that  all  preparations  had  been  made  on  the 
Brooklyn  before  his  arrival  for  sending  a force  of  mechanics, 
marines  and  seamen  to  take  possession  of  the  Colon  in  order  to 
prevent  injury.  This  suggestion  arose  from  the  fact  that,  on 
approaching  the  stranded  ship,  there  had  been  seen  perceptible 
evidence  that  things  were  being  thrown  overboard.  The  absence 
of  a number  of  breech-blocks  from  the  battery  afterwards  clearly 
indicated  that  this  inference  was  correct.  It  was  believed  that 


312 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


this  destruction  would  not  be  confined  to  the  guns  alone,  but 
that,  in  the  state  of  demoralization  at  that  moment  on  board  her, 
advantage  would  be  taken  to  destroy  piping,  pumps  and  other 
things  easily  injured  or  broken  in  the  engine  compartments. 

The  incident  of  the  visit  made  to  the  flagship  on  that  3d 
of  July  after  our  signal  victory  recalls  another  made  after  the 
great  battle  of  St.  Vincent,  more  than  a hundred  years  before, 
when  the  immortal  Nelson  went  on  board  the  flagship  Victory 
to  present  to  his  commander-in-chief,  Sir  John  Jervis,  the  sword 
of  the  Spanish  admiral.  Nelson,  in  that  battle,  ‘‘wore  ship,” 
turning  away  from  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  thus  increased  his  dis- 
tance from  it  by  the  tactical  diameter  of  his  vessel,  instead  of 
“tacking”  and  turning  in  towards  the  enemy.  Grand  old  Jervis 
took  Nelson  in  his  arms,  saying  he  could  not  thank  him  enough, 
but  insisted  that  Nelson  should  retain  the  sword  he  had  so  val- 
iantly won.  The  sequel  is  a matter  of  history,  also,  that  Captain 
Calder  of  the  Victory,  chief  of  staff,  suggested  to  Admiral  Jervis, 
that  night  in  the  cabin  of  the  flagship,  that  Nelson  had  rendered 
himself  liable  to  a court-martial  for  disobeying  the  “order  of 
battle.”  The  valiant  old  admiral  is  reported  to  have  replied, 
“If  you  ever  disobey  orders  in  the  same  way,  I will  forgive 
you.” 

But  more  significant  still  is  the  fact  that  this  selfsame  chief 
of  staff,  who  had  suggested  to  the  admiral  the  liability  of  Nelson 
to  court-martial-for  doing  what  was  thought  proper  at  St.  Vin- 
cent, as  a vice  admiral,  afterwards,  in  1805,  was  deprived  of  his 
command  of  a fleet  of  some  nineteen  ships  for  failing  to  improve 
the  opportunity  on  June  22d,  of  that  year,  to  destroy  the  fleet 
of  Villeneuve,  which  Nelson  met,  overwhelmed  and  almost  anni- 
hilated four  months  later  at  Trafalgar. 

The  victory  of  July  3d,  at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  was  even  more 
decisive  than  St.  Vincent  or  Trafalgar,  in  that  every  ship  of  the 
enemy  was  destroyed  and  the  entire  personnel,  from  the  admiral 
to  the  least  of  the  seamen,  with  few  exceptions,  was  captured. 
It  resulted  in  the  expulsion  of  the  Spanish  flag  from  the  waters 
of  the  American  continent.  It  was  a means  to  peace. 

After  receipt  of  the  admirars  order  to  seek  and  engage  the 
Spanish  battleship  reported  on  the  coast,  a hasty  call  was  made 
alongside  the  Texas  to  obtain  the  services  of  her  chaplain  to 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


313 


bury  poor  Ellis.  The  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  then 
proceeded  to  the  Brooklyn,  which  Cook  soon  had  under  way. 
Signal  was  made  to  the  Oregon  to  “follow  the  flag,”  and  the 
Brooklyn  proceeded  at  high  speed  eastward.  It  was  observed 
in  a short  time  that  the  Oregon  did  not  follow,  the  inference 
being  that  she  had  been  detained  for  some  service  by  the  admiral, 
who  considered  the  Brooklyn  quite  sufficient  for  the  work.  It 
was  held  to  be  a high  compliment  to  her  officers  and  men,  always 
ready  and  enthusiastic  for  any  duty.  If,  as  was  stated  after- 
wards, it  was  known  on  the  New  York  at  the  time  that  the  re- 
ported stranger  was  not  an  enemy,  then  the  question  is  pertinent 
why  the  Brooklyn  should  have  been  sent  away  at  all. 

About  an  hour  after  the  Brooklyn  left  the  Tarquino  River, 
a vessel  was  descried  to  the  eastward  hastening  to  the  westward. 
She  proved  later  to  be  the  Vixen,  with  Flag  Lieutenant  Staunton 
on  board.  She  came  alongside  within  close  hailing  distance, 
when  Mr.  Staunton  reported  that  the  smoke  seen  ahead  to  the 
eastward  was  that  of  the  Belay o;  that  he  had  gone  close  enough 
to  distinguish  her  colors,  and  that  he  was  sure  she  was  this 
Spanish  battleship.  He  was  directed  to  go  west  and  report  to 
the  admiral  that  the  Brooklyn  would  go  on  to  the  eastward, 
meet  and  engage  the  Pelayo.  While  approaching  this  supposed 
enemy,  with  the  crew  at  quarters  for  battle,  the  guns  of  the  bat- 
tery trained  upon  her,  it  must  be  confessed  it  was  not  easy  to 
distinguish  the  colors  she  wore  at  the  stern  or  masthead,  the 
Spanish  and  Austrian  flags  being  similar,  the  only  difference 
existing  in  the  color  of  the  middle  horizontal  stripe,  which  in 
the  Spanish  flag  is  yellow  and  in  the  Austrian  white. 

Both  ships  were  well  in  to  the  coast,  and  as  several  guns  and 
gun-mounts  of  the  Brooklyn’s  starboard  battery  had  been  dis- 
abled in  the  three  or  more  hours’  flght  in  the  morning,  it  was 
decided  to  flght  the  port  battery,  and,  as  the  Kearsarge  and 
Alabama  had  done,  in  a circle.  To  do  this,  distance  had  to  be 
gained  offshore  by  putting  the  helm  again  to  port,  to  bring  the 
enemy  on  the  Brooklyn’s  port  side,  when,  lo  and  behold,  the 
enemy  put  her  helm  to  starboard  with  the  same  intent,  that  is, 
to  gain  distance  from  the  coast  in  order  to  meet  the  Brooklyn’s 
move  for  more  room  in  which  to  maneuver.  This  movement  ap- 
peared to  fix  the  fact  that  she  was  looking  for  the  Brooklyn. 


314 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


As  it  was  near  dark,  it  was  observed  that  the  search-lights 
of  the  stranger  were  projected  upward  to  her  flags  at  the  mast- 
heads. But  the  Brooklyn  being  in  good  point-blank  range,  no 
time  was  to  be  lost  in  giving  the  first  blow.  Accordingly  the 
order  was  given  to  Cook  to  ‘ ‘ stand  by  to  begin  firing.  ’ ’ At  this 
critical  moment,  the  signal  officer.  Ensign  Edward  McCauley, 
called  out,  ‘ ‘ Commodore,  she  is  making  a signal ! ’ ’ This  occurred 
not  a moment  too  soon.  The  order  to  Cook,  ‘"Avast,”  averted 
a dreadful  calamity,  for  a second  later  every  gun  of  the  Brook- 
lyn’s port  battery  would  have  hurled  its  message  of  death  into 
another  Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  but  this  time  of  the  friendly 
power  of  Austria! 

As  soon  as  the  vessel’s  nationality  had  been  discovered,  the 
Brooklyn’s  guns  were  trained  off,  and  she  approached  the 
friendly  ship,  whose  commanding  officer  came  on  board,  explain- 
ing that  he  had  run  the  gantlet  from  Daiquiri  to  seek  the  com- 
mander-in-chief in  order  to  obtain  permission  to  go  into  Santiago 
to  carry  out  Austrian  subjects.  Though  there  was  no  objec- 
tion to  this,  the  presence  of  foreign  warships  at  such  times  was 
an  embarrassment  to  those  who  had  to  fight.  It  was  suggested 
that  it  was  doubtful  if  the  enemy  w^ould  permit  him  to  enter  the 
harbor,  owing  to  the  torpedo  mines  in  the  channel,  and  that  it 
would  be  wiser  to  withdraw  to  sea  during  the  night  and  not 
attempt  to  approach  the  line  of  the  blockade,  as  the  ship  could 
not  be  furnished  with  the  night-signal  countersign,  and  if  the 
commander  should  attempt  to  do  so  without  it,  he  would  surely 
be  fired  upon.  The  ship  withdrew  some  twenty  miles  to  sea  for 
that  night,  and  the  next  morning  the  enemy  refused  to  allow  it 
to  pass  the  channel. 

One  of  the  incidents  of  the  approach  of  these  two  vessels 
was  that,  as  soon  as  the  stranger’s  hull  became  visible,  it  was 
perceived  that  she  was  a turreted  ship  of  the  class  of  the  Cis- 
neros, or  Carlos  V.  As  the  Pelayo  was  a barbette  ship,  there 
was  some  relief  that  the  Brooklyn  would  have  an  easier  job. 
When  her  nationality  became  known,  there  was  some  disappoint- 
ment among  the  splendid  crew  of  the  Brooklyn,  for  having  lost 
a chance  to  prove  their  worth  when  alone. 

Proceeding  eastward,  as  it  was  felt  that,  with  the  command- 
er-in-chief at  the  wreck  of  the  Colon,  the  proper  place  for  the 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


315 


second  in  command  was  before  Santiago,  the  torpedo-boat 
Dupont,  Lieutenant  W.  W.  Kimball  commanding,  was  met  pro- 
ceeding to  the  westward  in  quest  of  the  commander-in-chief. 
Prom  a signal  at  4.25  from  the  New  York  to  the  Brooklyn, 
‘‘Will  remain  in  charge  of  prize,”  the  information  was  given 
Kimball  that  the  flagship  was  at  the  Tarquino  River. 

The  Brooklyn  continued  eastward,  and  about  10  p.  m.  passed 
the  Yiscaya,  still  in  flames.  Just  as  the  Brooklyn  was  abreast  of 
her  a heavy  explosion  occurred  on  board,  which  was  thought  at 
the  time  to  come  from  one  of  the  magazines.  It  was  her  last 
salute  to  her  old  enemy. 

Captain  Taylor  inquired  the  fate  of  the  Colon,  and  when  the 
answer  was  returned  that  she  had  surrendered  at  1.15  that  after- 
noon, his  ship’s  company  cheered  heartily.  Captain  Evans  of 
the  Iowa  reported  that  Cervera  and  a number  of  prisoners  were 
on  board  his  ship.  A call  was  made  upon  Admiral  Cervera 
about  midnight.  During  this  interview  it  was  suggested  that 
he  had  lost  all,  except  his  honor;  that  if  he  would  make  use 
of  the  wardrobe,  or  the  purse,  of  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron,  both  were  at  his  disposal.  The  admiral  appeared  to 
be  much  touched  at  this  offer  of  assistance,  and  replied  that  the 
officers  and  men  of  the  Iowa  had  taken  care  to  provide  them 
with  clothing,  and  added  that  he  “had  never  met  a sailor  who 
was  not  a gentleman”!  He  stated  that  he  would  like  authority 
to  send  a despatch  to  the  captain  general  announcing  his  dis- 
aster. This  despatch  was  as  follows,  and  was  sent  as  he  had 
requested : 

Captain  General,  Havana: 

In  compliance  with  your  excellency’s  orders,  I went  out  from  Santiago 
yesterday  morning  with  the  whole  squadron,  and  after  an  unequal  battle 
against  forces  more  than  three  times  as  large  as  mine  my  whole  squadron 
was  destroyed.  Teresa,  Oquendo,  and  Viscaya,  all  with  fire  on  board,  ran 
ashore.  Colon,  according  to  information  from  Americans,  ran  ashore  and 
surrendered.  The  destroyers  sunk.  Do  not  know  as  yet  loss  of  men,  but 
surely  600  l^illed  and  many  wounded  (proportion  of  latter  not  so  large). 
The  survivors  are  United  States  prisoners.  Gallantry  of  all  the  crews  has 
earned  most  enthusiastic  congratulations  of  enemy.  Captain  of  Viscaya 
was  allowed  to  retain  his  sword.  I feel  very  grateful  for  generosity  and 
courtesy  with  which  they  treat  us.  Among  dead  is  Villamil,  and,  I believe, 
Lazaga.  Concas  and  Eulate  wounded.  We  have  lost  everything,  and  I 
shall  need  funds.  Cervera. 

Plata  del  Este,  July  4,  1898. 


316 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


After  leaving  the  Iowa,  a call  was  made  upon  Commodore 
J.  C.  Watson,  who  had  proceeded  from  Guantanamo  with  the 
Marblehead,  to  take  charge  of  matters  during  the  absence  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  The  great  enthusiasm  of  everybody  over 
the  magnificent  victory  of  the  day  kept  sleep  from  the  eyes  of 
almost  every  one  until  the  dawn  of  the  following  day,  July  4th, 
which  was  a day  near  and  dear  to  Americans.  The  flag  seemed 
more  beautiful  at  sunrise  for  the  new  glories  won  under  its  folds 
the  day  before. 

Weary  with  fatigue,  and  with  the  mucous  membrane  of  throat 
and  nose  sore  from  ammonia  gas  released  in  the  powder  smoke 
of  battle,  it  was  some  time  before  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron  fell  to  sleep,  but  it  seemed  only  for  a short  period, 
when  the  flag  lieutenant,  a little  after  daylight,  aroused  him  to 
announce  the  presence  on  board  of  the  commanding  officer  of  a 
British  corvette,  just  arrived  on  the  blockading  line  from  Ja- 
maica, who  desired  to  pay  his  respects.  While  the  interview  was 
limited  to  a few  minutes  only,  it  was  improved  by  the  visitor  to 
add  his  congratulations  upon  the  result  of.  the  day  before,  as 
well  as  to  express  his  assurance  that  he  had  never  for  a moment 
regarded  the  Spanish  Navy  as  in  our  class. 

From  the  signal  made  to  the  Brooklyn,  as  she  set  out  from 
Tarquino  Eiver,  the  purpose  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  re- 
main by  the  Colon,  in  order  to  transfer  her  crew  to  the  vessels 
left  there,  was  clear.  Therefore,  after  the  duty  assigned  had 
been  completed,  the  Brooklyn  proceeded  to  Santiago,  her  proper 
station  under  the  circumstances.  The  absolute  annihilation  of 
the  Spanish  squadron,  with  the  capture  of  its  entire  personnel, 
was  so  full  of  consequence  and  so  important  to  the  nation  that 
the  thought  occurred  that  it  ought  to  be  cabled  home,  with  the 
added  information  that  the  commander-in-chief  was  at  the  time 
with  the  Colon,  but  would  transmit  details  later,  on  his  arrival. 

With  this  idea  in  view,  Flag  Lieutenant  Jas.  H.  Sears  was 
sent  to  the  cable  station,  at  Siboney,  with  a telegram  to  that  end. 
His  instructions  were  that  if  no  message  from  the  admiral  an- 
nouncing the  victory  had  been  sent,  he  was  to  send  the  one  he 
bore ; but  if  such  message  had  already  been  sent  he  was  to  return 
without  sending  the  one  entrusted  to  him.  The  message  referred 
to  was  as  follows : 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


317 


Santiago,  July  3,  1898. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Washington: 

Spanish  squadron  came  out  of  Santiago  Harbor  this  morning,  July  3d, 
at  9.30,  and  were  all  captured  or  destroyed  in  a running  fight  to  the  west- 
ward of  about  three  and  one-half  hours. 

Very  few  casualties  in  our  fleet;  Ellis,  chief  yeoman,  killed,  and  one 
man  wounded  on  the  Brooklyn.  Reports  from  other  ships  not  yet  in. 
Commander-in-chief  now  superintending  transfer  of  prisoners  from  Cristo- 
bal Colon,  which  surrendered  to  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  at  1.15  p.  m. 
Victory  complete.  Details  later.  Several  water-tight  compartments  of  the 
Brooklyn  filled  with  water.  Probably  pierced  or  strained. 

Schley. 

When  Lieutenant  Sears  returned  he  brought  back  the  above 
telegram  and  reported  that  he  had  met  Lieutenant  Staunton  on 
the  beach  with  a telegram  from  the  commander-in-chief,  and  had 
accompanied  him  to  the  cable  station,  at  Siboney,  and  that,  un- 
der the  writer’s  instructions,  he  had  not  sent  the  one  entrusted 
to  him. 

When  Mr.  Staunton  read  the  telegram,  which  was  afterwards 
so  much  criticized,  Mr.  Sears  suggested  a correction  in  the  time 
of  the  Colon’s  surrender,  which  occurred  at  1.15  p.  m.,  instead 
of  2 p.  M.,  as  was  named  in  this  despatch.  Sears  also  suggested 
that  Ellis,  the  only  man  killed  in  the  American  squadron  in  the 
action,  ought  to  be  mentioned,  but  how  entirely  these  sugges- 
tions were  ignored  is  shown  in  the  telegram  sent; 

No.  156. 

July  3,  1898. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Washington: 

The  fleet  under  my  command  offers  the  nation  as  a Fourth  of  July 
present  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  fleet.  It  attempted  to  escape  at  9.30 
A.  M.  this  morning.  At  2 the  last  ship,  the  Cristobol  Colon,  had  run 
ashore  75  miles  west  of  Santiago  and  hauled  down  her  colors.  The  Infanta 
Maria  Teresa,  Oquendo,  and  Viseaya  were  forced  ashore,  burned  and  blown 
up,  within  20  miles  of  Santiago.  The  Pluton  and  Furor  were  destroyed 
within  4 miles  of  the  port. 

Sampson. 

Commodore  Watson,  impressed  alike  with  the  commander  of 
the  Second  Squadron,  felt  that  the  victory  was  of  such  magni- 
tude and  importance  to  the  nation,  that  he  ought  to  transmit, 
as  he  did  earlier  in  the  day,  the  following  telegram : 


318 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Plata  del  Este, 

July  3,  1898. 

Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Washington: 

At  9.30  A.  M.  to-day,  Spanish  squadron,  seven  in  all,  including  one  gun- 
boat, came  out  of  Santiago  in  column  and  was  totally  destroyed  within  an 
hour,  excepting  Cristobal  Colon,  which  was  chased  forty-five  miles  to  west- 
ward by  commander-in-chief,  Brooklyn,  Oregon,  and  Texas,  surrendering  to 
Brooklyn,  but  was  beached  to  prevent  sinking.  None  of  our  officers  or 
men  were  injured,  except  aboard  Brooklyn  Chief  Yeoman  Ellis  was  killed 
and  one  man  wounded.  Admiral  Cervera,  all  commanding  officers  except- 
ing of  Oquendo,  about  seventy  other  officers  and  1,600  men  are  prisoners. 
About  350  killed  or  drowned  and  160  wounded;  latter  cared  for  on  Solace 
and  Olivette.  Have  just  arrived  off  Santiago  in  Marblehead  to  take  charge 
while  commander-in-chief  is  looking  out  for  Cristobal  Colon. 

Watson. 

It  ought  to  be  stated  that  the  first  intelligence  which  reached 
Guantanamo  on  the  morning  of  the  fight  was  to  the  effect  that 
Cervera ’s  squadron  had  outwitted  the  American  squadron 
blockading  Santiago  and  had  escaped.  There  was  much  regret 
expressed  then  for  those  who  would  have  had  to  answer  for  that 
bit  of  bad  luck,  and  not  a little  relief  was  felt  that  no  official 
censure  could  include  those  who  were  not  present  off  Santiago 
at  the  time. 

The  New  York  returned  from  Tarquino  to  the  blockading 
line  off  Santiago  on  the  morning  of  July  4th,  and  reported  the 
total  loss  of  the  Ctistohal  Colon,  which  had  capsized  on  account 
of  her  under- water  compartments  having  filled  with  water,  this 
being  due  to  injuries  done  to  her  piping  in  the  engine  and  fire 
rooms  and  believed  to  have  been  the  work  of  her  own  crew. 

As  the  Brooklyn’s  injuries  needed  to  be  looked  after  in 
smooth  water,  she  was  directed  to  proceed  to  Guantanamo,  but 
before  starting  finally  for  that  place  on  the  afternoon  of  July 
4th,  a preliminary  report  of  the  action  of  the  day  before,  giving 
fuller  details,  was  addressed  to  the  commander-in-chief,  in  order 
to  enable  him  to  make  a more  detailed  report  of  this  great  vic- 
tory. It  was  all  the  more  important  that  fuller  details  should 
be  in  his  hands,  from  the  fact  that  the  battle  of  the  day  before, 
from  beginning  to  end,  took  place  out  of  signal  distance  from 
the  New  York  and  could  only  have  been  observed  on  that  vessel 
from  the  smoke  rising  far  beyond  her  horizon.  This  report,  re- 
produced from  the  official  press  copybook  of  the  Brooklyn,  is 
as  follows : 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


319 


North  Atlantic  Fleet, 

Second  Squadron, 

Flagship  Brooklyn,  off  Santiago  de  Cuba, 

July  3,  1898. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  preliminary  report  of  the 
engagement  this  morning: 

(1)  At  9.30  o’clock  Admiral  Cervera,  with  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa, 
Viscaya,  Almirante  Oquendo,  Cristobal  Colon,  with  the  torpedo-boat  de- 
stroyers, attempted  to  escape  from  Santiago  Harbor. 

Signal  was  made  at  once  for  “ close  action,”  which  was  promptly  re- 
sponded to  by  the  Brooklyn,  Indiana,  Oregon,  Iowa,  Gloucester,  Texas,  and 
Vixen. 

The  squadron,  after  clearing  the  harbor,  stood  to  the  westward,  but 
was  engaged  at  close  range  (from  1,100  to  3,000  yards  for  most  of  the 
time),  and  in  about  twenty  minutes  the  Oquendo  and  Viscaya*  were  set 
on  fire  by  shells  of  the  squadron  and  were  forced  to  run  ashore,  where 
they  burned  and  blew  up  later  in  the  night.  Of  the  destroyers,  one  was 
sunk  and  the  other  set  on  fire  by  our  shells  and  burned  on  the  beach. 

(2)  The  flagship  * Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  with  Admiral  Cervera,  and 
the  Colon  were  engaged  in  a running  fight  with  the  Brooklyn,  Oregon, 
Texas,  Iowa  for  some  thirty-five  minutes  when  the  Spanish  flagship  was 
set  on  fire,  the  Spanish  being  obliged  to  beach  her.  The  Brooklyn  and 
Oregon  continued  the  chase  and  fight,  gradually  drawing  away  from  the 
other  ships,  until  1.15  p.  m.,  when  the  Colon  was  beached  and  struck  her 
colors  to  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon. 

(3)  The  Brooklyn  was  exposed  for  some  twenty  minutes  to  the  fire 
of  the  four  Spanish  ships  until  the  other  vessels  of  the  squadron  could  get 
up  into  good  range.  I can  not  speak  with  too  much  praise  of  the  conduct 
of  the  officers  and  crews  of  the  vessels  engaged;  their  spirit  and  enthu- 
siasm were  such  as  I have  rarely  seen  in  action. 

(4)  I would  especially  mention  Captain  Philip,  Captain  Evans,  Cap- 
tain Taylor,  Captain  Cook,  and  Captain  Clark  for  exceedingly  meritorious 
conduct  on  the  occasion;  their  ships  were  handled  superbly,  and  their  offi- 
cers and  crews  responded  nobly.  Lieutenant  Commander  Wainwright,  com- 
manding the  Gloucester,  and  Lieutenant  Sharp,  commanding  the  Vixen, 
acted  with  conspicuous  gallantry,  and,  though  not  able  to  engage  the 
heavier  ships,  they  were  close  in  on  the  battle  line. 

(5)  Admiral  Cervera  and  his  officers,  with  about  1,200  men,  were 
captured,  and  he  informed  me  that  his  loss  in  killed  was  about  450.  Our 
casualties  were  one  killed  and  one  wounded  on  board  the  Brooklyn,  and  no 
one  else  was  hurt  in  the  squadron,  although  this  ship  was  struck  t twenty- 
five  times. 


* The  similar  rig,  size,  and  appearance  of  the  Viscaya  and  Teresa  made 
it  difficult  at  the  time  to  distinguish  one  from  the  other. 

t Later  examination  discovered  thirty  shot  had  struck  the  Brooklyn. 


320 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


(6)  In  order  to  make  a complete  and  additional  report,  I would  sug- 
gest that  you  direct  the  commanding  officers  of  vessels  of  the  First  Squad- 
ron to  send  copies  of  their  reports  on  the  engagement  to  me. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 
Commodore,  U 8.  N., 
Commander  Second  Squadron. 

The  Commander-in-Chief, 

U.  S.  Naval  Force,  N.  A.  Station. 

This  preliminary  report  the  commander-in-chief  asked  to  have 
withdrawn,  with  the  suggestion  that  some  reference  might  be 
made  to  the  New  Yorhy  and  intimating  that  the  Indiana  and 
Gloucester  were  nearest  the  New  York. 

The  report  speaks  for  itself,  as  merely  a preliminary  men- 
tion of  details,  to  be  followed  by  fuller  and  more  complete  data. 
If  it  had  been  dreamed  at  the  moment  that  the  sentiments  of 
generosity  prompting  its  modification,  as  requested,  were  to  be 
made  use  of  later  in  other  hands  to  minimize  the  writer’s  par- 
ticipation in  the  fight,  no  persuasion  could  have  induced  a change 
in  a line.  But  generosity  sometimes  leads  to  mistakes,  and  in 
this  instance  it  is  admitted  it  did. 

If  Clark  and  Cook  be  excepted,  the  only  officer  competent 
to  report  the  victory  from  personal  observation,  covering  the 
entire  period  of  action,  was  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squad- 
ron, for  no  better  reason  than  that  none  of  the  other  command- 
ing officers  had  been  engaged  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  of 
the  battle,  because,  as  it  shifted  to  the  westward,  their  vessels 
were  distanced  by  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon. 

The  suggestion  for  copies  of  the  reports  of  the  officers  of  the 
First  Squadron  was  distinctly  for  a fuller  credit  for  the  work 
done  by  them,  in  the  complete  report  to  be  made  subsequently 
to  the  commander-in-chief. 

With  these  facts  stated,  the  preliminary  report,  cited  above, 
stands  as  its  own  justification. 

The  Texas  and  Vixen  were  in  sight  of  the  leading  ships  dur- 
ing the  battle,  but  too  far  away  to  be  reached  by  signals  after 
the  Teresa  and  Oquendo  had  been  forced  to  flee  on  fire  to  the 
beach.  They  were  the  first  vessels  to  reach  the  final  scene  of 
the  victory. 

The  Brooklyn’s  next  move  was  to  Guantanamo,  where  she 


AFTER  THE  BATTLE 


321 


arrived  on  the  afternoon  of  July  4th,  near  sunset.  En  route,  she 
fell  in  with  the  battleship  Massachusetts  proceeding  westward, 
and,  in  passing,  her  crew  cheered  the  Brooklyn  rapturously, 
heartily,  sincerely.  Had  not  inopportune  circumstances  taken 
her  from  the  battle-line  before  Santiago,  a scant  six  hours  before 
the  battle  began,  on  that  day  above  all  other  days  of  the  cam- 
paign against  Cervera’s  squadron,  the  crew  of  that  ship  would 
have  given  a good  account  of  themselves,  as  all  others  did.  There 
was  much  sympathy  felt  by  the  splendid  fellows  of  the  Brooklyn 
for  their  old  comrades  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  and  it  was  un- 
tainted by  any  spirit  of  selfishness.  It  was  regarded  as  a bit 
of  the  hardest  bad  luck  that  their  former  comrades  had  to  be 
absent  on  that  day  of  such  glorious  work  for  their  country. 

At  sundown  on  the  evening  of  the  arrival  at  Guantanamo,  the 
remains  of  Ellis  were  reverently  laid  to  rest  in  the  little  bury- 
ing ground  on  the  hillside  not  far  from  our  lines.  His  body  was 
carried  to  his  grave  by  his  comrades  and  surrounded  by  his  mess- 
mates, when  the  last  sad  rites  of  respect  were  paid  to  him  who 
had  fallen  in  honor  doing  his  duty  to  his  country.  As  the  sun 
was  setting  in  the  far  west  the  earth  closed  over  him  as  he  was 
laid  beside  those  who  were  sleeping  in  ground  hallowed  by  their 
valor. 

The  examination  made  of  the  compartment  on  the  Brooklyn 
supposed  to  have  been  injured  revealed  the  fact  that  the  outer 
valve  had  been  jarred  open  by  the  heavy  concussion  of  the  guns 
on  the  decks  above.  This  was  easily  remedied  by  the  carpenter 
and  his  crew. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTLE 
1898 

During  the  Brooklyn’s  short  stay  at  Guantanamo  the  occa- 
sion was  improved  to  call  upon  Admiral  Cervera  and  his  cap- 
tains, who  were  prisoners  of  war  on  board  the  St.  Louis,  anchored 
at  that  time  in  the  harbor.  Admiral  Cervera  explained  that  his 
purpose  had  been  to  concentrate  the  fire  of  his  ships  upon  the 
Brooklyn,  as  well  as  to  ram  her,  believing  that  this  plan  would 
increase  the  chances  of  escaping  with  the  others,  the  Brooklyn 
being  regarded  as  the  fastest  vessel  of  the  American  squadron 
then  in  his  front.  If  he  had  been  successful  in  disabling  the 
Brooklyn,  and  the  New  York  being  absent,  it  is  an  open  ques- 
tion what  the  result  might  have  been.  Fortunately,  his  plan  was 
frustrated,  and  the  result  everybody  knows. 

On  the  6th  of  July  the  report  of  the  battle,  mainly  prepared 
on  the  way  to  Guantanamo,  was  ready  for  transmission  by  the 
flag  secretary.  Lieutenant  B.  W.  AYells.  In  this  report  some  cor- 
rections were  made  in  the  names  and  positions  of  the  Spanish 
ships  as  they  emerged  from  the  harbor,  which  the  similarity  in 
type  and  size  had  confused  in  the  first  moments  of  the  battle. 

As  the  scope  of  the  victory  was  considered,  its  importance 
grew  in  consequence,  compared  with  the  decisive  actions  of  other 
days.  It  was  believed  then,  and  it  is  thought  now,  to  be  unique, 
and  will  so  live  in  the  nation’s  history,  as  the  one  battle  where 
the  enemy’s  squadron  ^yas  beaten,  destroyed  absolutely,  and 
its  personnel  captured  almost  entirely.  Its  consequence  was  the 
expulsion  of  Spanish  power  from  the  waters  of  the  AVestern  Con- 
tinent. The  work  begun  by  General  Simon  Bolivar  in  expelling 
the  Spanish  from  Venezuela,  in  1822,  was  completed  on  July  3, 
1898,  at  Santiago  de  Cuba,  when  Cuba  was  rescued  from  the 
Spanish  yoke.  These  two  incidents  will  live  in  the  history  of 
the  American  continent  side  by  side.  It  is  esteemed,  therefore, 
322 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTLE 


323 


to  have  been  no  ordinary  honor  to  have  been  connected  with  this 
latter  event,  however  remotely,  and  it  was  in  this  spirit  that  the 
concessions  were  made  in  the  report  of  July  6th,  which  is  repro- 
duced below,  together  with  a copy  of  the  notes,  as  written  and 
handed  to  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  by  Lieutenant 
Sharp  of  the  Vixen  on  the  day  after  the  battle  was  fought : 

North  Atlantic  Fleet,  Second  Squadron, 

U.  S.  Flagship  Brooklyn, 
Guantanamo,  Bay,  Cuba, 

July  6,  1898. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  make  the  following  report  of  that  part  of 
the  squadron  under  your  command  which  came  under  my  observation  dur- 
ing the  engagement  with  the  Spanish  fleet  on  July  3,  1898 : 

At  9.35  A.  M.  Admiral  Cervera,  with  the  Infanta  Maria  Teresa,  Vis- 
caya,  Oquendo,  Cristobal  Colon,  and  two  torpedo-boat  destroyers,  came  out 
of  the  harbor  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  in  column  at  distance  and  attempted 
to  escape  to  the  westward.  Signal  was  made  from  the  Iowa  that  the 
enemy  was  coming  out,  but  his  movement  had  been  discovered  from  this 
ship  at  the  same  moment.  This  vessel  was  farthest  west,  except  the 
Vixen,  in  the  blockading  line.  Signal  was  made  to  the  western  division,  as 
prescribed  in  your  general  orders,  and  there  was  an  immediate  and  rapid 
movement  inward  by  your  squadron,  and  a general  engagement  at  ranges 
beginning  at  1,000  yards  and  varying  to  3,000  until  the  Viscaya  was  de- 
stroyed, about  10.50  A.  M.  The  concentration  of  Are  of  the  squadron 
upon  the  ships  coming  out  was  most  furious  and  terriflc,  and  great  dam- 
age was  done  to  them.  About  twenty  or  twenty-flve  minutes  after  the 
engagement  began  two  vessels,  thought  to  be  the  Teresa  and  Oquendo,  and 
since  verified  as  such,  took  fire  from  the  effective  shell  fire  of  the  squad- 
ron and  were  forced  to  run  on  the  beach  some  six  or  seven  miles  west  of 
the  harbor  entrance,  where  they  burned  and  blew  up  later.  The  torpedo- 
boat  destroyers  were  destroyed  early  in  the  action,  but  the  smoke  was  so 
dense  in  their  direction  that  I can  not  say  to  which  vessel  or  vessels  the 
credit  belongs.  This  doubtless  was  better  seen  from  your  flagship. 

The  Viscaya  and  Colon,  perceiving  the  disaster  to  their  consorts,  con- 
tinued at  full  speed  to  the  westward  to  escape,  and  were  followed  and 
engaged  in  a running  fight  with  the  Brooklyn,  Texas,  Iowa,  and  Oregon 
until  10.50  A.  M.,  when  the  Viscaya  took  fire  from  our  shells.  She  put 
her  helm  to  port,  and  with  a heavy  list  to  port  stood  in  shore  and  ran 
aground  at  Asseraderos,  about  twenty-one  miles  west  of  Santiago,  on  fire 
fore  and  aft,  and  where  she  blew  up  during  the  night.  Observing  that  she 
had  struck  her  colors,  and  that  several  vessels  were  nearing  to  capture 
and  save  her  crew,  signal  was  made  to  cease  firing.  The  Oregon  having 
proved  vastly  faster  than  the  other  battleships,  she  and  the  Brooklyn, 
together  with  the  Texas  and  another  vessel,  which  proved  to  be  your  flag- 
22 


824 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ship,  continued  westward  in  pursuit  of  the  Colon,  which  had  run  close 
in  shore,  evidently  seeking  some  good  spot  to  beach  if  she  should  fail  to 
elude  her  pursuers. 

This  pursuit  continued  with  increasing  speed  in  the  Brooklyn,  Oregon, 
and  other  ships,  and  soon  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  were  within  long  range 
of  the  Colon,  when  the  Oregon  opened  fire  with  her  thirteen-inch  guns, 
landing  a shell  close  to  the  Colon.  A moment  afterwards  the  Brooklyn 
opened  with  her  eight-inch  guns,  landing  a shell  just  ahead  of  her.  Sev- 
eral other  shells  were  fired  at  the  Colon,  now  in  range  of  the  Brooklyn’s 
and  Oregon’s  guns.  Her  commander,  seeing  all  chances  of  escape  cut  off 
and  destruction  awaiting  his  ship,  fired  a lee  gun  and  struck  her  flag  at 
1.15  p.  M.,  and  ran  ashore  at  a point  some  fifty  miles  west  of  Santiago. 
Your  flagship  was  coming  up  rapidly  at  the  time,  as  were  also  the  Texas 
and  Vixen.  A little  later,  after  your  arrival,  the  Cristobal  Colon,  which 
had  struck  to  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon,  was  turned  over  to  you  as  one 
of  the  trophies  of  this  great  victory  of  the  squadron  under  your  command. 

During  my  official  visit,  a little  later.  Commander  Eaton,  of  the  Reso- 
lute, appeared  and  reported  to  you  the  presence  of  a Spanish  battleship 
near  Altares.  Your  orders  to  me  were  to  take  the  Oregon  and  go  east- 
ward and  meet  her,  and  this  was  done  by  the  Brooklyn,  with  the  result  that 
the  vessel  reported  as  an  enemy  was  discovered  to  be  the  Austrian  cruiser 
Infanta  Maria  Teresa  seeking  the  commander- in-chief. 

I would  mention  for  your  consideration  that  the  Brooklyn  occupied 
the  most  westward  blockading  position  with  the  Vixen,  and  was  exposed 
for  some  minutes,  possibly  ten,  to  the  gun-fire  of  three  of  the  Spanish 
ships  and  the  west  battery,  at  a range  of  1,500  yards  from  the  ships  and 
about  3,000  yards  from  the  battery;  but  the  vessels  of  the  entire  squadron 
closing  in  rapidly  soon  diverted  this  fire  and  did  magnificent  work  at  close 
range.  I have  never  before  witnessed  such  deadly  and  accurate  shooting 
as  was  done  by  the  ships  of  your  command  as  they  closed  in  on  the  Spanish 
squadron,  and  I deem  it  a high  privilege  to  commend  to  you,  for  such 
action  as  you  may  deem  proper,  the  gallantry  and  dashing  courage,  the 
prompt  decision  and  skilful  handling  of  their  respective  vessels,  of  Captain 
Philip,  Captain  Evans,  Captain  Clark  and,  especially,  of  my  chief  of  staff. 
Captain  Cook,  who  was  directly  under  my  personal  observation  and  whose 
coolness,  promptness  and  courage  were  of  the  highest  order.  The  dense 
smoke  of  the  combat  shut  out  from  my  view  the  Indiana  and  the  Glouces- 
ter, but  as  these  vessels  were  closer  to  your  flagship  no  doubt  their  part 
in  the  capture  was  under  your  immediate  observation. 

Lieutenant  Sharp,  commanding  the  Vixen,  acted  with  conspicuous 
courage.  Although  unable  to  engage  the  heavier  ships  of  the  enemy  with 
his  light  guns,  nevertheless  he  was  close  into  the  battle  line  under  heavy 
fire,  and  many  of  the  enemy’s  shells  passed  beyond  his  vessel. 

I beg  to  invite  special  attention  to  the  conduct  of  my  flag  lieutenant, 
James  H.  Sears,  and  Ensign  Edward  McCauley,  Jr.,  aid,  wlio  were  con- 
stantly at  my  side  during  the  engagement  and  who  exposed  themselves 
fearlessly  in  discharging  their  duties;  and  also  to  the  splendid  behavior 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTLE 


325 


of  my  secretary,  Lieutenant  B.  W.  Wells,  Jr.,  who  commanded  and  directed 
the  fighting  of  the  fourth  division  with  splendid  effect. 

I would  commend  the  highly  meritorious  conduct  and  courage  in  the 
engagement  of  Lieutenant  Commander  N.  E.  Mason,  the  executive  officer, 
whose  presence  everywhere  over  the  ship  during  its  continuance  did  much 
to  secure  the  good  result  of  this  ship’s  part  in  the  victory. 

The  navigator.  Lieutenant  A.  C.  Hodgson,  and  the  division  officers. 
Lieutenant  T.  D.  Griffin,  Lieutenant  W.  R.  Rush,  Lieutenant  Edward 
Simpson,  Lieutenant  J.  G.  Hoyle,  Ensign  Charles  Webster  and  the  junior 
divisional  officers  were  most  steady  and  conspicuous  in  every  detail  of  duty 
contributing  to  the  accurate  firing  of  this  ship  in  her  part  of  the  great 
victory  of  your  forces. 

The  officers  of  the  medical,  pay,  engineer  and  marine  corps  responded 
to  every  demand  of  the  occasion  and  were  fearless  in  exposing  themselves. 
The  warrant  officers.  Boatswain  Wm.  L.  Hill,  Carpenter  Geo.  H.  War  ford 
and  Gunner  F.  T.  Applegate  were  everywhere  exposed,  in  watching  for 
damage,  reports  of  which  were  constantly  conveyed  to  me. 

I have  never  in  my  life  served  with  a braver  or  worthier  crew  than 
that  of  the  Brooklyn.  During  the  combat,  lasting  from  9.35  a.  m.  till 
1.15  P.  M.,  much  of  the  time  under  fire,  they  never  flagged  for  a moment, 
and  were  apparently  undisturbed  by  the  storm  of  projectiles  passing  ahead, 
astern  and  over  the  ship.  The  result  of  the  engagement  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Spanish  squadron  and  the  capture  of  the  admiral  and  some 
thirteen  to  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  with  the  loss  of  several  hundred 
killed,  estimated  by  Admiral  Cervera  at  600  men. 

The  casualties  on  board  this  ship  were:  G.  H.  Ellis,  chief  yeoman, 
killed;  J.  Burns,  fireman,  first  class,  severely  wounded.  The  marks  and 
scars  show  that  this  ship  was  struck  about*  twenty-five  times,  and  she 
bears  in  all  forty-one  scars  as  the  result  of  her  participation  in  the  great 
victory  of  your  force  on  July  3,  1898.  The  speed  cone  halyards  were  shot 
away  and  nearly  all  the  signal  halyards.  The  ensign  at  the  mizzen  was 
so  shattered  that  in  hauling  it  dovTi  at  the  close  of  the  action  it  fell  to 
pieces. 

I congratulate  you  most  sincerely  upon  this  great  victory  to  the  squad- 
ron under  your  command,  and  I am  glad  that  I had  an  opportunity  to  con- 
tribute in  the  least  to  a victory  that  seems  big  enough  for  all  of  us. 

I have  the  honor  to  transmit  herewith  the  report  of  the  commanding 
officer,  and  a drawing  in  profile  of  the  ship  showing  the  location  of  hits  and 
scars;  also  a memorandum  of  the  ammunition  expended  and  the  amount 
to  fill  her  allowance. 

• Since  reaching  this  place  and  holding  conversation  with  several  of 
the  captains,  viz..  Captain  Eulate,  of  the  Viscaya,  and  the  second  in  com- 
mand of  the  Colon,  Commander  Contreras,  I have  learned  that  the  Spanish 
admiral’s  scheme  was  to  concentrate  all  fire  for  a while  on  the  Brooklyn, 

* Examination  made  later  discovered  five  more  hits  upon  the  Brooklyn, 
making  the  number  thirty  in  all. 


826 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  the  Viscaya  to  ram  her,  in  hopes  that  if  they  could  destroy  her  the 
chance  of  escape  would  be  increased,  as  it  was  supposed  she  was  the  swiftest 
ship  of  the  squadron.  This  explains  the  heavy  fire  mentioned  and  the  Fis- 
caya’s  action  in  the  earlier  moments  of  the  engagement.  The  execution 
of  this  purpose  was  promptly  defeated  by  the  fact  that  all  the  ships  of  the 
squadron  advanced  into  close  range  and  opened  an  irresistibly  furious  and 
terrific  fire  upon  the  enemy’s  squadron  as  it  was  coming  out  of  the  harbor. 

I am  glad  to  say  that  the  injury  supposed  to  be  below  the  water-line 
was  due  to  a Avater  valve  being  opened  from  some  unknown  cause  and 
flooding  the  compartment. 

I beg  to  enclose  a list  of  the  officers  and  creAV  who  participated  in  the 
combat  of  July  3,  1898. 

I can  not  close  this  report  Avithout  mentioning  in  high  terms  of  praise 
the  splendid  conduct  and  support  of  Captain  C.  E.  Clark,  of  the  Oregon. 
Her  speed  AA^as  AA-onderful  and  her  accurate  fire  splendidly  destructive. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley,  Commodore,  U.  S.  Navy, 

Commanding  Second  Squadron,  N.  A.  Fleet. 

To  the  Commander-in-Chief,  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station. 

Supplementing  this  report  is  given  the  account,  as  observed 
and  written  at  the  time  on  hoard  the  Vixen,  and  handed  to  the 
commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  next  day  by  Lieutenant 
Sharp,  as  the  official  record  of  the  action  as  viewed  from  that 
ship.  It  settles  the  question  absolutely  of  the  Brooklyn’s  part 
in  the  glories  of  that  memorable  day  for  our  country.  There 
is  no  possible  doubt  of  its  accuracy,  or  of  its  value  as  testimony 
in  all  future  considerations  of  the  battle. 

(As  Avritten  in  Vixen’s  log-book,  and  sent  by  Lieutenant  Sharp  to 
Commodore  Schley.) 

At  9.45 — Quartermaster  reported  a tug  coming  out  of  the  harbor. 
Upon  examination  it  Avas  discovered  to  be  a Spanish  cruiser  flying  a large 
Spanish  flag,  Avith  a smaller  flag  at  the  masthead,  Avhich  AA’as  taken  to  be 
the  admiral’s  flag,  as  it  was  on  the  leading  ship.  The  Vixen  at  this  time 
Avas  lying  about  t\A^o  miles  off  shore,  and  four  miles  to  the  AvestAvard  of 
Morro  Castle,  and,  from  this  time  to  the  end,  AA'as  never  out  of  sight  of 
the  chase,  and  Avas  Avithin  tAA'o  miles  of  the  destruction  of  the  three  armored 
cruisers.  Word  AA'as  at  once  sent  to  the  commanding  officer ; all  hands  Avere 
called  to  quarters;  full  speed  AA^as  ordered,  and  the  helm  put  to  port,  to 
stand  further  off  shore  and  leave  the  line  of  fire  of  the  Brooklyn  un- 
obstructed. 

The  Brooklyn  had  hoisted  a signal  that  the  enemy  AA\as  attempting  to 
escape,  and  the  Vixen,  noticing  that  the  leading  ship  AA^as  turning  AA'estAvard, 
hoisted  a signal  that  the  enemy  Avas  attempting  to  escape  to  the  AvestAvard. 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTI.E 


327 


The  fleet,  which  at  that  time  had  resumed  their  day  stations,  began  rapidly 
to  close  in  towards  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  concentrating  a terrific  fire 
upon  the  fleet,  though  at  long  range.  There  was  no  doubting  the  fact  that 
the  enemy  was  coming  out,  but  there  were  several  anxious  moments  as  to 
his  intentions — whether  he  would  disperse  and  attempt  to  break  through 
the  fleet  or  keep  his  ships  together.  The  leading  vessel  had  about  changed 
her  course  to  the  west  when  the  second  appeared,  followed  shortly  after- 
wards by  the  Cristobal  Colon.  It  was  easy  to  identify  this  ship  from  the 
fact  that  her  mast  is  placed  between  the  two  smokestacks.  The  first  two 
were  not  so  easy  to  identify,  as  the  Viscaya,  Oquendo  and  Maria  Teresa  are 
practically  identical  in  appearance.  The  fleet  meanwhile  was  closing  in 
towards  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and,  when  the  fourth  vessel  appeared, 
and  turned  to  the  westward,  it  became  apparent  that  Admiral  Cervera  had 
carefully  reconnoitered  the  field,  and  selected  the  west  as  the  weakest  part 
of  the  blockade,  as  the  strong  easterly  current  had  drifted  the  heaviest 
ships  considerably  to  the  eastward  of  their  customary  positions.  The 
western  portion  of  blockade  chanced  to  be  defended  by  the  Vixen  and 
Brooklyn.  The  Brooklyn  headed  to  the  northward,  apparently  intending  to 
intercept  the  head  of  the  enemy’s  column.  Simultaneously  with  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  leading  ship  of  the  enemy  the  western  battery  opened  a 
heavy  fire;  but,  apparently,  directing  it  upon  the  eastern  and  central  ships 
of  the  blockading  squadron. 

At  10  A.  M. — The  Brooklyn  was  the  nearest  to,  and  was  engaging,  the 
two  leading  ships.  The  two  ships  were  quite  close  together,  with  an  inter- 
val of  perhaps  three-quarters  of  a mile  between  the  second  ship  and  the 
Colon. 

At  10.05 — The  Brooklyn  began  to  turn  with  the  port  helm,  and  made 
a complete  turn  to  the  eastward,  continuing  around,  so  that  when  again 
heading  west  the  two  leading  enemy’s  ships  bore  well  on  her  starboard 
quarter,  with  the  fourth  vessel  coming  up  rapidly  astern.  The  Vixen  at 
this  time  was  well  to  the  westward  of  the  leading  ship,  and  was  steering 
a parallel  course.  For  the  next  fifteen  minutes  the  Brooklyn  received  and 
returned  the  fire  of  the  two  leading  ships,  with  an  occasional  shot  from 
the  Colon.  The  first  two  shots  from  the  leading  enemy’s  ship  were  evi- 
dently aimed  at  the  Vixen,  as  they  passed  directly  over  her,  striking  the 
water  a hundred  yards  or  so  beyond. 

At  10.30 — The  chase  was  well  formed,  with  the  positions  as  follows: 
Enemy’s  ships  were  in  column  between  Cabanas  and  Guayacabon,  with  the 
Brooklyn  steering  a parallel  course  about  a mile  distant  from  them;  the 
Oregon  southeast  of  them,  about  two  miles  distant;  the  other  vessels  of 
the  squadron  were  obscured  by  smoke. 

At  10.32 — The  Colon  and  leading  enemy’s  ships  were  close  together, 
just  clear  of  the  Brooklyn's  bow,  as  viewed  from  the  Vixen,  the  Colon  evi- 
dently gaining  in  speed  and  closing  up.  At  this  time  it  was  apparent 
that  the  vessel  that  had  heretofore  been  leading  was  disabled  and  on  fire, 
as  she  dropped  rapidly  astern.  She  apparently  was  headed  for  the  shore 
off  Juan  Gonzales.  The  Oregon  was  apparently  forging  rapidly  ahead,  en- 


328 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


gaging  the  fourth  ship  as  she  passed.  Two  smaller  vessels,  probably  the 
torpedo-boat  destroyers — the  Furor  and  Pluton — were  to  the  westward  of 
Cabanas,  engaged  by  the  Iowa  and  Texas,  and  apparently  on  fire;  but  the 
leading  vessels  had  gone  too  far  to  the  w^estward  to  be  able  to  exactly 
identify  either  of  them  accurately.  The  Indiana  was  in  sight  a little  to 
the  westward  of  Morro. 

At  10.34 — The  Colon  was  still  gaining  and  reserving  her  fire.  At  this 
moment  the  only  United  States  vessels  in  sight  from  the  Yixen  were  the 
Brooklyn  and  Oregon,  with  the  Texas  and  Iowa  in  the  rear  of  Oregon  about 
five  or  six  miles.  The  Indiana  was  apparently  about  four  miles  astern  of 
the  Iowa. 

At  10.37 — The  Colon  and  other  enemy’s  vessels  opened  a heavy  fire 

again.  The  second  vessel  was  just  clear  of  the  Brooklyn,  and  about  five 

miles  distant  from  the  Vixen.  The  Oregon  wns  gaining  rapidly.  The 
Colon  was  apparently  using  smokeless  powder.  The  firing  of  the  enemy 
was  very  high,  and  many  of  their  shots  passed  over  the  Brooklyn,  falling 
close  ahead,  astern  and  around  the  Vixen,  a piece  of  the  shell  going  through 
the  flag  at  the  mainmast. 

At  10.46 — The  Brooklyn  forged  ahead,  and  the  Oregon  fired  her  for- 
ward thirteen-inch  gun  at  the  leading  vessels  of  the  chase. 

At  10.47 — The  Texas  was  in  lead  of  the  Iowa,  and  gaining  rapidly. 

The  fire  of  the  Brooklyn  at  this  time  was  both  steady  and  deadly,  shell 

apparently  striking  or  bursting  alongside  the  chase. 

At  10.49 — The  Texas  passed  Juan  Gonzales,  and  what  was  apparently 
the  Indiana  was  off  Cabanas  at  the  same  time. 

At  10.50 — The  Vixen  veered  in  close,  heading  about  north-northwest. 
The  Texas  was  gaining  rapidly.  The  Iowa  appeared  off  Juan  Gonzales. 
A small  vessel,  evidently  a yacht,  appeared  off  Guayacabon,  hotly  engaging 
some  of  the  enemy’s  ships. 

At  10.54 — It  was  apparent  that  another  of  the  enemy’s  vessels  was 
on  fire,  and  heading  for  the  beach,  with  a heavy  list  to  port.  This  vessel 
proved  to  be  the  Viscaya,  and  she  was  evidently  making  for  the  reef  at 
Asseradero. 

At  11.01 — She  ported,  evidently  heading  east,  as  if  seeking  for  the 
entrance  to  Asseradero.  The  Texas  and  Vixen  directed  their  fire  on  this 
vessel  until  11.07,  when,  as  her  colors  were  evidently  down,  the  order  was 
given  to  cease  firing. 

At  11.09 — There  was  a sudden  burst  of  smoke  from  her  after  end,  and 
all  ships  reserved  their  fire  on  passing  the  doomed  vessel,  now  hard  and 
fast  ashore  on  Asseradero  reef. 

At  11.16 — The  vessels  in  sight  from  the  Vixen  were  the  Brooklyn, 
Oregon,  Texas,  Iowa,  and  Indiana,  the  Indiana  at  least  ten  (10)  miles 
from  the  Colon.  The  impression  on  board  the  Vixen  was  that  the  vessel 
ashore  at  Asseradero  was  the  flagship. 

At  11.25 — The  Iowa  had  evidently  stopped.  The  after  end  of  the 
vessel  ashore  at  Asseradero  was  a sheet  of  flame. 

From  11.26  to  11.42  there  was  a succession  of  explosions  on  board  of 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTLE 


329 


her,  apparently  from  loose  charges  about  the  guns.  They  resembled  huge 
chrysanthemums  with  ribbons  of  smoke,  as  burning  powder  grains  fell 
from  the  end  of  the  petals. 

At  11.45 — The  chase  had  resolved  itself  into  the  Colon,  close  in  shore, 
distant  about  seven  miles  from  the  Vixen;  the  Oregon  about  one  point  on 
the  starboard  bow,  distant  about  one  mile  and  a half;  the  Brooklyn  one 
point  on  the  starboard  bow,  distant  about  three  miles;  the  Texas  on  the 
starboard  quarter,  distant  about  one  mile;  the  Iowa  two  points  on  star- 
board quarter,  distant  about  eight  miles;  the  Hew  York  one  point  on  star- 
board quarter,  distant  about  ten  miles.  These  last  two  vessels  were 
apparently  off  Boca  del  Rio,  but  they  were  too  far  off  to  identify  them 
with  certainty  in  thin  haze  of  smoke  that  was  left  behind  the  leading 
ships.  No  other  vessels  were  in  sight.  The  smoke  from  the  ships  de- 
stroyed at  Juan  Gonzales  and  to  the  eastward  could  be  seen,  but  their 
hulls  could  not  be  made  out. 

At  12  M. — The  relative  positions  were  practically  the  same,  except 
that  each  had  changed  its  position  relative  to  the  Vixen.  When  the  Vixen 
was  abreast  of  Sevilla,  thirty  miles  west  of  Santiago,  the  Texas  bore 
three  points  on  the  starboard  quarter,  a little  less  than  a mile;  the  Oregon 
and  Brooklyn  one  point  on  the  starboard  and  port  bows,  respectively,  dis- 
tant about  four  and  five  miles,  respectively,  while  the  Colon  bore  two  points 
on  the  starboard  bow,  distant  fully  ten  miles.  According  to  the  official 
pilot  on  board  the  Vixen,  the  latter  vessel  was  off  a place  called  Bayamita. 
It  may  be  said  that  all  localities  and  estimates  of  distances  were  referred 
to  him  in  connection  with  the  opinions  of  four  or  five  of  the  officers  of  the 
Vixen. 

At  12.05 — The  Hew  York  was  in  line  with  the  burning  ship  (the 
Viscaya)  at  Asseradero,  distant  about  nine  miles. 

At  12.15 — The  Texas  was  on  the  starboard  quarter;  Hew  York  two 
points  on  the  starboard  quarter,  evidently  gaining;  the  Oregon  a half 
point  on  the  starboard  bow;  Brooklyn  one  point  on  the  port  bow;  the 
Colon  one  point  on  starboard  bow,  still  distant  about  ten  miles. 

At  12.20 — The  Oregon  fired  a shot,  which  fell  short.  The  Colon  at 
this  time  was  about  hull  down  from  the  Vixen.  During  the  next  half 
hour  there  were  occasional  shots  fired  from  both  the  Oregon  and  Brooklyn, 
many  of  which  struck  near  the  chase. 

At  12.50 — The  Texas  was  one  point  forward  of  the  starboard  beam, 
and  steadily  gaining. 

At  1.15 — The  Oregon  and  the  Brooklyn  headed  in  shore  about  four 
points. 

At  1.23 — Texas  hoisted  the  signal,  “Enemy  has  surrendered.”  This 
signal  was  repeated  to  the  Hew  York,  but  not  acknowledged.  The  Colon 
was  distinguishable  by  the  aid  of  glasses,  lying  close  in  shore,  and,  accord- 
ing to  the  pilot,  was  lying  at  Rio  Tarquino.  Opinion  was  divided  on  board 
the  Vixen  as  to  whether  a white  flag  was  displayed  on  the  Colon  or  whether 
it  was  steam  escaping  from  the  forward  steam  pipe.  Subsequently  this 
proved  to  be  steam. 


330 


FORTY-FI^^  YExVRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


At  2 — A boat  from  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  was  seen  to  go  alongside 
the  Colon. 

At  2.25 — The  Vixen  stopped  off  Rio  Tarquino,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon.  The  IV ew  York  arrived  from  three  to  five 
minutes  later,  and  intercepted  the  boat  returning  from  the  Colon. 

Note. — In  all  these  observations  the  time  was  accurately  noted,  but 
the  watch  used  was  five  minutes  slow  of  the  deck  clock,  which  agreed  very 
nearly  with  the  times  indicated  by  the  bells  on  other  vessels. 

The  notes  as  they  appear  in  the  appendix  to  the  Bureau  of 
Navigation  report  published  in  1898,  and  also  in  the  Confidential 
Document  to  the  Senate  dated  February  6,  1899,  published  as 
“Executive  C — Fifty-fifth  Congress,  Third  Session,”  stop  at 
1.23  p.  M.,  July  3,  1898.  This  was  one  hour  before  the  Vixen 
arrived  at  the  Tarquino  River,  and  hence  are  omitted  many  im- 
portant details  which  the  original  notes  contained.  The  VixeiVs 
official  log-book  contains  an  account  of  the  battle,  in  absolute 
accord  with  the  one  contained  in  the  notes  handed  to  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron  by  Lieutenant  Sharp.  As  these 
notes  continue  up  to  2.25  p.  m.,  the  time  of  the  VixeiVs  arrival,  it 
must  have  been  the  fact  as  recorded  that  the  ^^New  York  arrived 
from  three  to  five  minutes  later,  and  intercepted  the  boat  return- 
ing from  the  Colon’’ ^ that  was  objectionable,  and  therefore  omit- 
ted from  the  documents  cited  above. 

The  drawing  in  profile  of  the  Brooklyn,  submitted  with  the 
official  report  of  the  combat  and  referred  to  above,  is  reproduced 
to  show  the  injuries  inflicted  by  the  enemy.  (See  page  307.) 
Closer  inspection,  made  later,  discovered  several  hits  from  the 
smaller  projectiles  of  one-pounder  guns  of  the  Spanish  ships. 

This  irrefutable  testimony  settles  beyond  any  question 
Brooklyn's  proximity  to  the  enemy’s  ships  during  the  battle,  and 
settles  at  once  the  silly  twaddle  that,  in  turning  outward  for 
tactical  advantage,  she  separated  herself  to  any  appreciable  ex- 
tent from  the  battle-line. 

Curiously,  too,  the  “Confidential  Document  C”  submitted  to 
the  Senate  omits  any  mention  of  the  report  of  a board  of  which 
Lieutenant  Commander  R.  P.  Rodgers  was  senior  member,  or- 
dered by  Admiral  Sampson  on  July  6,  1898,  to  report,  among 
other  things  relating  to  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  vessels, 
“the  effects  upon  them  of  gun-fire”! 


REPORTS  OF  THE  BATTLE 


331 


The  report  of  this  board  was  made  on  July  13th,  off  Santiago 
de  Cuba.  It  showed  the  caliber  of  the  shots  and  the  exact  loca- 
tion of  every  hit  scored  upon  the  hulls  of  the  Teresa,  Oquendo, 
Viscaya  and  Colon  which  had  not  been  effaced  by  the  force  of 
explosions  or  the  effects  of  the  conflagration  afterwards,  which 
obliterated  many  marks  of  injury. 

This  report  showed  that  every  Spanish  vessel  examined  bore 
the  marks  of  five-inch  shells,  a caliber  carried  by  no  other  ship 
of  the  American  squadron  except  the  Brooklyn. 

The  excellent  work  done  by  this  distinctive  gun  would  sus- 
tain the  inference  that  the  marks  noted  of  other  calibers,  eight- 
inch,  six-pounders,  one-pounders,  common  to  all  the  ships  but 
the  Texas,  were  fairly  shared  in  by  these  same  guns  of  the  Brook- 
lyn, as  their  crews  were  in  every  respect  as  proficient  in  marks- 
manship as  those  of  the  five-inch  battery. 


CHAPTER  XXX 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES  AND  THE 
ARRIVAL  IN  NEW  YORK 
1898 

The  Brooklyn  rejoined  the  blockade  off  Santiago  on  the  7th 
of  July  and  in  time  to  begin  the  bombardment  of  the  city  over 
the  cliffs  at  Aguadores,  as  requested  by  General  Shatter  and 
directed  by  the  commander-in-chief  on  July  10th.  Commodore 
Watson,  in  the  Newark,  proceeded  to  Guantanamo  on  the  10th, 
leaving  the  Brooklyn,  Texas  and  Indiana.  These  vessels  took 
position  off  Aguadores  and  began  a slow  bombardment  upon 
the  city,  for  the  space  of  some  two  hours,  but,  owing  to  the  fact 
that  some  difficulty  was  had  in  getting  back  the  report  of  the 
fall  of  the  projectiles,  it  was  regarded  as  more  prudent,  in  view 
of  the  proximity  of  our  army  to  the  Spanish  lines,  not  to  risk 
the  possibility  of  our  projectiles  falling  anywhere  within  the  zone 
of  danger  to  our  men. 

The  day  following  the  New  York  and  Brooklyn  resumed  the 
bombardment  with  some  good  effect,  as  fires  were  reported  by 
signal  to  have  broken  out  in  several  parts  of  the  city.  From 
the  correspondence  then  going  on  between  General  Shatter  and 
the  Spanish  commander  it  was  evident  that  capitulation  of  the 
forces  within  the  beleaguered  city  was  being  considered,  and  this 
led  to  truces  now  and  then  between  the  opposing  forces,  during 
which  all  hostile  operations  were  suspended. 

As  early  as  July  6th  General  Shatter  proposed  the  forcing 
of  the  harbor  by  the  navy.  Some  correspondence  occurred  be- 
tween Admiral  Sampson  and  the  commanding  general  of  the 
Fifth  Army  Corps  as  to  the  advisability  of  this  step,  which,  as 
appears,  was  referred  to  the  President.  At  all  events  the  fol- 
lowing telegram,  referring  to  such  a movement,  was  sent  to 
Admiral  Sampson: 

333 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES 


333 


Washington,  July  13,  1898. 

The  Commanding  General  of  the  Army  urges,  and  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  requests,  that  navy  force  harbor.  Confer  with  commander  of 
army,  wishing  to  do  all  that  is  reasonably  possible  to  insure  the  surrender 
of  the  enemy.  I leave  this  matter  to  your  discretion,  except  that  the 
United  States  armored  vessels  must  not  he  risked. 

Long. 


This  despatch  again  confirms  the  position  taken  by  Mr.  Long 
in  the  confidential  instructions  to  the  commander-in-chief  dated 
April  6,  1898,  the  second  paragraph  only  being  quoted: 

(2)  The  Department  does  not  wish  the  vessels  of  your  squadron  to 
be  exposed  to  the  fire  of  batteries  at  Havana,  Santiago  de  Cuba,  or  other 
strongly  fortified  ports  in  Cuba  unless  the  more  formidable  Spanish  ves- 
sels should  take  refuge  within  these  harbors.  Even  in  this  case  the  Depart- 
ment would  suggest  that  a rigid  blockade  and  employment  of  our  torpedo 
boats  might  accomplish  the  desired  object,  viz.,  the  destruction  of  the 
enemy’s  vessels,  without  subjecting  unnecessarily  our  own  men-of-war  to 
the  fire  of  the  land  batteries.  There  are  two  reasons  for  this: 

First,  there  may  be  no  United  States  troops  to  occupy  any  captured 
stronghold,  or  to  protect  from  riot  and  arson,  until  after  the  dry  season 
begins,  about  October  1st. 

Second,  the  lack  of  docking  facilities  makes  it  particularly  desirable 
that  our  vessels  should  not  be  crippled  before  the  capture  or  the  destruc- 
tion of  Spain’s  most  formidable  vessels. 


Again,  when  Admiral  Sampson’s  squadron  was  on  its  way 
to  bombard  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  as  it  did  on  May  12,  1898,  we 
meet  the  same  anxious  solicitude  of  Mr.  Long  in  his  telegram 
to  Cape  Haitien,  Haiti,  repeating  the  injunctions  of  March  23d 
and  April  6th,  viz. : 


Washington,  May  5,  1898. 
Sampson  {care  U.  S.  Consul),  Cape  Haitien,  Haiti. 

Do  not  risk  so  crippling  your  vessels  against  fortifications  as  to  pre- 
vent from  soon  afterward  successfully  fighting  the  Spanish  fleet  composed 
of  Pelayo,  Carlos  Y,  Viscaya,  Oquendo,  Colon,  Teresa,  and  four  torpedo- 
boat  destroyers  if  they  should  appear  on  this  side. 

Long. 

But  to  a better  comprehension  of  this  matter  the  instructions 
issued  to  the  commander-in-chief,  dated  March  23,  1898,  at  Wash- 
ington, wherein  Mr.  Long  defines  the  department’s  views  at  some 


334 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


length  upon  what  is  regarded  as  an  efficient  blockade,  ought  to  be 
stated.  Before  giving  these  instructions,  Mr.  Long  evidently 
had  had  a conversation  with  some  one  whose  mind  was  affected 
with  torpedophobia,  for  he  suggests  three  lines  of  blockade  of 
all  important  points. 

First,  an  inner  line  to  consist  of  small,  fast  vessels,  either 
torpedo-boats,  or  revenue  cutters,  tugs,  and  the  like,  improvised 
to  act  as  torpedo-boat  destroyers  and  scouts,  close  to  the  harbor 
mouth. 

Second,  a line  placed  about  two  or  three  miles  outside  of  this 
inner  line  to  consist  as  nearly  as  possible  of  vessels  of  the  class 
of  the  Cincinnati,  or  Detroit,  whose  duty  it  would  be  to  go  to  the 
support  of  the  inner  line  if  need  be. 

Third,  outside  this  second  line  the  battleships  were  to  cruise 
at  a distance  of  twenty-five  miles  from  the  blockaded  port.  This 
distance  was  considered  to  be  near  enough  if  a change  of  posi- 
tion was  made  after  nightfall  to  minimize  the  chance  of  successful 
attack  against  them  by  the  enemy’s  torpedo-boats. 

Reading  these  repeated  orders  of  the  department  in  the 
calmer  judgment  of  to-day,  it  is  hardly  possible  to  avoid  the 
conclusion  that  from  March  23,  1898,  to  July  13,  1898,  after  the 
fleet  of  Cervera  had  been  destroyed,  the  policy  of  the  depart- 
ment was  not  to  permit  the  risk  of  crippling  the  battleships 
against  fortifications. 

Mr.  Long’s  telegram  to  the  commander-in-chief,  referring  to 
the  matter  of  forcing  the  harbor  of  Santiago  after  the  overthrow 
of  Cervera ’s  squadron,  was  dated  July  13,  1898,  and  incontro- 
vertibly  shows  that  there  had  been  no  change  of  heart  upon  this 
matter  up  to  that  date. 

But  the  reconnaissance  of  May  31st  was  another  matter. 
When  that  was  made,  with  the  view  to  develop  what  was  in  these 
batteries,  or  what  was  behind  them,  in  accordance  with  the  first 
of  these  instructions,  and  possibly  in  some  sympathy  with  the 
latest,  the  operation  was  made  the  subject  of  censure,  and  three 
years  later  the  basis  of  an  inquiry. 

In  more  compact  Anglo-Saxon,  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron  was  brought  under  official  inquiry  and  censure  for 
not  doing  on  May  31st  that  which  Admiral  Sampson  had  been 
specifically  forbidden  to  do  in  orders  reiterated  from  March  23d 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES 


335 


to  July  13,  1898.  It  would  be  charitable  to  denominate  such 
action  an  inconsistency. 

The  mail  of  July  10th  brought  many  newspapers  from  home 
to  the  squadron,  and  in  all  of  them  were  fuller  details  of  the 
battle  of  July  3d.  Almost  without  exception  those  dailies  gave 
the  credit  of  the  victory  to  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squad- 
ron and  ignored  the  New  York  as  a factor  in  it. 

In  that  same  spirit  of  generous  fairness  to  share  the  honors 
and  glories  of  that  great  victory  with  all  who  helped  to  achieve 
it,  no  matter  how  little  in  degree,  the  telegram  which  follows 
was  transmitted  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  through  Admiral 
Sampson,  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

Flagship  Brooklyn, 

Off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  July  10,  1898. 

Feel  some  mortification  that  the  newspaper  accounts  of  July  6th  have 
attributed  victory  on  July  3d  almost  entirely  to  me.  Victory  was  secured 
by  the  force  under  command  Commander-in-Chief,  North  Atlantic  Sta- 
tion, and  to  him  the  honor  is  due.  The  end  of  line  held  by  the  Brooklyn 
and  the  Vixen  was  heavily  assailed,  and  had  the  honor,  with  the  Oregon, 
of  being  in  the  battle  from  the  beginning  to  the  end.  And  I do  not  doubt 
for  a moment  full  and  proper  credit  will  be  given  to  all  persons  and  all 
ships  in  the  official  report  of  the  combat. 

W.  S.  Schley. 

This  telegram  was  handed  in  person  to  Admiral  Sampson, 
who,  after  reading  it  carefully,  said:  “Schley,  this  is  kind  and 
generous ; I will  transmit  it  at  once.  ’ ’ The  admiral  and  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron  had  been  friends  for  forty  years, 
and  during  their  official  association  there  had  been  no  break  or 
misunderstanding.  Surely  no  expression  of  disapproval  of  the 
military  operations  or  actions  of  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron  had  ever  been  made  by  him.  Until  the  communica- 
tion of  Mr.  Long,  on  February  6,  1899,  to  the  Senate,  seven 
months  after  the  battle,  in  which  was  published  for  the  first  time 
Sampson’s  letter  of  July  10th  containing  reflections  upon  the 
conduct  of  the  commander  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  there  had 
been  no  manifested  expression  of  disapproval  from  the  depart- 
ment or  Admiral  Sampson.  It  was  the  first  intimation  that 
“reprehensible  conduct”  had  been  charged,  but  how  this  could 
be  reconciled  with  a telegram  received  from  Sampson  on  May 


836 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


31st,  a month  or  more  before  the  battle,  indorsing  the  work  of 
the  Flying  Squadron  and  congratulating  its  commander  for 
locating  and  blockading  Cervera’s  ships,  would  not  be  easy 
literary  navigation  to-day.  This  telegram  explains  itself. 

Congratulate  you  on  success.  Maintain  close  blockade  at  all  hazards, 
especially  at  night ; very  little  to'  fear  from  torpedo-boat  destroyers ; coal 
in  open  sea  whenever  conditions  permit;  send  ship  to  examine  Guantanamo 
with  view  to  occupying  it  as  base,  coaling  one  heavy  ship  at  a time;  ap- 
praise captured  coal,  use  it  if  desired,  and  afterwards  send  ship  in  as 

Sampson. 

The  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  from  that  time  to 
this  has  always  felt  that  the  language  employed  in  this  communi- 
cation of  July  10,  1898,  was  unlike  Admiral  Sampson,  and  that 
in  the  pressure  of  official  correspondence  at  that  time  this  ex- 
pression, in  the  copy  prepared  by  others  for  his  signature,  escaped 
his  attention. 

As  the  utter  hopelessness  of  the  situation  impressed  itself 
upon  the  Spanish  General,  who  realized  that  the  American  forces 
on  land  and  sea  had  enveloped  his  army  and  shut  it  out  from  all 
chance  of  supplies  in  either  direction,  there  were  evident  indi- 
cations of  a desire  to  capitulate.  The  following  telegram  from 
Army  headquarters  on  July  12,  1898,  to  Admiral  Sampson,  was 
only  the  precursor  of  this  end: 

A truce  exists  and  negotiations  are  now  pending  with  Spanish  com- 
mander. All  firing  must  be  discontinued  during  cessation  of  hostilities. 
Due  notice  of  the  commencement  will  be  given  you. 

Shafter,  Major  General. 

At  9.05  A.  M.,  July  13th,  or  the  day  following,  this  telegram 
was  sent  to  the  Army  headquarters : 

As  commander-in-chief  of  the  naval  forces  engaged  in  joint  opera- 
tions, I expect  to  be  represented  in  any  conference  held  to  arrange  the 
terms  of  surrender  of  Santiago,  including  the  surrender  of  the  shipping  in 
the  harbor.  Questions  are  involved  of  importance  to  both  branches  of 
the  service.  Sampson. 

At  2.40  p.  M.  of  this  same  day  the  following  message  was 
received  by  Admiral  Sampson  from  Army  headquartei’s : 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES 


337 


I shall  be  glad  to  have  you  represented,  but  difficult  to  let  you  know. 
Conference  may  take  place  at  any  hour.  I should  recommend  that  you 
send  an  officer  for  that  purpose  to  remain  at  my  headquarters.  Should  it 
not  be  convenient  for  you  to  do  so,  I will  endeavor  to  give  notice  and  see 
that  an  officer  can  be  present  when  final  terms  are  agreed. 

Shafter. 


And  again  at  6.45  p.  m.  of  July  13th  a message  from  Army 
headquarters  to  Admiral  Sampson  was  received  in  the  terms  fol- 
lowing : 


We  will  send  important  despatch  by  Mr.  Hobson  to  you  this  evening. 
Please  have  boat  for  him.  He  leaves  at  6 o’clock. 


Miles. 


At  1.15  p.  M.,  July  14th,  another  message  from  Army  head- 
quarters was  received  by  Admiral  Sampson ; 


I will  be  glad  if  you  will  send  to  these  headquarters  an  officer  to  rep- 
resent you  during  the  negotiations  for  evacuation. 


Miles. 


This  message  followed,  at *2.25  p.  m.  the  same  afternoon,  from 
Army  headquarters,  and  was  received  by  Admiral  Sampson: 

The  enemy  has  surrendered;  will  be  do^vn  and  see  you  soon. 

Miles. 

On  July  16,  1898,  the  following  message  w^as  received  by  Ad- 
miral Sampson  from  the  Army  headquarters : 


Enemy  has  surrendered, 
navy  in  the  matter? 


Will  you  send  some  (one)  to  represent 

Shafter. 


Also  the  following  despatch  from  the  commander  of  the 
Army: 

Headquarters  5th  Army  Corps, 

On  board  Yale,  off  Siboney,  July  IG,  1898. 

Sir;  There  appears  to  be  a little  delay  in  the  full  surrender  of  the 
Santiago  garrison,  which  I attribute  more  to  formalities  than  anything 
else.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  purpose  of  the  Spanish  to  surrender. 
They  did  so,  in  fact,  in  a formal  positive  manner.  The  terms  of  capitula- 


338 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


tion  were  agreed  to  and  have  been  signed  by  the  commissioners  of  both 
armies.  At  the  request  of  the  Spanish  officials  delay  has  been  granted 
until  they  can  hear  from  Madrid,  which  they  seem  positive  will  soon  be  a 
matter  of  fact,  and  am  glad  that  the  Navy  has  been  able  to  contribute 
such  an  important  part. 

A copy  of  the  agreement  of  capitulation  signed  by  the  commissioners 
is  herewith  enclosed  for  your  information. 

Very  respectfully, 

Nelson  A.  Miles, 

Major  General  Commanding. 

The  officer  detailed  to  represent  the  Navy  was  Captain  F. 
E.  Chadwick,  notwithstanding  the  flag  of  the  second  in  command 
was  flying  in  the  squadron.  Chadwick  arrived  too  late  at  the 
front  to  take  any  part  in  the  negotiations;  so  that  no  mention 
was  made  in  the  stipulations  of  the  shipping  in  the  port.  This 
led  to  some  disagreement  between  Sampson  and  Shatter,  but  will 
not  be  further  referred  to,  as  all  the  facts  leading  to  the  dispute 
were  not  known  to  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron. 

Actual  hostilities  against  the  Spanish  forces  in  and  about 
Santiago  terminated  on  July  16th,  but  it  was  not  until  the 
morning  of  July  17th  that  the  actual  surrender  was  made  mani- 
fest to  the  squadron  off  the  port  in  the  hauling  down  of  the 
Spanish  flag  from  the  Morro,  Socapa  and  Punta  Gorda  batteries 
at  9 A.  M. 

On  that  morning  the  New  York,  Brooklyn,  Vixen  and  the 
other  vessels  of  the  squadron  moved  into  a position  near  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor.  The  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron 
went  into  the  lower  harbor  in  his  steam  launch  accompanied  by 
Lieutenant  Sears,  Ensign  McCauley,  Mr.  Geo.  E.  Graham,  and  a 
correspondent  of  a New  York  newspaper  whose  name  is  not  now 
recalled.  At  the  small  wharf  the  Spanish  officer  who  had  com- 
manded the  Socapa  battery  was  met.  This  officer  was  anxious 
to  ascertain  what  disposition  was  to  be  made  of  himself  and  his 
men,  but  was  more  solicitous  still  that  some  effort  should  be 
made  to  feed  his  men,  who  were  without  supplies  of  any  kind. 

The  Sinvanee,  Commander  Delahanty,  with  the  assistance 
of  Lieutenant  Araouca  of  the  enemy’s  army,  began  removing 
the  mines  from  the  channel  way  at  this  time.  There  occurred 
no  accident  in  doing  this  duty,  as  most  of  these  torpedoes  were 
inactive. 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES 


339 


The  admiral  shifted  his  flag  to  the  Vixen  on  the  morning  of 
July  18th,  and  from  that  vessel  a signal  message  was  received 
requesting  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  to  accom- 
pany him  to  Santiago. 

Passing  into  the  harbor,  a number  of  merchant  steamers  and 
one  small  gunboat,  the  Alvarado,  were  found  at  anchor.  On 
landing  at  the  principal  wharf  of  the  city  and  proceeding  thence 
up  the  main  street  to  the  palace,  there  was  every  demonstration 
of  welcome  from  the  Cuban  inhabitants  of  Santiago  to  the  ad- 
miral and  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron.  Joy  beamed 
on  every  face,  and  many  were  the  expressions  of  delight  in  the 
glad  salutations  of  the  people. 

General  McKibben  had  taken  possession  of  the  city  by  Gen- 
eral Shatter ’s  orders,  and  was  found  at  his  headquarters  in  the 
palace,  with  his  staff,  making  every  arrangement  to  maintain 
order  and  to  guard  the  city  against  excess  or  disorders  from 
the  lawless  who  at  such  times  take  advantage  of  changes  in  com- 
mands. The  general  gave  a most  graphic  description  of  the  cam- 
paign, the  difficulties  encountered,  and  the  splendid  flghting  of 
our  comrades  of  the  sister  service.  Under  his  command,  good 
order,  quiet  and  security  were  soon  assured  to  the  people  of 
the  city. 

On  July  20th,  at  4 o’clock  in  the  morning,  the  New  York 
left  her  place  before  the  port  and  steamed  to  the  eastward,  leav- 
ing the  Brooklyn  off  the  harbor.  What  the  commander-in-chief ’s 
purposes  were  had  to  be  guessed,  for  the  reason  that  no  orders 
had  been  left  for  the  Brooklyn's  guidance  or  movements,  though 
it  was  clear  that  her  presence  was  no  longer  needed  anywhere 
in  the  vicinity  of  Santiago.  About  10  a.  m.  a number  of  mer- 
chant vessels  began  filing  out  of  the  harbor  with  the  American 
flag  hoisted  at  their  flagstaffs  and  the  Spanish  flag  at  the  fore. 
Inquiry  established  the  fact  that  Captain  Evans  of  the  Iowa  had 
been  directed  to  superintend  this  operation  of  the  transfer  of 
these  vessels  from  Santiago  to  Guantanamo  as  prizes,  to  be  re- 
turned, however,  to  Santiago  under  Army  control  a few  days 
later.  If  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron,  who  was  the 
senior  officer  present  at  that  time,  had  been  disposed  to  be  cap- 
tious, he  might  have  insisted  upon  their  detention  until  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  had  indicated  his  wishes  with  regard  to  these 
.vessels. 


23 


340 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Three  days  afterwards,  on  July  23d,  the  commander  of  the 
Second  Squadron,  still  off  Santiago,  received  a note  from  Cap- 
tain Chadwick,  chief  of  staff,  stating  that  the  commander-in- 
chief would  like  the  Brooklyn  to  come  to  Guantanamo.  In  com- 
pliance with  this  note,  the  Brooklyn  left  her  station  and  arrived 
about  10  o’clock  the  same  night  at  Guantanamo. 

From  the  23d  of  July  until  the  14th  of  August  the  squad- 
ron remained  at  Guantanamo  coaling,  repairing  engines,  or  boil- 
ers, where  needed,  and  substituting  new  five-inch  guns  and  gun- 
mounts  on  the  Brooklyn  for  those  injured  during  the  battle  of 
July  3d.  In  the  interval  of  this  delay  the  department  had  cre- 
ated an  Eastern  Squadron  under  command  of  Commodore  J.  C. 
Watson,  a distinguished  and  excellent  officer,  who  selected  the 
Oregon  as  his  flagship  and  whose  squadron  was  to  embrace  the 
battleship,  the  Brooklyn,  one  or  two  of  the  auxiliary  yachts, 
and  a collier  or  two.  The  purpose  announced  was  to  threaten 
the  coast  of  Spain,  or  to  meet  and  beat  the  squadron  of  Admiral 
Comar  a,  reported,  through  the  press  despatches,  to  be  en  route 
to  Manila,  composed  of  the  Pelayo  and  the  odds  and  ends  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  left  after  Manila  and  Santiago.  This  squadron 
was  to  be  convoyed  to  Gibraltar  by  the  commander-in-chief. 
The  Brooklyn  was  to  accompany  the  convoying  squadron,  leav- 
ing no  flagship  for  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron,  and 
as  no  announcement  had  been  made  of  the  extent  of  the  com- 
mand to  be  left  under  his  orders,  there  was  some  uncertainty 
about  the  vessel  from  which  to  fly  his  flag.  Later  it  developed 
that  the  Newark  was  not  to  be  included,  on  account  of  her  lim- 
ited bunker  capacity,  for  the  eastern  movement,  and  this  solved 
the  question. 

Before  the  Eastern  Squadron  was  ordered  to  set  forth  the 
news  of  overtures  from  Spain  looking  to  peace  was  flashed  to 
the  squadron  in  Guantanamo  Bay.  It  was  satisfactory  to  the 
squadron,  for  if  any  one  supposes  that  men  in  the  profession  of 
arms  like  war  because  their  training  teaches  them  better  how  to 
make  war,  such  a supposition  is  erroneous.  They  accept  war 
much  as  a patient  does  some  nauseous  nostrum,  as  a drastic 
means  to  a quick  cure. 

The  news  that  a protocol  looking  to  peace  had  been  arranged 
in  Washington  a day  or  two  afterwards  released  the  squadron 


SURRENDER  OF  THE  SPANISH  FORCES 


341 


from  blockading,  or  the  necessity  of  further  hostilities  against 
the  Spaniards.  It  secured  to  Cuba  the  independence  her 
patriots  had  striven  for  years  to  achieve.  It  compelled  Spain 
to  withdraw  her  flag  from  the  waters  of  the  Western  Continent. 
The  islanders  at  last  realized  their  independence,  and  let  us  hope 
for  them  under  the  providence  of  God  the  fullest  happiness  in 
its  enjoyment. 

On  the  14th  of  August  the  squadron  got  under  way  bound 
for  New  York.  The  passage  home  w^as  made  in  good  weather 
and  smooth  seas.  Its  speed  as  a unit  had  to  be  regulated  by 
that  of  its  slowest  vessel,  the  Indiana,  which  flxed  its  gait  at 
about  nine  knots.  On  the  morning  of  August  20th  the  High- 
lands of  Navesink  were  made  on  the  port  bow,  and  soon  after- 
wards the  squadron  passed  Sandy  Hook  and  entered  the  harbor 
of  New  York. 

As  the  squadron  approached  the  harbor  it  was  welcomed  with 
a salute  of  thirteen  guns,  and  was  met  by  a fleet  of  steamers, 
yachts,  and  tugs  loaded  with  people  almost  to  the  gunwales. 
There  was  some  delay  off  Tompkinsville  in  arranging  the  order 
of  the  ships  in  passing  up  the  harbor  and  up  the  North  River  as 
far  as  the  tomb  of  General  Grant  on  Riverside  Drive.  During 
this  delay  the  manifestations  of  joy  on  the  part  of  our  people 
found  expression  in  deafening  huzzas  and  applause.  These, 
added  to  sounding  of  whistles,  the  ringing  of  bells,  and  the  toot- 
ing of  horns,  rang  out  a welcome  as  sincere  as  heart  could  wish. 
There  was  no  intimation  in  the  squadron  that  such  an  over- 
whelming ovation  had  been  prepared  for  it,  until  the  Narrows 
had  been  reached,  when  the  dazzling  splendor  of  countless  ves- 
sels in  gala  rig  burst  upon  our  vision.  It  was  a surprise  indeed, 
but  it  was  generous  and  as  grand  as  the  great  victory  it  was 
intended  to  commemorate. 

Passing  up  the  harbor,  wharves  were  seen  crowded  with  peo- 
ple, windows  and  housetops  on  each  side  of  the  river  were  fllled 
with  enthusiastic  men  and  women  gathered  together  to  witness 
the  pageant  of  a lifetime,  and  to  do  homage  to  officers  and  men 
who  had  represented  them  in  their  war  for  humanity.  Reach- 
ing Riverside  Drive,  the  hillsides  from  the  water  to  their  tops 
were  packed  with  enthusiastic  people,  women  and  children  be- 
ing clad  in  raiment  of  every  variety  of  summer  colors,  which 


342 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


gave  to  the  slopes  the  appearance  of  having  been  padded  with 
flowers.  The  effect  from  the  ships  as  they  swung  past  was  en- 
trancingly  beautiful  in  the  bright  sunshine  of  that  beautiful  sum- 
mer day.  It  was  a sight  that  will  live  in  the  memory  and  the 
hearts  of  those  whom  this  demonstration  was  intended  to  honor. 
It  deserves  to  be  remembered  along  wdth  pageants  of  other  days 
when  strong  men  and  fair  women  joined  in  honoring  those  who 
had  wrought  dutifully  for  the  home,  country  and  flag  they  loved 
well.  And  long  afterwards  this  demonstration  of  loyal  affec- 
tion will  live  in  the  lives  of  those  who  witnessed  it,  and  in  the 
history  of  the  generations  to  come,  as  one  of  the  grandest  the 
world  has  ever  known. 

On  August  10,  1898,  the  President  of  the  United  States  ad- 
vanced the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  six  numbers, 
which  carried  him  into  the  grade  of  Rear  Admiral,  for  ‘ ‘ eminent 
and  conspicuous  conduct  in  battle.  This  commission  was  for- 
warded to  the  New  York  at  Tompkinsville,  to  be  delivered  when 
the  squadron  arrived  on  August  20th.  The  commission  was  not 
delivered  from  the  New  York  until  August  27th,  and  then  only  ‘ 
after  it  had  been  dug  out  of  a mass  of  other  papers  in  the  flag 
office  of  that  ship. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 


COMMISSIONER  TO  PORTO  RICO 
1898 

The  ceremonies  of  the  squadron’s  reception  being  over,  the 
Brooklyn  returned  to  an  anchorage  off  the  lighthouse  station  at 
Tompkinsville.  The  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  left 
the  ship  and  went  the  same  evening  to  Saugatuck,  Conn.,  to 
pass  a few  days  with  his  wife  and  children,  who  were  spend- 
ing the  summer  months  there.  The  day  after  arriving  the  Cuba 
malaria  developed  and  compelled  the  patient  to  remain  in  bed 
for  two  or  three  days  under  medical  treatment.  During  the 
campaign,  exposed  to  heat  and  rain  as  the  officers  and  men  had 
been,  many  were  stricken  down,  but  force  of  will,  added  to  ex- 
cellent treatment  from  the  medical  officers  of  the  ships,  restored 
them.  The  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  was  fortunate 
in  not  falling  a victim  to  this  pernicious  fever  while  the  siege 
was  being  maintained;  perhaps  his  preoccupation  during  the 
campaign  may  have  stayed  the  infection,  but  when  all  strain 
had  been  removed  in  this  quiet  and  healthful  New  England  home 
and  surroundings,  its  development  was  rapid.  From  this  cause 
a few  days  had  to  be  passed  in  bed  before  being  able  to  proceed 
to  Washington,  in  obedience  to  instructions  received  to  report 
in  person  to  the  President. 

On  the  morning  of  August  26th  the  commander  of  the  Sec- 
ond Squadron  set  out  from  Westport,  Conn.,  for  Washington, 
where  he  arrived  at  3.30  p.  m.  Along  the  entire  route  people 
had  gathered  in  vast  crowds  to  greet  and  pay  their  respects. 
As  the  train  passed  further  south  these  crowds  augmented, 
only,  however,  because  longer  notice  had  been  given  them  of 
the  commander’s  presence  on  the  train.  At  Jersey  City,  Tren- 
ton, Philadelphia,  Wilmington,  Baltimore  and  Washington  the 
enthusiastically  warm  reception  of  the  people  was  a touching 
tribute  of  affectionate  regard.  At  the  depot  of  the  Pennsyl- 

343 


344 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


vania  Railroad  at  Washington  the  commander  was  received  by 
an  almost  countless  multitude  of  his  fellow  countrymen,  whose 
enthusiastic  applause  constitutes  a delightful  memory.  After 
he  was  seated  in  his  carriage,  and  had  reached  Pennsylvania 
Avenue,  a corps  of  bicyclists  numbering  over  a hundred,  formed 
an  escort  on  each  flank  of  the  vehicle  as  it  was  driven  to  the 
Shoreham  Hotel.  Outside  the  hotel  a large  number  of  people 
had  gathered  to  greet  the  commander,  and  their  tribute  of  affec- 
tion as  manifested  in  their  welcome,  and  with  the  same  kind 
expressions  of  the  people  met  all  along  the  route,  was  deeply  ap- 
preciated. It  was  felt  that  these  demonstrations  were  in  no 
sense  personal,  but  rather  an  outburst  of  the  people’s  admira- 
tion for  the  Navy,  whose  good  Avork  in  the  war  just  ended  had 
touched  their  gratitude  profoundly. 

The  commander  proceeded  at  once  to  the  Navy  Department, 
where  he  Avas  received  by  the  assistant  secretary,  Mr.  Charles  H. 
Allen,  the  secretary  being  absent  from  Washington.  Mr.  Allen 
conducted  the  commander  at  once  to  the  executive  mansion, 
Avhere  he  Avas  receiA^ed  Avith  marked  cordiality  by  President  Mc- 
Kinley. His  Excellency  explained  that  he  had  chosen  the  ad- 
miral as  a member  of  the  High  Commission  to  proceed  to  Porto 
Rico  to  arrange  and  superintend  the  details  of  the  eA^acuation  of 
the  Spanish  forces,  the  other  members  being  IMajor  General  John 
R.  Brooke,  IT.  S.  A.,  and  Brigadier  General  W.  W.  Gordon, 
U.  S.  V.,  Avith  Lieutenant  Colonel  EdAvard  Hunter,  U.  S.  A., 
secretary. 

As  the  terms  of  the  protocol  arranged  betAveen  the  United 
States  and  Spain  required  the  commission  named  by  both  con- 
tracting parties  to  meet  in  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  in  one  month 
after  the  said  protocol  had  been  signed,  the  President  had  had 
prepared  the  folloAving  commission  to  this  duty.  At  the  same 
time  he  gave  authority,  and  directed  orders  to  be  issued,  to  hoist 
the  admiral’s  flag  on  his  arrival  on  board  the  steam  cruiser  Neio 
Orleans  as  flagship.  Captain  Win.  M.  Folger,  then  lying  in  the 
harbor  of  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  the  President’s  thoughtful  pur- 
pose being  that  the  admiral  should  not  suffer  in  pay  on  account 
of  this  assignment  in  duty,  for  this  otherAvise  AA^ould  liaA’e  oc- 
curred. The  commission  Avas  foi’Avarded  in  the  folloAAung  com- 
munication from  the  Navy  Department : 


COMMISSIONER  TO  PORTO  RICO 


345 


Washington,  D.  C.,  August  20,  1898. 

Sir:  The  President  of  the  United  States  having  appointed  you  a com- 
missioner on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  meet  commissioners  on  the 
part  of  Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  and  carrying  out  the  details 
of  the  immediate  evacuation  by  Spain  of  Porto  Rico  and  other  islands  now 
under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  West  Indies,  excluding  Cuba  and  the 
adjacent  Spanish  islands,  for  the  evacuation  of  which  other  commissioners 
have  been  appointed,  I have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  herewith  your  com- 
mission, dated  the  19th  instant. 

Please  acknowledge  receipt. 

Very  respectfully, 

A.  S.  Crowninshield, 

Chief  of  Bureau. 

Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 

Commanding  Seeond  Bquadron,  North  Atlantic  Fleet, 
Tompkinsville,  N.  Y. 

The  commission  referred  to  in  the  above  communication,  bear- 
ing the  great  seal  of  the  United  States  of  America,  was  enclosed 
as  follows  ; 

WILLIAM  McKinley 
President  of  the  United  States  of  America 
To  all  who  shall  see  these  presents,  Greeting: 

Know  ye,  that  reposing  special  trust  and  confidence  in  the  integrity 
and  ability  of  Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N.,  I do  appoint 
him  a commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  to  meet  commis- 
sioners on  the  part  of  Spain,  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  and  carrying 
out  the  details  of  the  immediate  evacuation  by  Spain  of  Porto  Rico,  and 
other  islands  now  under  Spanish  sovereignty  in  the  West  Indies,  excluding 
Cuba  and  the  adjacent  Spanish  islands,  for  the  evacuation  of  which  other 
commissioners  have  been  appointed,  and  do  authorize  and  empower  him  to 
execute  and  fulfil  the  duties  of  this  commission,  with  all  the  powers,  privi- 
leges, and  emoluments  thereunto  of  right  appertaining,  during  the  pleasure 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States. 

In  Testimony  Whereof,  1 have  caused  these  letters  to  be  made  patent, 
and  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be  hereunto  affixed. 

Given  under  my  hand  at  the  city  of  Washington,  the  19th  day  of 
August,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety- 
eight,  and  the  123d  year  of  the  independence  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

/ William  McKinley. 

By  the  President,  [great  seal.] 

J.  B.  Moore,  Acting  Secretary  of  State. 

The  commissioner  to  Porto  Rico,  under  the  instruction  of 
this  letter  patent,  returned  to  New  York  on  the  morning  of  the 


346 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


28th,  and  along  the  route  from  Washington  to  that  city  the  same  I 
manifestations  of  affectionate  greetings  were  met  from  his  conn-  ■ 
trymen  assembled  at  the  various  stations  where  the  train  stopped.  I 
At  Jersey  City  and  on  the  New  York  side  there  were  found  large  I 
assemblages  of  the  people  to  greet  and  welcome  the  commissioner,  I 
and  many  were  the  expressions  of  “God  bless  you’’  wafted  to  I 
him  from  the  hearts  of  the  people.  I 

On  August  29th  the  new  commissioner  returned  on  board  il 
the  Brooklyn,  hoisting  his  flag  as  rear  admiral,  which  Cook  sa-  M 
luted  with  thirteen  guns.  Among  oflicers  and  men  of  the  flag-  ? • 

•ship  there  was  wild  satisfaction  when  the  blue  flag,  bearing  two  u 

white  stars,  was  broken  to  the  breeze  at  the  main.  The  delight  j . 
of  many  men  was  exhibited  by  tossing  caps  in  the  air,  that  of  j 
others  by  embracing  each  other.  Many  of  the  officers  and  petty 
officers  came  to  the  cabin  to  shake  hands  and  congratulate 
their  old  commander-in-chief  upon  his  new  rank  and  honors. 

It  was  a tribute  of  affection  from  brave  comrades  who  had  |! 
stood  unflinchingly  by  his  side  on  that  memorable  July  3,  | 

1898,  off  Santiago,  and  it  went  deep  into  the  heart  of  the  ■ 

recipient. 

During  the  two  days  passed  on  board  the  Brooklyn  before 
sailing  she  was  visited  by  thousands  of  our  people  attracted  to 
her  by  the  conspicuous  part  she  had  borne  in  the  battle  of  San- 
tiago. Each  one  of  the  honorable  scars  she  had  received  was 
eagerly  scanned  and  interestingly  examined  by  these  visitors, 
whose  enthusiastic  admiration  for  the  splendid  fellows  who  had 
stood  amid  such  dangers  was  universally  expressed.  Nothing 
which  occurred  afterwards  in  the  unnecessary  controversy  over 
the  honors  of  the  battle,  which  w^ere  big  enough  for  every  one, 
could  ever  efface  the  memories  of  the  affectionate  reception  ex- 
tended to  her . officers  and  men  on  this  occasion.  And  while 
nothing  more  than  was  done  by  the  other  ships  is  claimed  for 
the  Brooklyn,  she  did  her  part  fully  as  well  and  surely  as  accept- 
ably as  any  of  her  sister  ships  in  that  famous  combat. 

On  August  31st  the  transport  Seneca,  under  orders  from 
Washington,  stopped  abreast  the  Brooklyn's  anchorage  to  receive 
on  board  the  newly  appointed  commissioner  and  his  staff,  Lieu- 
tenant Jas.  II.  Sears,  Lieutenant  B.  W.  Wells  and  Ensign  Ed- 
ward McCauley,  for  transportation  to  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 


A 


COMMISSIONER  TO  PORTO  RICO 


347 


The  leave-taking  from  the  officers  and  men  of  the  Brooklyn  occu- 
pied a few  minutes,  when  the  admiral’s  flag  was  hauled  down 
and  transferred  to  the  Seneca  amid  the  thunder  of  the  Brook- 
lyn’s guns. 

The  Seneca  was  not  long  in  gaining  the  open  sea,  which  was 
smooth  and  favorable  to  her  passage  south.  On  board  the 
Seneca  General  W.  W.  Gordon,  U.  S.  V.,  with  his  aid.  Captain 
Gordon,  U.  S.  V.,  was  found,  and  during  the  voyage  of  about 
six  days  the  two  commissioners  held  a number  of  conferences 
with  relation  to  the  new  duties  to  which  the  President’s  orders 
assigned  them. 

The  Seneca  was  an  old  vessel,  belonging  to  one  of  the  coast 
steamship  lines,  and  had  been  kept  at  work  almost  up  to  the 
limit  of  her  usefulness.  Her  boilers,  engines,  and  piping  were 
in  such  bad  condition  that  the  steam  pressure  had  to  be  much 
reduced.  On  the  way  outward  several  stops  had  to  be  made  to 
repair  leaky  joints  in  her  piping  in  order  to  keep  her  going. 
But,  fortunately,  though  it  was  the  hurricane  season,  she  did  not 
have  to  meet  one  of  those  flerce  tempests  common  on  our  coast 
in  the  months  of  August,  September  and  October.  She  arrived 
at  San  Juan  on  the  7th  of  September,  and  there  the  other  com- 
missioner, Major  General  John  R.  Brooke,  was  met.  The  day 
following  the  three  American  commissioners.  Major  General  John 
R.  Brooke,  U.  S.  A. ; Rear  Admiral  W.  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N. ; 
Brigadier  General  W.  W.  Gordon,  U.  S.  V.;  Colonel  Edward 
Hunter,  U.  S.  A.,  secretary,  made  an  official  call  at  the  palace 
upon  Captain  General  Macias,  who  introduced  them  to  the  com- 
missioners on  the  part  of  Spain : Major  General  Ricardo  Ortega, 
Rear  Admiral  Eugenio  Vallarino,  Colonel  Jose  Sanchez  del 
Aguila,  Captain  Rafael  Ravena,  secretary. 

The  same  afternoon  the  captain  general  of  the  island  and 
the  commissioners  on  the  part  of  Spain  returned  the  call.  Dur- 
ing the  call  upon  the  captain  general  the  offer  was  made  by  him 
of  the  audience  hall  of  the  palace  as  the  place  to  hold  the  meet- 
ings of  the  commission.  It  was  explained  that  the  palace,  being 
in  telegraphic  communication  with  the  several  military  head- 
quarters of  the  island,  would  facilitate  the  work  of  the  commis- 
sion in  transmitting  the  arrangements  made  directly  to  those 
concerned.  This  was  accepted  by  the  American  commission  and 


348 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


thereafter  its  sessions  were  held  in  that  spacious  and  comfort- 
able hall  of  the  palace. 

The  next  step  to  be  taken,  preliminary  to  the  meeting  of  the 
commissioners  in  joint  session,  was  to  suggest  to  the  captain 
general  that,  as  the  American  commission  represented  the 
authority  of  the  President  as  decreed  under  the  letters  patent, 
issued  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  protocol,  the  Ameri- 
can flag  would  be  hoisted  over  the  headquarters  occupied  by  the 
American  commissioners  in  San  Juan.  This  suggestion,  after 
some  discussion,  was  acceded  to  by  the  captain  general  as  a 
necessary  measure  to  preserve  the  co-equality  of  the  commission- 
ers on  the  part  of  both  countries  as  directly  representing  the 
sovereign  authority  of  their  rulers. 

To  assist  the  commission  in  its  work  of  investigating  the 
Spanish  code  of  laws,  the  court  practise,  the  system  of  punish- 
ments, the  system  of  finance,  and  the  system  of  civil  procedure 
in  general  on  the  island,  the  American  commission  requested 
the  detail  of  an  officer  from  the  staff  of  the  Department  of  Jus- 
tice at  Washington  to  investigate  these  matters.  The  Attorney 
General  of  the  United  States  detailed  to  this  duty  Mr.  Charles 
W.  Russell,  and  the  report  of  the  commission  was  greatly  aided 
by  the  careful  and  thorough  manner  in  which  this  officer  per- 
formed this  duty. 

On  September  10,  1898,  the  commission  as  constituted  by 
the  two  governments  met  at  the  palace.  Each  commission  being 
furnished  with  interpreters,  it  was  decided  that  careful  minutes 
of  each  day’s  proceedings  should  be  kept;  those  for  the  Ameri- 
can Government  to  be  in  English,  and  those  for  the  Spanish 
Government  to  be  in  Spanish,  but  both  records  to  be  exact  pro- 
totypes. To  the  end  that  there  might  be  no  variation  in  either 
record,  a careful  comparison  by  expert  translators  was  made 
before  the  minutes  of  the  previous  day’s  proceedings  were  read 
to  the  commission  for  approval  or  correction  on  the  following 
day.  As  the  instructions  of  the  commission  were  clear-cut  and 
complete,  the  American  commission  proposed  to  their  Spanish 
associates  to  outline  their  scheme  for  consideration  of  the  mat- 
ters that  would  come  before  the  commission  for  determination. 
It  Avas  thought  to  be  important,  at  the  outset  of  these  delibera- 
tions, to  understand  the  attitude  of  the  Government  of  Spain 


COMMISSIONER  TO  PORTO  RICO 


349 


as  laid  down  in  the  instructions  given  to  its  commission.  The 
Spanish  commission  accepted  this  proposition  and  requested  an 
adjournment  for  several  days  to  formulate  such  plan. 

Within  a few  days  this  paper  was  submitted  at  great  length 
to  the  American  commission.  It  embraced  every  matter  relating 
to  the  affairs  of  the  island  from  a business,  financial,  municipal, 
religious,  judicial  and  social  standpoint.  The  matter  of  evacu- 
ating the  island  was  suggested  in  such  form  as  to  delay  the  opera- 
tion to  the  last  moment  possible.  As  the  instructions  of  the 
American  commission  only  permitted  it  to  consider  the  one  ques- 
tion of  evacuating  the  island,  and  that  promptly,  its  reply,  on 
the  13th  day  of  September,  in  which  this  one  matter  was  set 
forth  as  the  only  question  it  was  authorized  to  consider,  became 
in  all  the  proceedings  of  the  joint  commission  afterwards  the 
basis  of  its  discussion.  It  should  be  said,  however,  that  the  pro- 
ceedings were  characterized  to  the  end  of  the  joint  sessions  by 
great  dignity  and  circumspection  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish 
commission. 

Very  naturally,  many  matters  were  suggested  by  its  mem- 
bers, but  the  indexible  reply  of  the  American  commission  that 
the  evacuation  of  the  island  was  the  only  subject  its  instructions 
permitted  to  be  discussed  usually  brought  the  commission  back 
to  that  one  operation  and  how  to  effect  it  most  expeditiously. 
To  facilitate  this,  a large  map  of  the  island  was  hung  on  the 
wall  of  the  chamber  where  the  commission  sat.  Several  points 
thereon  showing  where  the  forces  of  each  nation  were  located 
were  marked  by  pins  bearing  the  American  and  Spanish  colors. 
During  each  day’s  session,  the  points  selected  to  be  occupied 
by  noon  of  the  following  day  were  indicated  by  the  American 
commission,  but,  as  a rule,  objection  was  made  by  the  Spanish 
commission,  one  of  whom  was  always  ready  with  argument  of 
its  impracticability.  These  arguments  were  invariably  met 
with  the  assurance  that,  should  the  evacuation  of  any  point  be 
impracticable,  instructions  would  be  sent  to  the  American  officer 
to  entertain  the  Spanish  garrison  as  the  nation’s  guests  until 
such  time  as  evacuation  of  the  selected  points  could  be  effected 
by  them.  Generally  these  assurances  were  accepted.  At  the 
next  day’s  session  the  map  would  show  the  American  flag  at  the 
points  selected  the  previous  day.  A glance  at  the  map  each 


350 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


day  would  indicate  clearly  the  relative  position  of  each  force. 
It  was  interesting  as  an  exhibit  of  the  gradual  daily  falling  back 
of  the  Spanish  force  towards  San  Juan,  the  point  chosen  orig- 
inally for  the  embarkation  of  the  Spanish  troops. 

The  lack  of  steamers  to  facilitate  the  Spanish  embarkation 
occasioned  some  delay,  and  when  these  were  supplied  there  was 
a disposition  to  overcrowd  them  with  women  and  children,  who 
always  made  a large  proportion  of  Spanish  garrisons  in  the 
provinces.  But  for  this  fact  the  evacuation  of  the  island  would 
have  been  hastened.  Notwithstanding  this  defect  in  accommo- 
dation in  their  system  of  transportation,  the  island  was  practi- 
cally evacuated  by  October  18th.  The  few  troops  remaining 
at  the  time  were  regarded  as  the  guests  of  the  United  States 
for  a day  or  two  afterwards,  to  await  one  of  the  transatlantic 
liners. 

About  the  7th  or  8th  of  October  the  American  commission 
addressed  a telegram  to  the  President  setting  forth  the  general 
condition  of  the  island  and  the  troops  still  remaining  to  be  sent 
to  Spain.  It  suggested  that  a specific  day,  October  18th,  be 
named  when  the  island  would  be  taken  over  to  the  control  of 
and  government  by  the  United  States.  This  suggestion  was  ap- 
proved by  the  President,  in  a telegram  received  the  same  day, 
naming  the  18th  as  the  date  when  the  island  was  to  pass  over 
to  the  control  and  authority  of  our  Government.  These  instruc- 
tions of  the  President  were  at  once  transmitted  to  the  Spanish 
commission  and  were  accepted  with  some  manifestation  of  irrita- 
tion, but  when  it  was  explained  that,  if  the  evacuation  was  not 
entirely  completed  on  the  date  named,  those  remaining  would 
be  regarded  as  guests  and  afforded  every  security  and  protection 
as  such  until  a steamer  then  en  route  from  Spain  should  arrive, 
they  reluctantly  accepted  the  situation  and  as  gracefully  as 
possible. 

A careful  program  of  ceremonies  to  be  observed  on  the  occa- 
sion of  the  formal  occupation  of  the  island  was  prepared  by 
the  commission,  and  at  noon  on  October  18,  1898,  absolute  occu- 
pation was  consummated.  The  event  being  one  of  vast  impor- 
tance to  the  inhabitants  was  commemorated  by  a parade  of 
American  troops,  the  hoisting  of  the  American  colors  over  the 
public  buildings  and  fortifications  of  San  Juan,  and  a salute  of 


COMMISSIONER  TO  PORTO  RICO 


851 


twenty-one  guns  to  its  sovereignty.  At  San  Juan  the  public 
plaza  was  occupied  by  a battalion  of  blue- jackets  and  marines 
from  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbor.  The  boulevard  leading  to 
the  palace  was  occupied  by  a regiment  of  infantry,  and  the  forti- 
fications by  detachments  of  artillery.  The  consuls  of  foreign 
nations  at  San  Juan  were  invited  to  witness  the  transfer  of  the 
island,  and  were  present  with  the  American  commission  at  the 
palace,  at  which  point  the  interesting  ceremony  of  the  transfer 
could  be  witnessed  with  more  comfort  and  with  less  to  obstruct 
their  outlook. 

Precisely  at  noon  the  American  colors  were  rounded  up  to 
the  flagstaff  of  the  palace,  the  public  buildings  of  the  city,  and 
the  fortifications  around  the  port.  As  the  first  gun  of  the  salute 
from  San  Cristobal  was  fired,  it  was  taken  up  by  the  fortifica- 
tions around  the  port,  and  by  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbor. 
Amid  the  strains  of  the  Star  Spangled  Banner,  rendered  by  the 
regimental  bands,  were  mingled  the  loud  huzzas  of  the  popu- 
lace. In  a moment  the  islanders  had  pinned  on  the  lapels  of 
coats,  or  on  the  breasts  of  the  ladies,  miniature  American  flags. 
The  troops  assembled  stood  at  present  arms  during  the  render- 
ing of  the  national  hymn,  while  the  vociferous  applause  of  the 
assembled  crowds  marked  only  too  plainly  the  joyous  satisfac- 
tion felt  that  at  that  moment  was  severed  the  control  of  Spain 
over  the  island  and  the  transfer  of  it  was  made  to  the  care  and 
guardianship  of  the  great  republic. 

With  all  this  consummated,  the  commission’s  duty  termi- 
nated, and  the  authority  vested  in  it  under  the  letters  patent  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States  passed  to  Major  General 
John  R.  Brooke,  U.  S.  A.,  who  then  exercised  the  functions  of 
Military  Governor  of  the  Island. 

During  the  sessions  of  the  commission  the  staff  officers  of 
each  of  its  members  were  assigned  to  various  fields  of  investi- 
gation and  inquiry  in  order  to  enable  the  commission  to  submit 
a full,  complete  and  accurate  report  of  affairs  relating  to  the 
political,  financial  and  social  status  of  the  island  for  the  infor- 
mation of  the  President. 

As  the  naval  member  of  the  commission,  the  naval  station 
at  San  Juan,  all  land  from  low-water  mark  one  hundred  feet 
inward  and  all  lighthouses  which  under  Spanish  rule  had  been 


352 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


under  control  of  their  senior  naval  officer,  were  recommended 
by  the  writer  to  be  retained  under  the  same  control  in  the  trans- 
fer to  the  United  States  and,  as  the  senior  naval  representative 
present,  authority  was  recpiested  from  the  department  to  put 
the  naval  station  in  good  order  for  occupancy.  With  authority 
granted  for  this  purpose,  the  w^ork  of  cleaning  up  the  filth  of 
years  was  begun  and  finished  by  native  employees  who  removed 
from  sheds,  outhouses,  and  other  buildings  nearly  a thousand 
cartloads  of  refuse  which,  as  a breeding  center  for  pests,  would, 
if  left,  have  been  a constant  menace  to  public  health  under  the 
sweltering  sun  and  torrential  rains  of  the  island. 

The  cruiser  Newark,  Captain  C..F.  Goodrich,  had  replaced 
the  New  Orleans,  which  had  sailed  for  the  United  States,  in  order 
that  her  officers  might  be  able  to  answer  the  summons  of  the 
prize  court,  before  which  an  important  case  was  being  consid- 
ered and  which  depended  upon  the  evidence  they  were  to  give. 

The  duties  of  commissioner  being  ended,  the  department 
directed  the  admiral  to  remain  in  charge  of  the  naval  station 
and  its  duties  until  Commander  A.  S.  Snow  could  arrive  at  San 
Juan  to  assume  command  of  the  naval  station.  The  weather 
being  very  warm  on  shore,  the  admiral  took  up  his  quarters  on 
board  the  Newark,  bearing  his  flag,  in  order  to  be  more  com- 
fortable. He  remained  in  the  port  about  a fortnight,  when 
Commander  Snow  arrived. 

On  the  day  of  Snow’s  arrival  the  command  of  the  naval 
station  was  turned  over  to  him.  This  ceremony  concluded,  the 
Newark  sailed  for  New  York  and  arrived  a few  days  afterwards. 
After  delivering  the  commission’s  report  to  the  President  in 
Washington,  the  admiral  was  detached,  placed  on  waiting  orders, 
and  took  up  temporary  quarters  in  that  city. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 


THE  navigators’  CHART 
1898 

‘On  the  2d  of  September,  1898,  quite  two  months  after  the 
battle  of  July  3d,  and  three  days  after  the  commissioner  had 
sailed  from  New  York  for  Porto  Rico,  a board,  known  as  the 
Navigators,  composed  of  the  navigating  officers  of  the  several 
ships,  was  convened  to  plot  the  positions  of  the  ships  engaged 
at  several  moments  of  the  combat.  It  was  made  their  duty  to 
reconcile,  as  far  as  possible,  all  discrepancies  in  the  data  ob- 
tained, and  to  state  their  reason  for  the  locations  given  to  the 
vessels. 

The  commissioner  to  Porto  Rico  was  never  informed  that 
such  a board  was  contemplated,  nor  did  he  know,  except  through 
the  press,  until  after  his  return  in  November  from  the  duties 
assigned  him  by  the  President,  that  this  board  had  met  and  had 
submitted  its  report.  At  no  time  was  he  consulted  or  requested 
by  any  one  to  give  any  opinion  or  information  that  could  have 
assisted  the  board’s  deliberations  or  helped  it  to  reach  the  con- 
clusions submitted. 

He  learned,  after  his  return,  that  no  commanding  officer, 
except  Captain  Chadwick  of  the  New  York,  and  possibly  Cap- 
tain Cook  on  the  last  day  of  its  session,  had  been  consulted  by 
this  board.  As  there  w^re  at  least  three  of  the  members  of  this 
board  who  had  not  witnessed  the  battle  from  beginning  to  end, 
the  conclusions  they  arrived  at  and  presented  in  the  form  of  a 
chart  of  the  battle  could  only  have  been  reached  from  hearsay 
information.  This  fact  probably  accounts  for  the  inaccuracy 
of  the  chart  submitted  with  the  report  made  on  October  8, 
1898,  and  which  the  judge  advocate  general  of  the  Navy  was 
forced  to  abandon  before  the  court  of  inquiry  in  1901  as  inac- 
curate and,  therefore,  unreliable. 

Commander  Heilner,  who  was  a member  of  the  board  of  navh 

353 


354 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


gators  which  produced  this  chart,  could  not  reconcile  his  testi- 
mony before  the  court  of  inquiry  in  1901  with  the  position  of 
the  Brooklyn  at  the  time  she  turned.  His  testimony  placed  the 
Brooklyn  across  the  bow  of  the  Texas.  The  chart  he  submitted 
as  a member  of  the  board,  three  months  after  the  fight,  showed 
the  Brooklyn  some  half  mile  away  at  that  time. 

To  aid  in  a better  understanding  of  the  chart  submitted,  the 
order  creating  the  board,  and  the  report  submitted,  are  here 
given ; 

U.  S.  Flagship  New  York,  1st  Rate, 

Navy  Yard,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  Sept.  2,  1898. 

Sirs:  You  are  hereby  appointed  a board  to  plot  the  positions  of  the 
ships  of  Admiral  Cervera’s  squadron  and  those  of  the  United  States  fleet 
in  the  battle  of  July  3,  1898,  off  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

You  are  empowered  to  call  for  such  data  from  any  ship  concerned  as 
may  be  necessary,  forwarding  a copy  of  this  letter  as  authority. 

It  will  be  your- duty  to  reconcile,  as  far  as  possible,  all  discrepancies  in 
the  data  so  obtained. 

The  board,  in  submitting  the  chart  with  the  plotted  positions,  will 
report  fully  their  reasons  for  locating  the  positions  as  they  have. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N. 

Comdr-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station. 
Lieutenant  S.  P.  Comley,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  L.  C.  Heilner,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  Wm.  H.  Schuetze,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  Albon  C.  Hodgson,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  W.  H.  Allen,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  E.  E.  Capehart,  U.  S.  N. 

Lieutenant  Henry  P.  Huse,  U.  S.  N.  . 

In  conformity  with  the  order  given,  this  board  submitted 
its  report,  with  the  chart  it  had  made,  as  given  below: 

U.  S.  Flagship  New  York,  1st  Rate, 

Navy  Yard,  New  York,  N.  Y.,  October  8,  1898. 

Sir:  In  obedience  to  your  order  of  September  2,  1898,  appointing  us 
a board  to  plot  the  positions  of  the  ships  of  Admiral  Cervera’s  squadron 
and  those  of  the  United  States  fleet  in  the  battle  of  July  3,  1898,  off  San- 
tiago de  Cuba,  we  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report,  accom- 
panied by  a chart,  showing  the  positions  of  the  ships  at  seven  different 
times. 

These  times,  as  taken  by  the  United  States  ships  engaged,  with  the 
incidents  noted,  are  as  follows; 


THE  navigators’  CHART 


355 


No.  1 — 9.35  A.  M. 

No.  2 — 9.50  A.  M. 

No.  3—10.15  A.  M. 
No.  4—10.20  A.  M. 
No.  5—10.30  A.  M. 
No.  6 — 11.05  A.  M. 

No.  7 — 1.15  p.  M. 


Maria  Teresa  came  out  of  the  harbor. 

Pluton  came  out. 

Maria  Teresa  turned  to  run  ashore. 

Oquendo  turned  to  run  ashore. 

Furor  blew  up  and  Pluton  turned  to  run  ashore. 
Viseaya  turned  to  run  ashore. 

Colon  surrendered. 

The  chart  selected  by  the  board  for  plotting  is  Hydrographic  Chart 
No.  716 — 1885,  West  Indies,  eastern  part  of  Bahama  channel,  with  part 
of  Cuba  and  north  coast  of  San  Domingo.  This  selection  was  made  after 
a careful  comparison  with  all  other  charts  at  hand,  as  the  positions  of 
the  principal  headlands  and  inlets  and  the  distances  between  them  on  it 
agree  more  nearly  with  the  observation  of  members  of  the  board  than 
those  given  by  any  other. 

The  positions  of  the  United  States  ships  were  established  by  known 
bearings  and  distances  from  the  Morro  at  No.  1,  with  the  exception  of 
the  New  York,  whose  position  is  plotted  by  the  revolutions  of  her  engines 
during  a run  of  forty-five  minutes  east  from  her  position,  S.E.  ^ E.  of  the 
Morro,  6,000  yards. 

No.  2 is  plotted  by  all  ships  according  to  their  bearing  from  each 
other,  the  operations  of  their  engines  from  9.35  to  9.50,  the  evidence  of  the 
officers  on  board  them,  and  the  ranges  used  in  firing  at  the  Spanish  ships. 

Position  No.  3 is  plotted  from  observation  of  the  officers  of  the 
United  States  ships  with  regard  to  their  nearness  to  each  other  and  rela- 
tive bearings  of  themselves  from  the  Teresa,  with  ranges  in  use  at  the 
time,  the  performance  of  the  engines,  and  general  heading  of  the  ships. 

Position  No.  4 — Same  as  No.  3,  substituting  Oquendo  for  Teresa. 

Positions  Nos.  5 and  6 and  7 are  plotted  on  the  same  general  plan. 

Before  plotting  these  positions  the  board  took  each  ship  separately 
and  discussed  her  data  for  the  position  under  consideration,  this  data 
being  obtained  from  the  report  of  the  commanding  officers,  notes  taken 
during  the  action,  and  the  evidence  of  the  members  of  the  board. 

In  reconciling  differences  of  opinion  in  regard  to  distances,  bearings, 
ranges,  etc.,  full  liberty  was  given  to  the  representative  of  the  ship  under 
discussion  to  bring  in  any  argument,  or  data,  he  considered  necessary,  and 
the  board  submits  this  report  with  the  feeling  that  under  the  circum- 
stances it  is  as  nearly  correct  as  is  possible  so  long  after  the  engagement. 

Very  respectfully, 

Richard  Wainwright, 

Lt.  Commander,  U.  8.  N.,  Senior  Member. 

S.  P.  CoMLEY,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

L.  C.  Heilner,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

W.  H.  ScHUETZE,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

A.  C.  Hodgson,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

W.  H.  Allen,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

E.  E.  Capehart,  Lieutenant,  U.  S.  N. 

The  Commander-in-Chief. 

24 


35G 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Note. — Lieutenant  H.  P.  Huse,  U.  S.  X.,  whose  name  appears  in  the 
order  of  the  Commander-in-Chief  as  a member  of  the  board,  attended  but 
one  meeting,  that  of  September  8th,  the  first  one,  and,  therefore,  as  he  has 
not  been  present  at  any  of  the  meetings  where  different  ships  have  been 
under  discussion  and  important  questions  have  been  decided,  his  name 
does  not  appear  in  the  signed  report  of  the  board. 

Edward  E.  Capeiiart, 
Lieutenant,  U.  8.  Y.,  Recorder. 

Until  the  Appendix  to  the  report  of  the  Bureau  of  Naviga- 
tion, collated,  arranged  and  edited  by  Ensign  H.  H.  AYard,  under 
the  direction  of  that  bureau,  had  been  published  on  December  1, 
1898,  the  context  of  the  report  given  above  was  not  known,  ex- 
cept through  the  press,  to  the  commander  of  the  late  Second 
Squadron.  It  was  never  communicated  to  him  by  any  one  in 
the  department. 

From  the  date  and  caption  of  this  report  it  would  appear 
that  the  board  held  its  sessions  on  board  the  flagship  Sew  York, 
at  the  Navy  Y'ard,  New  Y^ork,  as  the  report  seems  to  have  been 
submitted  from  that  ship. 

It  can  well  be  suggested  that,  with  the  commodious  accom- 
modation afforded  by  the  buildings  of  the  Navy  Yard — and  per- 
mission could  easily  have  been  obtained  to  use  them — it  would 
have  been  more  discreet  to  have  convened  this  board  where  its 
deliberations  would  have  been  removed  more  directly  from  the 
sympathies  or  influences  of  any  one  ship  that  might  be  affected 
by  them. 

The  chart,  as  explained  in  the  board’s  report,  was  submitted 
“with  a feeling  that,  under  the  circumstances,  it  is  as  nearly 
correct  as  is  possible  so  long  after  the  engagement.”  Think  of 
it ! The  interval  was  three  months  and  flve  days  after  the  bat- 
tle! The  chart  had  to  be  abandoned  afterwards  as  unworthy 
of  confidence ; nevertheless  it  was  made  the  basis  of  attack  upon 
the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron.  This  same  chart  that 
had  to  be  abandoned  by  the  judge  advocate  before  the  court  of 
inquiry  as  worthless  in  1901  is  republished  and  repeated  in  Mr. 
Long’s  history  of  the  Navy,  published  in  1904! 

Now  as  to  the  proof  of  its  incorrectness  in  two  or  three  par- 
ticulars only,  although  others  exist. 

First.  The  so-called  “loop”  of  the  Brooklyn,  as  known  on 
this  chart,  is  1,056  yards  in  diameter.  In  September,  1901,  the 


THE  navigators'  CHART 


857 


department  directed  Admiral  Remey,  then  commanding  the 
Asiatic  Station,  by  telegram,  on  the  same  day  the  court  of  in- 
quiry met,  to  determine  the  Brooklyn’s  tactical  diameter  (that 
is,  the  diameter  of  a circle  she  would  make  with  full  helm  angle 
35°,  starting,  for  example,  as  she  did  on  July  3,  1898,  from  a 
course  N.E.  by  N.,  continuing  on  around  to  the  same  course 
again).  With  a speed  of  ten  knots,  Remey  reported  this  com- 
plete tactical  diameter  to  be  675  yards.  Now,  as  the  Brooklyn 
on  the  day  of  the  battle  turned  from  a course  N.E.  by  N.,  with 
full  helm,  at  a speed  of  twelve  knots  or  more,  she  turned  only 
a little  more  than  one-half  circle  to  S.W.  by  W.  She  described 
only  a little  more  than  one-half  the  full  tactical  diameter.  At  ten 
knots  this  would  represent  337  yards,  or  a difference  of  over  700 
yards  as  shown  on  this  chart.  Happily,  however,  on  August  30, 
1903,  somewhere  off  Lisbon  in  latitude  37.44°  N.,  and  longitude 
0°  28'  W.,  this  same  tactical  diameter  of  the  Brooklyn  was  deter- 
mined at  a speed  of  twelve  knots  with  full  helm  angle  and  with 
port  helm  as  on  the  day  of  the  battle  off  Santiago  to  be  only 
530  yards.  One-half  this  circle,  therefore,  represents  265  yards, 
leaving  a difference  from  that  shown  on  this  chart  of  the  navi- 
gators of  791  yards  less. 

With  this  incontrovertible  evidence  it  is  pertinent  to  inquire 
what  becomes  of  the  2,000  and  3,000  feet  testified  to  by  some 
of  the  witnesses  three  years  afterwards?  The  distances  men- 
tioned were  not  even  good  guesses. 

Second.  The  chart  of  the  navigators,  referred  to,  shows  fur- 
ther that  the  Brooklyn,  which  started  ahead  towards  the  enemy’s 
vessels  at  rapid  speed,  only  passed  over  a distance  of  about  seven- 
tenths  of  a mile  from  her  first  to  her  second  position,  while  the 
Iowa,  with  steam  for  five  knots  only,  as  Captain  Evans  states 
in  his  report  of  the  battle,  written  on  July  4,  1898,  is  made  to 
pass  over  a distance  on  this  chart  of  one  and  seven-tenths  miles, 
and  the  Indiana,  whose  boilers  were  in  bad  shape  for  the  need 
of  extensive  repairs,  is  made  to  pass  over  a distance  of  one  and 
eight-tenths  miles  in  the  same  interval  of  fifteen  minutes.  The 
Oregon,  which  from  first  to  last  easily  outfooted  and  distanced 
these  latter  ships,  is  made  to  pass  over  the  same  distance  in  this 
same  interval  of  fifteen  minutes  from  her  first  to  her  second 
position. 


358 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Third.  The  Iowa,  from  her  fifth  to  her  sixth  position,  is  made 
to  pass  over  a distance  of  eight  and  one-tenth  miles  in  thirty- 
five  minutes,  or  at  a rate  of  speed  of  about  fourteen  miles  an 
hour,  while  the  Brooklyn,  which  easily  out  footed  and  distanced 
her  in  the  chase,  passed  over  in  the  same  interval  of  time  only 
seven  and  nine-tenths  miles  an  hour. 

The  instances  cited  are  sufficient  to  show  the  utter  valueless- 
ness of  the  chart,  but  there  are  others  equally  as  glaring  to 
sustain  that  legal  maxim  which  declares  that  “false  in  one  re- 
spect is  false  in  all.’^  Much  could  he  said  of  the  position  of 
the  New  York  on  this  chart,  but  as  that  has  been  fixed  by  the 
affidavit,  to  be  given  later,  of  Mr.  0 ’Shaughnessy,  at  Siboney, 
or  Altares,  as  indicated  on  the  chart,  nothing  more  need  be  said. 

But  another  feature  of  interest  on  this  same  chart  is  the  loop 
outward  made  by  the  Gloucester  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle 
for  the  same  reason  doubtless  that  the  Brooklyn  made  hers — to 
gain  a better  position  of  vantage.  Nelson  did  the  same  thing  at 
St.  Vincent,  more  than  a hundred  years  before,  and  what  was 
right  then  in  beating  the  enemy  could  not  have  been  wrong  in 
1898  to  achieve  a victory  still  more  complete.  If  Nelson  was 
right,  as  history  has  so  decided,  and  Wainwright  was  right,  as 
all  believe,  then  Schley  can  not  he  wrong,  as  the  result  must 
always  certify. 

One  of  the  strange  things  about  the  Brooklyn's  loop  was  that 
nobody  on  the  other  ships  made  any  official  note  of  the  fact  on 
the  day  of  the  fight,  but  there  is  abundant  evidence  that  the 
smoke  was  too  thick  to  have  done  so ! The  Indianans  commander 
claims  to  have  seen  the  Brooklyn's  movement  four  or  five  miles 
away;  but  the  same  movement  of  the  Gloucester,  hardly  more 
than  a mile  away  with  no  smoke  intervening,  escaped  him  en- 
tirely! The  Iowa’s  commander  claimed  to  have  seen  the  move- 
ment of  the  Brooklyn  a half  mile  or  more  away,  but  came  wdthin 
an  ace  of  running  into  the  Oregon  because,  in  the  dense  smoke 
hanging  over  the  field  of  action,  he  could  distinguish  nothing  a 
hundred  feet  away. 

This  same  commander  did  not  know  a day  or  two  afterwards 
which  ship  had  made  the  turn.  He  thought  it  was  the  Texas 
until  he  was  corrected ! The  Texas  was  the  next  ship  to  the  east- 
ward of  the  Brooklyn — according  to  the  navigator’s  chart  of  the 


THE  navigators’  CHART 


359 


battle,  2,600  feet  away.  Her  deck  officer  was  Lieutenant  Bris- 
tol, whose  eyes  were  so  excellent  that  he  claimed  before  the  court 
of  inquiry  in  1901  to  have  seen  everything,  and  nothing  appeared 
to  have  escaped  him  on  the  morning  of  the  battle ! From  8 a.  m. 
to  noon  of  July  3d  the  log-book  remarks  appear  over  his  signa- 
ture and  give  an  account  of  the  battle  as  he  saw  it  with  memory 
entirely  fresh.  Let  us  see  what  he  said  then : 

8 A.  M.  to  meridian  (12  o’clock).  Cloudy  to  clear.  Light  breeze 
from  north.  At  9.35  the  enemy’s  ships  were  sighted  coming  out.  Sig- 
naled 319;  went  ahead  full  speed,  headed  in.  Went  to  quarters  and  at 
once  engaged  the  enemy,  closing  in.  The  ship  leading  was  of  the  Viscaya 
class  and  the  flagship.  Four  ships  came  out,  evidently  the  Almirante 
Oquendo,  Viscaya,  Cristohal  Colon,  and  Infanta  Maria  Teresa.  Besides 
these  there  were  two  torpedo-boat  destroyers.  These  two  latter  were  com- 
pelled to  run  ashore  by  this  ship  and  the  Gloucester.  This  ship  was 
warmly  engaged  with  the  third  in  the  enemy’s  column  until  she  ran  ashore 
on  fire.  Went  ahead  for  the  second,  which  engaged  with  the  Oregon.  She 
sheered  in  for  shore  at  11.10,  and  we  opened  fire  at  long  fire.  A few 
moments  later  she  was  on  fire,  and  struck  her  colors  running  in  for  the 
beach.  At  11.30  she  blew  up.  Remainder  of  watch  chasing  the  Cristobal 
Colon  to  the  westward,  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon  ahead  and  closing. 
Steam  four  boilers  forced  draft.  This  ship  was  struck  three  times;  by  a 
5.5  inch  shell  through  the  starboard  forward  superstructure,  exploding 
and  carrying  away  part  of  ash-hoist  engine  and  blowing  large  hole  in 
uptake,  besides  several  small  holes;  one  passing  through  pilot-house,  and 
the  other  striking  starboard  turret.  D.  Schworm  (sea)  was  knocked 
over  by  the  concussion  of  the  twelve-inch  gun,  and  falling  down  the  ammu- 
nition-hoist had  right  leg  broken.  Ammunition  as  per  list. 

Mark  L.  Bristol, 
Lieutenant,  U.  8.  V. 

More  than  this,  his  account  in  the  log-book  of  the  Texas  bears, 
at  the  bottom  of  the  page  for  that  day,  the  following  indorse- 
ment of  the  navigator  of  the  ship : 

Examined  and  found  to  be  correct. 

L.  C.  Heilner, 

Lieutenant,  U.  8.  N.,  Navigator. 

It  will  be  observed,  therefore,  that  both  these  officers,  at  a 
time  when  their  memory  was  fresh,  omitted  any  mention  of  the 
Brooklyn's  turn,  or  that  in  turning  she  passed  anywhere  near 


360 


FOUTY-Fm:  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  Texas,  or,  more  important  still,  that  the  Texas  was  stopped 
or  her  engines  were  backed,  or  that  she  was  in  any  danger  what- 
ever from  the  Brooklyn.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  that, 
if  such  had  been  the  case,  these  officers  would  have  falsified  the 
log-book  by  omitting  to  mention  incidents  which  three  years 
afterwards  they  testified  were  so  menacing  to  the  safety  of  the 
Texas. 

What  must  always  appear  equally  remarkable  is  that  no  offi- 
cial record  at  the  time  and  no  official  report  written  at  the  time 
of  the  battle  contains  a line,  or  even  a suggestion,  that  any  one 
had  seen  the  Brooklyn  turn,  or  that  the  Texas  Avas  in  the  least 
danger  from  it.  If  such  had  been  the  fact,  it  can  not  be  doubted 
that  there  would  have  been  a chronicler  at  hand. 

Mr.  Heilner,  as  a member  of  the  Board  of  Navigators,  affixed 
his  signature  to  the  report  of  this  board  accompanying  the  chart 
of  the  battle  three  months  and  five  days  after  the  fight  had  oc- 
curred. On  that  chart  he  affirmed  that  the  Brooklyn's  nearest 
approach  to  the  Texas  was  2,600  feet,  the  nearest  point  of  the 
loop.  Three  years  afterwards  he  testified  before  the  court  of 
inquiry  that  this  same  distance  was  from  ‘MOO  to  150  yards,” 
or  300  to  450  feet. 

With  respect  to  the  Appendix  to  the  Bureau  of  Navigation’s 
report,  collated,  edited  and  arranged  by  Ensign  Ward  and  pub- 
lished under  date  of  December  1,  1898,  Avith  the  professed  vicAA^ 
to  supplement  it  Avith  fuller  information,  the  department  issued 
tAVO  circular  orders.  No.  505,  dated  January,  1899,  and  No.  543, 
dated  klarch,  1900,  directing  officers  to  submit  further  details 
relating  to  the  campaign  against  the  Spanish  fleet.  At  the  lat- 
ter date  the  writer  Avas  in  command  of  the  South  Atlantic  Sta- 
tion and  transmitted  from  that  post  of  duty  the  reply  Avhich 
is  given  beloAv  to  the  department: 

South  Atlantic  Station,  U.  S.  Flagship  Chicago, 

]\IoNTEViDEO,  Uruguay,  June  13,  1000. 

Sir:  1.  In  compliance  with  Circular  Orders  Xos.  505  and  543,  I have 
the  honor  to  suggest  the  following  changes,  corrections,  and  additions  to 
the  Appendix  to  the  report  of  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Navigation  for 
the  year  1898.  There  are  transmitted  Iw  same  mail  the  replies  of  the 
officers  attached  to  the  Chicago  and  Wilmington. 

2.  Pages  402  and  443:  Telegram  dated  Mole  Haiti,  June  4,  1898,  to 


THE  NAVIGATORS  CHART 


361 


department,  as  follows:  “Some  observations  made  to-day  by  a reliable 
Cuban,  in  accordance  with  my  instructions,  made  four  armored  vessels, 
and  two  torpedo  destroyers  at  Santiago.  At  this  time  repairs  and  more 
coal  needed  by  them. 

“Sampson.” 

The  Cuban  was  sent  out  by  me  without  instructions  from  Admiral 
Sampson,  who  was  informed,  upon  his  arrival  at  Santiago,  of  that  fact, 
and  that  the  Cuban  would  report  on  the  coming  Friday  to  me.  Admiral 
Sampson  then  directed  that  the  Cuban  upon  return  should  be  sent  to  him 
on  board  the  IS^ew  York. 

3.  To  my  report  of  May  30,  1898,  beginning  on  page  402,  the  following 
may  be  added: 

“The  captain  of  the  steamship  Adula  informed  me  when  his  ship 
was  boarded  that  he  was  to  take  all  neutral  refugees  in  Cienfuegos  on 
board  and  return  at  once  to  Kingston;  that  he  would  probably  leave  Cien- 
fuegos the  day  following,  and  that  these  refugees  would  be  able  to  give 
me  further  information  of  the  Spanish  fleet. 

“Before  the  Adula  came  out,  the  Marblehead,  the  Vixen,  and  the 
Eagle  arrived  from  Key  West,  and  upon  my  inquiring.  Commander  Mc- 
Calla  informed  me  that  the  lights  observed  by  me  on  shore  the  previous 
night  were  signals  prearranged  with  the  Cuban  insurgents. 

“It  appears  that  the  Marblehead  and  Eagle,  while  blockading  off  Cien- 
fuegos for  quite  a while  without  any  knowledge  of  the  presence  of  insur- 
gents, were  approached  by  a boat  containing  several  Cuban  officers  who 
had  passed  some  forty  hours  in  an  open  boat  in  order  to  bear  a communi- 
cation from  the  Cuban  military  chief  to  the  westward  of  Cienfuegos. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  communication  on  the  south  side  of  Cuba,  and 
the  first  knowledge  of  the  fact  having  been  obtained  from  Commander 
McCalla  on  May  24th,  he  was  immediately  sent  to  ascertain  all  informa- 
tion possible  of  the  Spanish  fleet  while  delivering  munitions  he  had 
arranged  to  bring  with  him  on  his  return  from  Key  West.” 

4.  On  the  voyage  to  Santiago  every  auxiliary  was  a drag  on  the 
movements  of  the  squadron.  Stops  were  made  for  the  Merrimac,  the 
Eagle,  and  the  Vixen,  which  was  completely  disabled  for  several  hours. 
These  necessary  auxiliaries,  all  that  accompanied  the  squadron,  could  not 
be  abandoned  while  the  enemy  was  presumably  free  to  act  in  the  immediate 
vicinity. 

5.  Page  404,  16th  par.  The  signal  made  by  the  Indefatigable  was 
intended  and  thought  by  her  captain  to  be  “thanks  for  courtesy,”  and  was 
not  “no  harm  done  for  courtesy”  as  reported,  and  has  since  been  ascer- 
tained from  her  commanding  officer. 

Incidents  of  Julg  3,  1898. 

6.  In  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s  report  of  the  battle  of  July  3,  1898, 
page  508,  first  line,  the  statement  is  made  that  “the  Oregon,  steaming 
with  amazing  speed,  from  the  commencement  of  the  action  took  first  place.” 
This  is  not  a fact,  for  at  no  time  from  the  beginning  of  the  action  imtil 


362 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


its  conclusion  at  1.15  p.  m.,  or  during  three  hours  and  forty  minutes  in- 
terval of  its  continuance,  was  the  Oregon  ahead  of  the  Brooklyn,  which 
took  and  maintained  throughout  the  first  place  in  the  battle  line  of  that 
day. 

7.  The  sketches  on  pages  532  and  533,  furnished  by  the  Indiana,  are 
inaccurate.  The  positions  of  vessels  are  wrongly  plotted  at  the  beginning. 
The  track  and  position  of  my  flagship,  the  Brooklyn,  are  unauthorized 
and  incorrect. 

8.  On  page  547,  ninth  line  from  the  bottom.  Lieutenant  Usher  states 
that  Viscaya  was  seen  to  strike  to  the  Iowa.  This  is  not  a fact,  as  she 
hauled  down  her  flag,  put  her  helm  to  port,  and  started  for  the  beach  at 
Asseraderos,  on  fire  fore  and  aft,  at  10.56  a.  m.,  at  which  moment  she 
was  about  one  half  a point  forward  the  Brooklyn’s  starboard  beam.  The 
Oregon  was  at  this  moment  on  the  starboard  quarter  of  the  Brooklyn, 
about  500  yards  away,  the  Texas  being  next  to  the  Oregon  but  too  distant 
from  the  Brooklyn  to  read  a wigwag  signal  to  look  out  for  the  Viscaya. 
The  Iowa  was  considerably  in  the  rear  of  the  Texas  and  to  the  eastward, 
the  Vixen  being  astern,  distant  possibly  three  or  four  miles  from  the 
Brooklyn. 

9.  A number  of  extracts  from  log-books  and  signal  records  have  been 
incorporated  in  the  Appendix.  I would  respectfully  suggest,  in  the  inter- 
est of  historical  accuracy,  that  further  and  fuller  use  should  be  made  of 
the  logs.  The  publication  of  the  full  text  for  the  day  of  these  vessels 
taking  part  in  the  engagement  of  July  3,  1898,  could  not  fail  to  add  to 
the  value  of  the  Appendix  and  might  dispel  some  of  the  illusions  founded 
on  hearsay  or  misapprehension. 

10.  Perhaps,  though  hardly  within  the  scope  of  the  order,  but  perti- 
nent from  the  fact  that  reference  is  made  to  it  in  the  Brooklyn’s  log-book, 
is  The  Century  Magazine  article  of  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s,  which  states, 
on  page  900,  that  “During  this  period  it  had  been  the  custom  of  our  ves- 
sels to  retire  from  the  coast  at  night  for  a distance  of  twenty-five  miles.” 
The  period  here  referred  to  being  from  May  26th  to  June  1,  1898,  and  the 
vessels  those  of  the  Flying  Squadron.  This  statement  appears  from  the 
context  to  have  been  based  upon  an  inspection  of  the  log-book  of  the 
Brooklyn.  I am  so  sure  of  my  memory  that  I can  not  believe  the  log-book 
of  the  Brooklyn  bears  out  an  assertion  which  is  not  a fact.*  So  much  has 
been  written  from  the  flimsiest  information  that  I am  convinced  that  only 
a full  publication  of  all  authentic  matter  can  clear  up  this  subject. 

11.  Further,  referring  to  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s  remarks  concern- 
ing the  closeness  of  the  Flying  Squadron’s  blockade,  a perusal  of  the  log- 
books of  the  vessels  there  would  show  that  the  blockade  was  closely 
maintained  by  the  heavier  vessels  in  battle  formation,  cruising  slowly 
before  the  port,  with  the  two  lighter  vessels  on  the  flanks  a little  further 
inshore,  thus  closing  the  approaches  completely.  No  vessel  passed  this 

* The  log-book  of  the  Brooklyn  shows  no  entry  upon  which  the  state- 
ment made  could  be  based. 


1 


THE  navigators’  CHART 


363 


blockade  either  way,  and  it  is  confidently  believed  and  asserted  that  no 
vessel  could  have  safely  attempted  to  do  so.  With  the  limited  number  of 
vessels  at  my  command  it  was  the  only  practicable  form  of  blockade  at  the 
time.  No  suggestion  as  to  any  means  of  improving  the  method  emanated 
from  any  source.  The  commander-in-chief  was  so  satisfied  with  the 
efficiency  of  the  blockade  as  he  found  it  on  June  1st  that  he  withdrew 
almost  immediately  in  pursuit  of  a steamer  on  the  southern  horizon,  and 
was  absent  for  a number  of  hours. 

12.  The  sketch  accompanying  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s  article  is 
purely  fanciful.  When  at  Guantanamo  after  the  battle  the  artist  showed 
me  his  sketches  of  the  ships  engaged  I saw  so  many  errors  that  it  was 
useless  to  attempt  to  put  him  straight.  He  himself  informed  me  that  it 
was  impossible  to  reconcile  the  statements  made  to  him,  and  that  if  he  had 
accepted  them  he  would  frequently  have  had  to  put  several  vessels  in  one 
position  at  the  same  time.  If  the  history  of  a combat  is  so  inaccurate  a 
few  days  after  its  occurrence,  what  reliance  ought  to  be  placed  upon  ac- 
counts written  years  afterwards  with  the  original  errors  accentuated? 

13.  On  page  593  occurs  the  report  of  a Board  of  Navigators  appointed 
by  Admiral  Sampson  to  plot  the  positions  of  vessels  during  this  combat  on 
July  3,  1898,  and  facing  page  593  is  the  chart  embodying  the  results  of 
this  board’s  deliberation.  I did  not  know  of  the  formation  of  such  a board 
until  its  deliberations  were  published,  or  I might  have  added  some  facts 
within  my  own  knowledge  and  observed  from  a commanding  position 
during  this  battle  which  would  have  freed  this  chart  from  many  dis- 
crepancies existing  in  it  and  which  impair  its  accuracy  historically. 

14.  The  Brooklyn  was  provided  with  two  stadimeters,  which  were  in 
constant  use.  The  people  charged  with  determining  distances  and  furnish- 
ing ranges  were  fully  competent  observers,  and  had  been  individually  fur- 
nished with  necessary  data,  such  as  the  heights  of  enemy’s  masts,  military 
tops,  and  funnels,  and  had  had  unlimited  practice  in  obtaining  distances. 
It  should  be  a well-known  fact  to  all  seafaring  men  that  nothing  is  more 
liable  to  error  than  the  estimate  of  distance  and  relative  bearings  of 
objects  which  are  outside  of  the  observer’s  vessel. 

15.  The  Brooklyn’s  position  and  distance  relative  to  the  enemy  on  the 
3d  of  July  have  been  variously  commented  upon  in  some  public  prints  and 
in  one  official  communication.  On  board  my  flagship  it  was  frequently 
observed  by  those  who  made  no  allowance  for  error  in  judgment  that  the 
vessels  farthest  to  the  eastward  were  usually  out  of  position,  it  being 
apparent  to  myself,  however,  that  those  vessels  were  usually  in  position. 
This  error  of  judgment  has  been  applied  so  strongly  to  the  Brooklyn  that 
I refer  to  it  as  a matter  that  is  unjust  to  her  officers,  who  were  among  the 
best  of  the  squadron. 

16.  The  chart  previously  referred  to  puts  the  Brooklyn  at  a position 
2,200  yards  from  the  Viscaya,  and  is  in  this  respect  entirely  in  error. 
Further,  it  shows  that  the  Brooklyn,  which  started  ahead  at  good  speed, 
only  passed  over  about  seven-tenths  of  a mile  distance  from  her  first  to 
her  second  position,  while  the  Iowa,  with  steam  for  five  knots,  in  Cap- 


364 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


tain  Evans’s  report,  page  537,  is  made  on  the  chart  to  have  passed  over 
one  and  seven-tenths  miles;  and  the  Indiana,  whose  boilers  needed  much 
repairs,  passed  over  a space  of  one  and  eight-tenths  miles  in  this  same 
interval  of  fifteen  minutes.  The  Oregon,  which  from  first  to  last  easily 
distanced  these  latter  ships,  is  made  to  pass  over  about  the  same  distance 
in  the  same  interval  of  fifteen  minutes  from  her  first  to  her  second  posi- 
tion. These  facts  put  another  construction  upon  what  has  been  termed 
the  Brooklyn’s  loop,  the  comments  upon  which  I should  not  recall  but  for 
recent  statements  of  alleged  historians  and  others. 

17.  In  my  judgment,  formed  from  an  unobstructed  view  of  the  entire 
field  of  action  during  the  combat,  the  Tiscaya  was  not  more  than  one 
thousand  yards  distant.  My  flag  lieutenant,  standing  at  my  elbow,  re- 
minded me  that  the  distance  between  the  leaders  of  the  Spanish  squadron 
and  ourselves  was  approaching  our  tactical  diameter.  The  stadimeter  at 
this  instant  indicated  nine  hundred  yards.  The  Brooklyn  then  swung  to 
starboard  to  meet  what  proved  to  be  the  last  attempt  to  ram  the  Brook- 
lyn, for  the  Tiscaya  then  turned  square  to  starboard  and  followed  the 
Maria  Teresa  until  the  latter’s  destruction.  These  facts  admit  of  no  con- 
tradiction, for  they  are  based  upon  the  independent  judgment  and  observa- 
tion of  two  or  more  persons,  and  upon  the  stadimeter  in  the  hands  of  a 
person  skilled  in  its  use. 

18.  The  statement  widely  quoted  that  there  was  danger  of  a collision 
at  any  time  between  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Texas  is  without  foundation,  as 
there  was  at  no  time  any  danger  of  such  collision.  The  movement  of  turn- 
ing to  starboard  was  begun  to  meet  the  acknowledged  threatened  attack  by 
the  Tiscaya.  It  was  continued  for  the  grand  final  results  of  the  battle 
and  with  complete  success.  To  hold  the  contrary  it  must  be  established 
by  some  process  at  present  wholly  unknown  to  me  what  the  result  would 
have  been  had  the  Brooklyn  executed  any  other  maneuver,  surrendering 
the  advantage  she  had  at  that  moment  of  this  remarkable  combat. 

19.  At  1.15  p.  M.  the  Cristobal  Colon  fired  a gun  to  leeward  and 
surrendered  to  the  Brooklyn  and  Oregon.  At  2.23  p.  M.,  or  one  hour  and 
eight  minutes  afterwards,  the  Aeio  York  arrived  on  the  scene.  If  her 
speed  was  that  stated  by  Captain  Chadwick,  her  commander,  on  page  522, 
as  sixteen  or  seventeen  knots,  allowing  for  foul  bottom,  then  at  the  con- 
clusion of  the  fight  she  must  have  been  distant  at  least  over  seventeen 
miles  from  the  Colon.  The  chart  of  the  navigators  places  her  ten  and 
four-tenths  statute  miles  away.  Either  the  board  or  Captain  Chadwick 
has  made  a mistake  in  this  instance,  for  both  can  not  be  correct.  This 
instance  is  mentioned  merely  as  another  of  the  inconsistencies  of  the  chart 
of  the  battle,  of  which  I have  only  pointed  out  a few,  and  I would  suggest 
that  there  are  others  of  equal  importance  which  may  develop  when  the 
sources  of  information  are  fully  exhausted. 

20.  Such  signals  were  made  from  my  flagship  as  the  occasion  called 
for,  as  is  shown  by  the  record  of  signals  herewith  enclosed.  These  were 
no  doubt  inadvertently  omitted  from  the  Appendix,  and  are  therefore  for- 
warded herewith. 


THE  NAVIGATOKS’  CHART 


365 


21.  I would  also  transmit  an  account  of  the  battle  as  observed  by  the 
commanding  and  other  officers  of  the  Vixen  while  the  battle  was  in  actual 
progress,  and  I am  sure,  though  I speak  from  memory,  that  it  is  a part  of 
the  official  log  of  the  Vixen  for  that  day.  In  certain  features  there  are 
slight  discrepancies  between  this  paper  and  that  given  on  pages  545  and 
546  of  the  Appendix.  One  error  is  apparent,  where  the  Massachusetts, 
which  was  at  Guantanamo,  is  brought  into  the  battle;  and  another  where 
the  account  is  closed  at  1.23  p.  m.,  while  the  account  referred  to  closes  at 
2.23  P.  M.  This  is  merely  referred  to  in  the  interest  of  historical  accuracy. 

22.  I would  further  suggest,  in  order  to  enhance  the  historical  com- 
pleteness of  the  Appendix,  that  Senate  Document,  Executive  C,  should  be 
embodied  therein,  including  as  it  does  Rear  Admiral  Sampson’s  letter 
No.  7 to  me  and  also  my  telegram  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  dated  July 
10,  1898,  which  appear  on  pages  165  and  135  respectively  of  the  last- 
named  publication. 

23.  I would  add  that  in  view  of  the  fact  that  fuller  information  will 
without  doubt  become  available  in  the  future,  I must  reserve  the  privilege 
of  adding  further  to  this  paper  matters  pertinent  to  the  subject. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N., 

Comdr.-in-Chief  U.  S.  Naval  Force,  South  Atlantic  Station. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 

Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.  C. 

COPY  OF  SIGNAL  RECORD,  U.  S.  FLAGSHIP  BROOKLYN 
July  3,  1898 

F — Flagship  New  York;  V — Brooklyn;  A — Iowa;  Y — Oregon;  Z — Texas. 

A.  M. 

9.00  F to  fleet — Disregard  motions  of  commander-in-chief. 

9.15  V to  Z — What  is  your  theory  about  burning  of  blockhouses? 

9.34  A to  V — Enemy’s  ships  escaping. 

9.34  V to  fleet — Enemy’s  ships  escaping. 

9.36  V to  fleet — Clear  for  action. 

9.45  V to  fleet — Close  up. 

P.  M. 

12.30  Y to  V — Is  the  flag  of  the  strange  vessel  Italian? 

12.34  V to  Y — She  was  built  in  Italy. 

(While  chasing  the  Colon  the  Oregon  fired  a number  of  shells  at  her, 
and  the  Brooklyn  wigwagged  her  where  each  one  struck.  A num- 
ber of  other  unimportant  messages  were  exchanged.) 

1.15  (Colon  fired  a lee  gun  and  hauled  down  her  flag). 

1.25  V to  Y — The  enemy  has  surrendered. 

1.26  V to  Y — Cease  firing. 


366 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


1.26  V to  Y — Keep  your  guns  loaded  and  trained  on  the  enemy. 

1.30  V to  Y — Congratulations  on  the  grand  victory.  Thanks  for  the 
splendid  assistance. 

1.35  Y to  V — Thank  you  more  than  words  can  express. 

*1.45  V to  F — We  have  gained  a great  victory;  details  will  be  commu- 
nicated. 

*1.50  F to  V — Report  your  casualties. 

*1.55  V to  F — One  killed,  two  wounded. 

*2.15  V to  F — ^This  is  a great  day  for  our  country. 

This  letter  was  called  for  during  the  court  of  inquiry  in  1901 
and  was  placed  on  the  record  at  that  time.  The  account  of  the 
battle  as  observed  and  recorded  on  board  the  Vixen  has  been 
given  in  Chapter  XXIX. 

In  1901,  when  suit  was  entered  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
District  of  Columbia  on  behalf  of  Admiral  Sampson  and  his 
officers  against  the  Maria  Teresa  as  a prize,  it  is  found  that  this 
navigators’  chart  was  among  the  official  papers  submitted  to  the 
court!  As  this  chart  had  to  be  abandoned  before  the  court  of 
inquiry  as  untrustworthy  and  unreliable  as  evidence,  Sampson’s 
attorneys  or  somebody  should  have  withheld  it  from  the  court, 
or  its  doubtful  value  should  have  been  explained  by  them  1 The 
writer  was  out  of  the  United  States  at  that  time  on  public  duty  1 


*The  first  signal  was  made  to  the  'New  York  a long  way  off,  the  last 
when  she  was  quite  a mile  or  more  from  the  Brooklyn. 

But  one  signal  was  made  during  the  battle  of  Trafalgar  by  Nelson. 
The  world  is  uncertain  to-day  whether  that  quoted  is  correct. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 
1898 

President  McKinley  advanced  and  promoted  the  two  squad- 
ron commanders  and  a number  of  other  officers  of  the  ships  of 
their  squadrons  for  ‘ ‘ eminent  and  conspicuous  conduct  in  battle  ’ ’ 
for  the  part  taken  in  the  action  of  July  3,  1898.  These  commis- 
sions bore  date  of  August  10,  1898,  but  having  been  issued  dur- 
ing the  recess  of  Congress  it  was  necessary,  under  a provision 
of  the  Constitution,  to  submit  the  persons  so  nominated  to  the 
Senate  for  the  advice  and  consent  of  that  body  when  the  Con- 
gress assembled  in  December,  1898,  in  order  to  validate  the  ap- 
pointments. 

The  ad  interim  commission  of  Admiral  Sampson  advanced 
that  officer  eight  numbers,  promoting  him  into  the  grade  of  rear 
admiral;  that  of  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  ad- 
vanced him  six  numbers,  promoting  him  likewise  into  the  grade 
of  rear  admiral.  The  effect  of  these  promotions  was  to  advance 
Admiral  Sampson  over  the  head  of  the  commander  of  the  Sec- 
ond Squadron,  who  had  been  his  senior  in  rank  for  forty-two 
years. 

In  the  interval  from  the  battle  to  the  date  when  these  nom- 
inations were  submitted  an  unfortunate  controversy  arose  over 
the  question  of  these  advancements.  From  day  to  day  it  grew 
in  acrimony  as  the  fuller  details  of  the  battle  became  more  widely 
understood  through  the  press  of  the  country.  There  was  a 
natural  alignment  of  opinion,  as  there  is  on  most  questions,  and 
this  resulted  in  the  non-confirmation  of  the  appointments  in  the 
order  named. 

From  the  moment  this  controversy  began  the  commander  of 
the  Second  Squadron  did  not  open  his  lips  upon  the  question, 
nor  did  he  by  suggestion  or  intimation,  except  in  the  Hodgson 
letter,  take  any  part  in  the  controversy  until  he  was  required 

367 


368 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


to  do  so  at  the  request  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs  of  the 
Senate  in  February,  1899,  and  then  only  after  that  body  had 
received  a confidential  communication  from  Mr.  Long  relating 
to  the  advancements  proposed  and  which  the  Senate  by  resolu- 
tion had  adopted  for  use  in  executive  session  under  date  of  Feb- 
ruary 23,  1899. 

To  aid  in  a more  comprehensive  understanding  of  this  matter, 
the  communication  of  Mr.  Long  was  transmitted  to  the  writer 
after  the  Senate  had  removed  the  seal  of  secrecy.  This  com- 
munication Tvas  accompanied  by  voluminous  data,  and  many 
despatches  and  maps,  which  it  would  be  merely  cumbersome  repe- 
tition to  reproduce  here,  and,  as  most  important  matters  have 
been  given  and  reviewed  in  the  chapters  going  before,  the  main 
communication  of  Mr.  Long,  together  with  the  reply  made  by 
the  writer  to  the  Senate,  in  compliance  with  the  committee’s  re- 
quest, will  be  given. 

Mr.  Long’s  communication  was  that  of  an  advocate,  and  it 
lacked  the  characteristics  of  a judge.  All  through  it  there  were 
manifest  evidences  that  he  viewed  the  matters  discussed  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  influences  about  him  and  that  he  was  de- 
termined to  win  his  case.  The  broader  and  larger  view,  aim- 
ing at  fair  judgment  of  one  who  had  done  his  duty,  got  lost  in 
that  desire. 

[Confidential] 

55th  Congress,  3d  Session.  Executwe  C. 

ADVANCEMENTS  IN  THE  NAVY 
LETTER 

FROM 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY 

IN  RESPONSE 

To  the  Senate  Resolution  of  January  23,  1899,  submitting  facts  and  mili- 
tary records  affecting  the  proposal  that  certain  officers  in  the  navy  be 
advanced  according  to  the  nominations  sent  to  the  Senate  on  Decem- 
ber 7,  1898. 

February  8,  1899. — Ordered  to  be  printed  in  confidence  for  the  use  of 

tlie  Senate. 


PROMOTOIN  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


369 


Navy  Department, 
Washington,  February  6,  1899. 

Sir:  In  compliance  with  the  Senate  resolution  of  January  23,  1899, 
which  is  as  follows: 

“In  Executive  Session,  Senate  of  the  United  States, 

“January  23,  1899. 

“Resolved,  That  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  be,  and  he  is  hereby,  di- 
rected to  furnish  the  Senate  with  the  facts  and  military  records  in  the 
possession  of  his  department  affecting  the  proposal  that,  under  section 
1500  of  the  Revised  Statutes,  Commodore  Sampson  be  advanced  eight  num- 
bers and  Commodore  Schley  six  numbers;  and  the  same  information  with 
respect  to  other  nominations  for  promotion  under  same  section  and  section 
1005,  which  w’ere  sent  to  the  Senate  along  with  the  above  nominations  on 
December  7,  1898.* 

“Attest:  Wm.  R.  Cox,  Secretary’’ 

I have  the  honor  to  submit  herewith  numbered  copies  of  the  military 
records  in  the  possession  of  the  department  affecting  the  proposal  that 
certain  officers  be  advanced  under  sections  1500  and  1005,  Revised  Statutes, 
according  to  the  nominations  sent  by  the  President  to  the  Senate  on  Decem- 
ber 7,  1898. 

The  following  are  facts  in  the  possession  of  the  department  called  for 
in  said  resolution: 

On  April  22,  1898,  Captain  W.  T.  Sampson,  who  had  previously  com- 
manded the  United  States  naval  forces  on  the  North  Atlantic  Station,  as 
a captain  and  commander-in-chief,  hoisted  the  flag  of  a rear  admiral,  in 
obedience  to  orders  from  the  department. 

Commodore  W.  S.  Schley  was  given  command  of  the  Flying  Squadron 
at  Fortress  Monroe.  At  the  same  time  he  was  verbally  informed  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy  that  if  his  command  and  Admiral  Sampson’s  came 
together  the  latter  would  have  command  of  the  whole.  He  expressed  ready 
acquiescence  in  this  arrangement. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  Admiral  Sampson  was  directed  to  estab- 
lish a blockade  of  the  coast  of  Cuba  from  Cardenas  to  Bahia  Honda,  and  to 
blockade  Cienfuegos  as  soon  as  the  strength  of  the  force  under  his  com- 
mand would  permit. 

This  blockade  was  immediately  established,  and  was  later  extended  to 
take  in  the  whole  coast  of  Cuba  (some  1,200  miles),  and  was  effectively 
maintained  until  the  close  of  hostilities.  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  was 
blockaded  from  June  22d. 

On  May  19th  the  Spanish  force  under  Rear  Admiral  Pascual  Cervera 
entered  Santiago  Harbor.  This  force  had  previously  been  reported  at 
Martinique  and  Curagoa,  and  Commodore  Schley’s  force  had  been  brought 
from  Hampton  Roads,  first  off  Charleston  and  then  to  Key  West,  to  re- 
enforce Admiral  Sampson.  On  May  17th  the  department  telegraphed  the 
naval  base.  Key  West,  directing  that  Admiral  Sampson  should  despatch 


370 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  Flying  Squadron,  with  such  reenforcements  as  he  might  consider  neces- 
sary, to  Cienfuegos,  that  the  remainder  of  his  force  should  blockade  Havana, 
and  that  he  himself  should  command  at  Havana  or  at  Cienfuegos,  it  being 
directed  that  Commodore  Schley  should  remain  with  his  o\mi  squadron. 
Admiral  Sampson  on  May  19th,  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  of  the 
department,  directed  Commodore  Schley  to  sail  with  his  command — the 
Brooklyn,  Texas,  Massachusetts  and  Scorpion — for  Cienfuegos,  and  to 
blockade  that  port. 

In  accordance  with  the  orders  of  Admiral  Sampson,  the  Iowa  sailed 
from  Key  West  on  May  20th  with  the  Castine  and  the  collier  Merrimac, 
the  last  having  4,500  tons  of  coal  on  board.  The  Iowa  joined  Commodore 
Schley  at  Cienfuegos  on  May  22d  and  the  Merrimac  and  Castine  joined  on 
May  23d. 

On  May  24th  the  department  issued  orders  formally  attaching  Com- 
modore Schley’s  command  to  that  of  Admiral  Sampson.  Telegrams  sent 
to  Commodore  Schley  on  May  13th  and  May  14th  had  directed  him  to 
report  to  Commodore  Remey,  who,  under  Admiral  Sampson,  commanded 
the  naval  base  at  Key  West. 

About  this  time  the  department  and  Admiral  Sampson  were  informed 
that  the  Spanish  force  was  at  Santiago.  On  May  21st  Admiral  Sampson 
sent  instructions  to  Commodore  Schley  to  proceed  with  all  despatch,  but 
cautiously,  to  Santiago,  if  satisfied  that  the  Spanish  squadron  was  not  at 
Cienfuegos,  and  to  blockade  the  enemy  in  Santiago,  if  there;  and  sug- 
gested that  commimication  be  established  with  the  inhabitants,  to  learn 
definitely  that  the  ships  were  in  the  port  of  Santiago.  These  instructions 
w’ere  sent  by  the  Marblehead,  and  also,  to  make  sure,  a little  later  by  the 
Hawk.  The  Hawk  arrived  at  Cienfuegos  at  7.30  A.  m..  May  23d,  and  the 
Marblehead  arrived  on  May  24th,  and  at  8 A.  M.  reported  with  the  Vixen 
and  Eagle  for  duty  under  Commodore  Schley.  These  instructions  were 
acknowledged  under  date  of  May  23d.  Commodore  Schley  reported  that 
he  was  not  satisfied  that  the  Spanish  squadron  was  not  at  Cienfuegos,  and 
held  his  position  there  until  6.05  P.  m.,  May  24th.  Before  3.30  that  after- 
noon he  had  been  positively  informed  by  the  Eagle  and  Marblehead  that 
Admiral  Cervera’s  squadron  had  not  been  and  was  not  at  Cienfuegos. 
Commander  McCalla  having  asked  permission  to  communicate  with  the 
Cuban  force  located  thirteen  miles  west  of  Colorados  Point,  stating  that 
he  could  ascertain  definitely  what  ships  were  then  in  the  harbor  of  Cien- 
fuegos, Commodore  Schley  directed  him  to  proceed  upon  that  duty.  Com- 
modore Schley  had  been  at  Cienfuegos  for  thirty  hours  without  having 
taken  any  initiative  to  procure  this  information  from  the  natives  before 
Commander  McCalla’s  arrival. 

Upon  leaving  Cienfuegos  the  Flying  Squadron,  composed  of  the  Brook- 
lyn, Iowa,  Massachusetts,  Texas,  Marblehead,  Vixen,  Eagle,  with  the  collier 
Merrimac,  steamed  eastward.  Commodore  Schley  making  signal  that  the 
destination  was  Santiago.  The  squadron  was  frequently  slowed  to  allow 
the  Eagle  to  hold  her  position,  the  average  speed  during  the  25th  being 
about  six  knots.  The  Eagle  was  of  small  importance  as  a figliting  force 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT  871 

compared  with  the  rest  of  the  force.  She  was  allowed  to  reduce  materially 
the  speed  of  the  squadron. 

On  the  26th  the  Eagle  was  directed  to  proceed  to  Port  Antonio  for 
coal.  On  that  day  the  speed  was  about  knots. 

Commodore  Schley  reached  a point  about  twenty-two  miles  to  the 
southward  of  Santiago  late  in  the  afternoon  of  May  2Cth.  He  immediately 
communicated  with  the  three  scouts  — Minneapolis,  St.  Paul  and  Yale  — 
receiving  the  reports  of  their  commanding  officers,  as  also  the  reports  of 
two  pilots  brought  from  Jamaica  by  the  St.  Paul,  but  he  did  not  make 
further  effort  to  establish  communication  with  the  inhabitants — fishermen 
or  others — to  learn  definitely  that  the  ships  were  in  port,  it  being  impos- 
sible to  see  them  from  the  outside,  as  suggested  in  the  orders  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief,  dated  May  21st.  Three  hours  after  his  arrival  at  this 
point  the  commodore  turned  and  stood  to  the  westward,  signaling  to  his 
squadron  that  the  destination  was  Key  West,  and  proceeded  with  it  in 
that  direction  for  three  hours,  making  about  eighteen  miles,  when  he  again 
stopped. 

On  the  morning  of  May  27th  the  Harvard,  coming  from  the  eastward, 
delivered  to  Commodore  Schley  the  department’s  despatch  of  May  25th, 
directing  him  to  remain  at  Santiago  and  ascertain  whether  the  enemy  was 
there  or  not.  Thereupon  he  replied  by  telegraph  that  on  account  of 
shortage  of  coal,  bad  weather,  and  difficulty  in  coaling,  he  would  be 
obliged  to  proceed  to  Key  West  and  disobey  the  department’s  orders,  at 
the  same  time  acknowledging  the  department’s  orders  of  May  25th  to  remain 
off  Santiago.  That  afternoon  at  4 he  again  proceeded  westward  until  he 
had  made  about  twenty-five  miles,  when  he  again  stopped  until  between 
1 and  2 o’clock  on  the  afternoon  of  May  28th,  coaling  in  the  meantime. 

No  mention  of  the  speaking  of  the  Harvard  or  of  the  delivery  of  this 
despatch  is  made  in  Commodore  Schley’s  written  report  of  the  operations 
of  this  time.  It  contains,  however,  his  statement  of  the  considerations 
which  prompted  him  to  disregard  the  department’s  instructions. 

With  reference  to  his  coal  supply,  the  facts  are  that  his  effective 
fighting  force  at  this  time  was  the  Brooldyn,  Massaehusetts,  Iowa,  Texas, 
and  Marblehead.  The  Yixen  and  Eagle  had  also  accompanied  him.  The 
Eagle,  however,  was  detached  and  sent  to  Port  Antonio,  Jamaica,  for  coal, 
although,  as  shown  by  her  log,  she  had  yet  on  board  three  days’  supply 
(27  tons).  During  the  twenty-four  hours  in  which  Commodore  Schley 
signaled  that  his  destination  was  Key  West  and  telegraphed  the  depart- 
ment that  he  would  be  unable  to  remain  at  Santiago,  there  was  still  on 
board  the  Brooldyn  between  ten  and  twelve  days’  coal  supply,  being  940 
tons,  for  full  steaming  in  squadron;  between  eight  and  ten  days’  supply, 
or  789  tons,  on  board  the  Massachusetts ; between  five  and  six  days’  sup- 
ply, or  394  tons,  on  board  the  Texas;  between  three  and  four  days’  supply, 
or  116  tons,  on  board  the  Marblehead ; between  eight  and  ten  days’  supply, 
or  762  tons,  on  board  the  loiva;  and  4,300  tons  on  board  the  collier  Mer- 
rirnac,  from  which  during  the  two  following  days  his  vessels  were  coaled. 
The  department  had  suggested  the  possibility  of  a near  coaling  base,  but 
25 


372 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


no  effort  was  made  to  reach  it,  although  Commodore  Schley  had  sent  the 
Eagle  to  Port  Antonio  for  coal.  There  was  coal  enough  to  return  to  Key 
West  and  therefore  to  remain  at  Santiago  till  further  supplies  came.  He 
could  also  have  counted  on  the  department’s  sending  him  a further  coal 
supply. 

At  4 p.  M.  of  the  27th,  the  squadron  having  been  stopped  since  mid- 
night, it  steamed  westward  until  8 p.  m.,  when  it  again  stopped  to  coal 
the  Texas  and  Marblehead.  The  weather  conditions  becoming  more  favor- 
able, and  having  gone  west  about  forty-eight  miles  in  all  since  the  evening 
of  the  26th,  between  1 and  2 o’clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  28th  Commo- 
dore Schley  again  turned  and  shaped  his  course  back  for  Santiago,  being 
twelve  miles  off  that  port  at  8 P.  M.  Up  to  this  time  there  had  been 
nothing  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  Spanish  fleet,  but  the  scout  St.  Paul 
was  ordered  to  remain  off  Santiago. 

At  11.15  A.  M.  on  May  28th  Commodore  Schley  signaled,  “Rendezvous 
in  Gonaives  Bay;”  at  11.30  a.  m.,  “In  case  of  separation,  fleet  will  rendez- 
vous at  a place  which  will  be  designated  by  signal — Lat.  19°  24'  N.,  Long. 
73°  03'  W.;”  at  4.05  p.  m.,  “While  off  Santiago  the  general  meeting-place 
will  be  twenty-five  miles  south  of  that  place.” 

At  7.40  A.  M.  on  May  29th,  the  Flying  Squadron  having  approached 
nearer  to  Santiago,  the  Cristobal  Colon  was  sighted  in  its  entrance.  Be- 
fore noon  two  vessels  of  the  Yiscaya  class  were  sighted  near  the  entrance, 
and  between  4 and  6 p.  m.  a torpedo-boat  was  sighted.  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, until  May  31st  that  an  attack  on  the  Colon  was  ordered.  This  attack 
was  ordered  at  a range  of  7,000  yards,  at  a speed  of  ten  knots,  and  under 
instructions  for  the  Iowa  and  Hew  Orleans,  which  latter  vessel  had  joined 
on  May  30th,  to  follow  the  Massachusetts;  but  it  is  reported  by  the  com- 
manding officer  of  the  Massachusetts,  to  which  vessel  Commodore  Schley 
had  shifted  his  flag,  as  having  taken  place  at  ranges  varying  from  7,500  to 
9,500  yards,  and  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Iowa,  which  was  ordered 
to  follow  as  above,  as  at  ranges  varying  from  9,500  to  11,000  yards.  Com- 
modore Schley’s  signal  to  the  fleet  was  to  fire  at  the  Colon.  Under  date  of 
June  1st  Commodore  Schley  reports  this  engagement  as  a reconnaissance. 

On  June  1st  Admiral  Sampson,  who  had  been  guarding  Bahama  Chan- 
nel and  covering  Havana  from  the  west,  arrived  off  Santiago  with  the  Hew 
York,  Oregon,  and  Mayflower,  and  at  once  instituted  the  blockade  described 
in  his  report. 

During  the  period  from  May  30th  to  July  3d,  Santiago  and  the  Spanish 
ships  in  the  harbor  were  several  times  bombarded,  a close  blockade  main- 
tained, and  the  army  convoyed  and  landed  by  the  navy. 

On  July  3d,  when  the  Spanish  ships  came  out  of  the  harbor  of  San- 
tiago, Admiral  Sampson,  under  orders  from  the  department,  proceeding  to 
meet  General  Shafter  at  Siboney,  was  between  six  and  eight  miles  to  the 
eastward  of  the  Morro,  but  in  plain  view  of  his  command.  He  moved  at 
once  towards  the  scene  of  the  battle,  and  at  the  close  had  gained  three 
miles  on  the  Brooklyn  and  was  within  two  miles  of  the  Texas.  In  passing 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT  373 

the  Morro  he  sustained  the  undivided  fire  of  the  batteries  there  at  a range 
of  3,800  yards. 

The  battle  which  ensued  was  begun  by  each  commanding  officer  doing 
his  part  as  prescribed  in  the  standing  orders  of  Admiral  Sampson,  and, 
subject  thereto,  was  fought  as  each  individual  commander  directed  his  ship. 

The  report  of  Commodore  Schley  to  Admiral  Sampson  states  that 
“Signal  was  made  to  the  western  division  (composed  of  the  Brooklyn, 
Texas,  and  Vixen)  as  prescribed  in  your  general  orders;”  and  the  report  of 
Captain  Chadwick,  commanding  the  New  York,  and  chief  of  staff  of  Ad- 
miral Sampson,  that  signal  was  made  by  the  New  York  to  the  eastern 
division,  composed  of  the  New  York,  Iowa,  Oregon,  and  Indiana,  “Close  in 
towards  harbor  entrance  and  attack  vessels,”  as  prescribed  in  Squadron 
General  Order  No.  9,  of  June  7th. 

The  only  other  signals  of  which  mention  is  made  in  the  reports  of 
commanding  officers  are  a signal  “The  enemy  is  escaping,”  made  by  the 
Brooklyn  at  9.35  p.  m.,  which,  according  to  the  Brooklyn’s  signal  record, 
was  first  received  by  her  from  the  Iowa,  and  three  signals  noted  in  the 
report  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Oregon;  the  first,  “Oregon,  well 
done,”  at  the  time  when  the  Viseaya  went  ashore,  and  second,  “Cease 
firing,”  and  “Congratulations  for  the  grand  victory;  thanks  for  your  splen- 
did assistance,”  sent  as  the  Colon  went  ashore  and  her  flag  came  down. 
No  commanding  officer  of  any  ship  speaks  in  his  report  of  any  signal  from 
the  Brooklyn  except  the  above.  From  the  reports  no  command  over  the 
fleet  and  no  order  of  command  except  the  above  appears  other  than  the 
original  commands  and  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief.  The  log  of  the 
Brooklyn  notes  two  other  signals  made  at  9.36  a.  m.  and  9.45  a.  m.,  re- 
spectively: “Clear  for  action”  and  “Close  up,”  but,  as  indicated  above,  no 
commanding  officer  reports  having  seen  them,  and  at  the  time  when  they 
were  made  the  ships  were  independently  clearing  for  action  and  chasing  at 
full  speed. 

In  following  Sampson’s  order  of  battle  of  June  2d,  requiring  “If  the 
enemy  tries  to  escape,  the  ships  must  close  and  engage  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible and  endeavor  to  sink  his  vessels  or  force  them  to  run  ashore  in  the 
channel,”  the  Brooklyn  at  the  beginning  of  the  battle  stood  for  the  enemy’s 
ships,  using  port  helm  to  close  with  them.  After  the  leading  Spanish  ship, 
the  Maria  Teresa,  had  passed  to  the  westward,  and  the  Viseaya  had  clearly 
indicated  her  intention  to  escape,  the  Brooklyn’s  helm  was  put  hard  aport, 
and  she  was  turned  in  a circle  around  to  the  southward  and  then  to  the 
westward,  and  in  doing  so,  increased  her  distance  from  the  Spanish  ships 
by  her  tactical  diameter  of  800  yards.* 

The  orders  of  Admiral  Sampson  issued  in  the  beginning  of  June  to 
prevent  the  escape  of  the  Spanish  vessels,  and  to  make  the  blockade 
effective,  are  pertinent  facts.  They  provide  for  a close  watch  night  and 
day,  for  picket  boats,  search-lights  at  night,  guard  against  torpedo-boat 
attack,  nearness  to  the  harbor  entrance,  readiness  of  engines,  for  keeping 


This  distance  is  not  a fact. 


374 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  ships  always  headed  towards  land  instead  of  away  from  it,  and  for 
signals  to  be  used  in  case  of  attempted  escape. 

The  foregoing  statement  has  been  verified  upon  careful  comparison 
with  the  records  by  a board  of  naval  officers,  consisting  of  Captain  Robley 
D.  Evans,  who  commanded  the  Iowa;  Captain  Henry  C.  Taylor,  who  com- 
manded the  Indiana;  and  Lieutenant  James  H.  Sears,  who  was  Commodore 
Schley’s  flag  lieutenant  on  board  the  Brooklyn,  assisted  by  Ensign  Henry 
H.  Ward,  who  report  that  the  facts  as  stated  therein  correspond  with  the 
facts  and  military  records  in  the  possession  of  the  department. 

The  advancement  of  Admiral  Sampson  was  proposed  in  recognition 
of  his  services  in  the  execution  of  his  duties  as  commander-in-chief  of  all 
our  ships  engaged  in  the  campaign  in  the  West  Indies;  in  the  supervision 
of  all  its  details  wherever  distributed;  in  the  blockade  of  the  island  of 
Cuba;  in  the  convoying  and  landing  of  the  army  and  cooperation  with  its 
movements,  and  in  the  pursuit,  blockade,  and  destruction  of  the  Spanish 
fleet,  which  destruction,  on  the  3d  of  July,  by  our  fleet  under  his  command, 
was  the  consummation  of  his  orders  and  preparations,  beginning  on  the  1st 
day  of  June.  In  this  connection  the  despatch  of  Commodore  Schley,  dated 
July  10th,  is  a pertinent  fact. 

The  advancement  of  Commodore  Schley  was  proposed  in  reeognition 
of  his  services  as  next  in  rank  at  the  victory  at  Santiago.  Where  so  much 
was  achieved  in  this  culminating  battle  and  where  his  ship  was  such  a 
conspicuous  force  in  the  fight,  his  conduct  while  in  independent  command 
prior  to  June  1st,  the  record  of  which  has  been  given  above  and  which  by 
reason  of  its  unsteadiness  in  purpose  and  in  push  and  failure  to  obey 
orders  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  the  President  and  the  department,  was 
yet  not  permitted  to  stand  in  the  way  of  his  nomination  for  promotion  to 
a higher  grade  for  the  part  he  took  in  the  final  triumph.  In  this  connec- 
tion, a pertinent  fact  is  the  letter  of  Admiral  Sampson  in  which,  while  not 
overlooking  Commodore  Schley’s  reprehensible  conduct  above  referred  to, 
he  asks  that  ample  justice  be  done  him  for  his  part  in  the  action  of 
July  3d. 

It  is  just  to  both  these  officers  to  say  that  each  of  them  was  selected 
for  his  command  in  the  war  without  solicitation  or  suggestion  on  the  part 
of  himself  or  of  any  one  in  his  behalf.  The  head  of  the  department,  under 
the  approval  of  the  President,  is  responsible  for  these  selections,  which 
were  made  under  the  responsibilities  of  the  war  situation  and  in  the 
exercise  of  the  corresponding  discretion  in  the  assignment  of  officers  wdiich 
is  authorized  by  law.  This  discretion  was  exercised  solely  with  a view  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  public  service,  whether  wisely  or  not  results  show. 
Neither  of  these  officers  was  then  the  senior  of  his  grade.  In  the  case  of 
Admiral  Sampson  he  was,  just  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  second 
in  command  to  the  then  commander-in-chief  of  the  North  Atlantic  fleet, 
and,  upon  the  illness  of  the  latter,  became  its  senior  officer.  He  had  been 
with  it  during  all  its  evolutions  and  practice  of  the  previous  year,  pos- 
sessed the  confidence  of  its  officers  to  a very  high  degree,  was  familiar  with 
its  workings,  and  had  had  special  experience  and  training  in  ordnance. 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT  375 

To  retain  him  in  command  was,  therefore,  in  the  judgment  of  the  depart- 
ment, the  best  thing  to  do. 

The  advancements  of  Captains  Philip,  Evans,  Taylor,  Cook,  Clark, 
Chadwick,  Lieutenant  Commander  Wainwright,  Lieutenant  Commander 
R.  P.  Rodgers,  John  A.  Rodgers,  James  K.  Cogswell,  William  P.  Potter, 
Giles  B.  Harber,  and  Newton  E.  Mason,  Lieutenant  Sharp,  and  Chief  En- 
gineer Robert  W.  Milligan  were  proposed  upon  the  recommendation  of  the 
commander-in-ehief  and  in  recognition  of  the  service  of  each  during  the 
campaign  against  Admiral  Cervera,  including  the  bombardments  and 
blockade  of  Santiago  and  the  battle  of  July  3d. 

The  advancements  of  Captain  Higginson  and  Lieutenant  Commander 
Seaton  Schroeder  were  proposed  upon  the  recommendation  of  the  command- 
er-in-chief and  in  recognition  of  their  services  during  the  bombardments 
and  blockade  of  Santiago. 

The  advancement  of  Lieutenant  Harry  P.  Huse  was  proposed  in  recog- 
nition of  his  part  as  executive  officer  in  the  conspicuous  conduct  of  the 
Gloucester  in  the  battle  of  July  3d. 

The  advancements  of  Chief  Engineers  McConnell,  Hannum,  Bates,  Rae, 
Cowie,  and  Passed  Assistant  Engineer  McElroy  were  proposed  in  recog- 
nition of  their  part  in  the  campaign  against  Admiral  Cervera  and  in  the 
battle  of  July  3d. 

The  advancement  of  Chief  Engineer  Bayley  was  proposed  in  recogni- 
tion of  his  services  on  board  the  Massachusetts  during  the  bombardments 
and  blockade  of  Santiago. 

The  advancement  of  Commander  Bowman  H.  McCalla  was  proposed 
in  consideration  of  his  eminent  and  conspicuous  conduct  in  command  of  the 
naval  base  at  Guantanamo  and  in  directing  the  cable-cutting  expedition  at 
Cienfuegos  on  May  11th. 

The  advancements  of  Lieutenant  Cameron  McR.  Winslow  and  Lieu- 
tenant Edwin  A.  Anderson  were  proposed  in  recognition  of  their  extraordi- 
nary heroism  when  engaged  in  cable-cutting  expeditions  at  Cienfuegos  on 
May  14th. 

The  advancement  of  Captain  Charles  D.  Sigsbee  was  proposed  in  con- 
sideration of  his  conduct  in  command  of  the  Maine,  and  of  the  St.  Paul 
when  repelling  the  attack  of  the  torpedo-boat  destroyer  Terror  and  the 
cruiser  Isabel  II. 

The  advancement  of  Lieutenant  Victor  Blue  was  proposed  upon  the  rec- 
ommendation of  the  commander-in-chief  in  recognition  of  his  extraordinary 
heroism  in  scouting  around  Santiago  to  determine  what  Spanish  ships 
were  in  the  harbor  and  how  they  were  placed. 

The  advancements  of  Lieutenants  Benjamin  Tappan,  Thomas  M. 
Brumby,  Ensigns  Harry  H.  Caldwell,  William  P.  Scott,  and  Naval  Cadet 
William  R.  White  were  proposed  in  accordance  with  the  recommendations 
of  Rear  Admiral  George  Dewey. 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 

John  D.  Long,  Secretary. 

The  President  of  the  Senate. 


37(5 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  fact  remains  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron  was  nominated  again  for  pro- 
motion and  advancement  by  the  President  of  the  United  States 
on  February  19,  1901. 

AVhen  this  document  w^as  sent  to  the  Senate  the  writer  had 
gone  to  New  York  to  attend  the  banquet  of  that  year  at  Del- 
monico’s  to  celebrate  the  birthday  of  the  great  and  immortal 
Lincoln.  The  first  intimation  received  that  this  communication 
had  been  sent  to  the  Senate  came  in  a telegram  from  his  personal 
friend,  Senator  A.  P.  Gorman,  the  senior  Senator  from  the 
writer’s  own  State,  Maryland.  Unfortunately,  the  great  bliz- 
zard about  that  date  cut  off  all  communication  for  two  or  three 
days  with  New  York,  thus  delaying  the  writer’s  return  to  Wash- 
ington, as  well  as  his  reply,  which  was  made  to  the  Senate  on 
February  18,  1899. 


[Senate] 

55th  Congress,  Sd  Session.  Executive  D. 

Communication  from  Rear  Admiral  TV.  8.  Schley  to  the  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs  in  reference  to  the  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
of  February  6,  1899. 

February  20,  1899. — Ordered  to  be  printed  for  the  use  of  the  Senate. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  February  18,  1899. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs,  Senate  Chamber. 

Sir:  Complying  with  the  request  of  the  committee,  I beg  to  submit 
the  following  in  reference  to  the  communication  of  the  honorable  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy  under  date  of  February  6th  to  the  Senate  (Executive  C) 
in  “response  to  the  Senate  resolution  of  January  23,  1899,  submitting  facts 
and  military  records  affecting  the  proposal  that  certain  officers  in  the  navy 
be  advanced  according  to  the  nominations  sent  to  the  Senate  on  December 
7,  1898.” 

I wish,  in  the  outset,  to  disclaim  any  purpose  of  controversy  with  the 
Navy  Department:  First,  because  my  ideas  of  proper  subordination  of  all 
officers  of  the  navy  to  its  official  head  forbid;  and,  second,  no  officer  can  be 
upon  such  terms  of  equality  with  that  head  as  will  enable  him  to  do  so. 

The  letter  of  the  department  (so  far  as  I am  concerned)  can  be 
divided  under  these  heads: 

First,  the  alleged  delay  off  Cienfuegos,  Cuba; 

Second,  the  alleged  slow  progress  towards  Santiago  de  Cuba  from 
Cienfuegos; 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


377 


Third,  the  retrograde  movements  on  the  2Gth  and  27th  of  May. 

Fourth,  the  battle  of  Santiago  and  the  destruction  of  Cervera’s  fleet. 

As  to  the  first:  My  orders  from  Rear  Admiral  Sampson  of  May  19th 
(No.  5,  p.  11)  were  to  blockade  Cienfuegos.  Sampson  says:  ‘Tt  is  unnec- 
essary for  me  to  say  to  you  that  we  should  establish  a blockade  at  Cien- 
fuegos with  the  least  possible  delay,  and  that  it  should  be  maintained  as 
close  as  possible.”  This  I proceeded  immediately  to  do. 

I had  no  knowledge  that  there  were  any  insurgents  about  Cienfuegos 
who  were  friendly  to  us  until  the  Marblehead  arrived,  on  the  24th,  when 
I learned  from  her  commander,  for  the  first  time,  that  there  were  such; 
and  even  had  I known  it  on  the  23d  of  May,  the  surf  would  have  pre- 
vented communication.  I immediately  sent  Commander  McCalla  to  make 
such  communication,  the  result  of  which  was  made  known  to  me  at  3.40 
p.  M.  of  May  24th,  and  by  which  I learned  definitely  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
was  not  at  Cienfuegos.  Within  two  hours — at  5.15 — I started  my  fleet 
for  Santiago  de  Cuba.  What  possible  ground  for  criticism  adverse  to  me 
there  can  be  in  all  this  I do  not  see.  I was  on  the  spot,  acting  under  orders 
which  gave  me  entire  discretion,  and  yet  clothed  me  with  the  responsibility 
of  going  to  Santiago,  only  after  I was  satisfied  that  the  Spanish  fleet  was 
not  at  Cienfuegos. 

In  addition  to  this,  I desire  to  call  special  attention  to  a letter  ( No.  7 ) 
of  Rear  Admiral  Sampson  to  me,  under  date  of  May  20th,  in  which  he 
encloses  telegram  of  19th  (p.  44,  Ex.  Doc.,  at  top)  from  the  department 
and  says: 

“After  duly  considering  this  telegram,  I have  decided  to  make  no 
change  in  the  present  plan — that  is,  that  you  should  hold  your  squadron 
off  Cienfuegos.  If  the  Spanish  ships  have  put  into  Santiago,  they  must 
come  either  to  Havana  or  Cienfuegos  to  deliver  the  munitions  of  war 
which  they  are  said  to  bring  for  use  in  Cuba.  I am,  therefore,  of  the  opin- 
ion that  our  best  chance  of  success  in  capturing  these  ships  will  be  to 
hold  two  points — Cienfuegos  and  Havana — with  all  the  force  we  can 
muster.  If  later  it  should  develop  that  these  vessels  are  at  Santiago,  we 
can  then  assemble  off  that  port  the  ships  best  suited  for  the  purpose  and 
completely  blockade  it.  Until  we,  then,  receive  more  positive  information 
we  shall  continue  to  hold  Havana  and  Cienfuegos.” 

This  letter  is  not  printed  either  in  the  Appendix  or  the  Executive 
Document  C,  but  I received  it  on  the  23d,  and,  together  with  No.  8, 
received  same  day,  it  shows  that  at  that  time  I was  expected  to  “hold  my 
squadron  off  Cienfuegos.” 

Second.  The  alleged  slow  progress  towards  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

The  secretary  assumes  that  I was  in  fault  for  allowing  the  Eagle, 
which  “was  of  small  importance  as  a fighting  force  compared  with  the 
rest  of  the  force,”  to  “reduce  materially  the  speed  of  the  squadron.” 

In  respect  to  this,  I have  to  say  that  she  was  a part  of  the  force  which 
Admiral  Sampson  had  thought  proper  to  send  me,  together  with  the 


378 


FORTY-FIA"E  YE.VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


loica  and  the  collier.  I had  no  right  to  abandon  her  without  a necessity 
not  then  apparent  to  me.  The  speed  of  a fleet  must  necessarily  be  regu- 
lated by  that  of  its  slowest  vessel.  The  Eagle  was  not  the  only  slow 
vessel  in  that  fleet;  the  Vixen  and  the  collier  were  others.  The  weather 
at  sea  was  such  that  much  greater  speed  could  not  have  been  kept  up. 
Captain  Higginson,  of  the  Massachusetts,  reports  (p.  15),  “Weather  rough 
and  squally;”  Captain  Evans,  of  the  Iowa  (p.  26),  says,  “May  25th, 
squally  and  rainy,  long  sea  from  E.S.E. ;”  Captain  McCalla,  of  the  Marble- 
head (p.  18),  says,  “May  25th,  rough  and  moderate  sea,  fresh  to  stiff 
breezes,  with  wind  from  E.N.E.  to  S.E.  by  S.”  (which  were  head  winds)  ; 
and  my  ovti  report  from  the  Brooklyn  (p.  22)  says,  “The  run  to  Santiago 
was  marked  by  rain  and  rough  weather.”  I was  ordered  to  proceed  to 
Santiago  “cautiously”  (see  above).  If  I had  kno%\Ti  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
was  in  the  latter  port,  I trust  that  it  is  not  necessary  for  me  to  assure 
this  honorable  committee  that  no  consideration  of  the  Eagle  or  anjdhing 
else  would  have  prevented  me  from  getting  there  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment  with  the  larger  vessels,  but  the  weather  and  sea  and  the  slow- 
moving  vessels  made  it  impossible  to  do  better  than  I did. 

Third.  The  retrograde  movements  of  May  26th  and  27th. 

These  are  what  the  honorable  secretary  (adopting  the  language  of 
the  letter  to  him  from  Admiral  Sampson,  to  be  found  on  p.  135)  charac- 
terizes as  “reprehensible  conduct.” 

In  reply  to  this  I can  only  say  that  never  before  in  a professional  life 
of  more  than  forty-two  years  was  any  such  language  used  to  characterize 
conduct  of  mine,  and  I can  see  no  reason  for  its  use  now. 

An  officer’s  conduct  should  be  judged,  first,  in  the  light  of  his  knovm 
character  for  professional  zeal  and  ability.  The  honorable  secretary  pays 
me  a high  tribute  when  he  says  (p.  6)  that  I was  “selected  for  command 
of  the  Flying  Squadron  without  any  solicitation  or  suggestion  on  my  part, 
or  that  of  any  one  in  my  behalf,  and  solely  with  a view  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  the  public  service.”  I trust  that  there  is  no  doubt  in  the  mind  of 
any  member  of  your  committee  that  in  all  I did  while  in  command  of  the 
Flying  Squadron,  I was  animated  by  the  sole  desire  to  do  my  duty,  fully 
and  completely,  to  my  country,  and  to  deserve  the  high  compliment  that 
had  been  paid  to  me  in  assigning  me  to  that  command. 

Acting  in  accordance  with  my  best  judgment,  in  view  of  the  circum- 
stances ; without  any  certain  knowledge  of  the  whereabouts  of  that  Spanish 
fleet;  after  having  been  informed  by  the  “scouts,”  commanded  by  such 
officers  as  Sigsbee,  Jewell,  and  Wise,  that,  although  they  had  all  been  off 
Santiago  de  Cuba  for  a week,  they  had  seen  nothing  of  it  and  knew  noth- 
ing of  its  movements  or  its  whereabouts  since  it  had  left  Curagoa ; after 
having  been  assured  by  Sigsbee,  that  he  did  not  believe  it  was  in  Santiago, 
and  by  the  emphatic  declaration  of  the  pilot  Nunez;  and,  knowing  that,  as 
the  sea  and  weather  then  were,  it  would  be  impossible  to  coal  my  squadron 
of!  the  port,  I deemed  it  best  to  take  the  action  I did,  the  final  result  of 
which  was  the  location  of  the  enemy’s  fleet  in  Santiago  Harbor. 

The  department’s  despatch  under  consideration  (p.  34,  No,  27,  Execu- 


i 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


379 


tive  C)  speaks  of  insurgent  Cubans  to  be  found  “five  or  six  miles”  from 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor.  Through  Pilot  Nunez,  whom  I caused  to  be 
landed  west  of  the  harbor,  I learned,  on  June  2d,  of  the  presence  of  the 
entire  Spanish  fleet  in  the  harbor,  and  he  was  directed  by  me  promptly 
to  report  the  fact  to  Rear  Admiral  Sampson,  who  was  then  in  command. 
I would  call  attention  to  the  exploits  of  Lieutenant  Blue,  as  reported  by 
Commander  Delehanty  (see  p.  333  of  the  Appendix),  wherein  he  says  that 
on  June  11th  he  received  from  Admiral  Sampson  an  order  to  get  in  imme- 
diate communication  with  the  insurgents  and  secure  without  delay  reliable 
information  as  to  what  ships,  if  am%  of  the  Spanish  navy  were  in  San- 
tiago Harbor.  Delehanty  says : “Believing  that  reliable  information  could 
not  be  secured  through  the  insurgent  forces,  I detailed  Lieutenant  Blue 
for  this  duty,  landing  him  in  uniform  at  Aserraderos,  and  directing  him 
to  request  Colonel  Cebereco  to  furnish  him  with  horses  and  guides  in  order 
to  reach  the  hills  near  the  harbor.”  And  Blue  reports  the  difficulty  he  was 
under  in  getting  a sight  of  Cervera’s  fleet  from  those  hilltops.  From  this 
it  will  be  seen  that  it  was  not  so  easy  to  secure  this  information,  even  ten 
days  after  Admiral  Sampson  had  arrived  there,  as  the  Cubans  in  Wash- 
ington, of  whom  the  department  speaks,  thought  it  would  be;  and  Aserra- 
deros, where  those  insurgents  were,  was  not  “five  or  six  miles”  but  twenty 
miles  to  the  west  of  the  harbor;  and  it  took  Lieutenant  Blue  more  than 
three  days  to  do  his  work. 

Fourth.  The  battle  of  Santiago  and  destruction  of  Cervera’s  fleet. 

As  to  this,  I have  nothing  to  say  here.  The  facts  of  that  contest  speak 
for  themselves. 

In  my  official  report,  made  to  Admiral  Sampson  July  6th,  of  that  bat- 
tle (p.  98),  I said: 

“I  congratulate  you  most  sincerely  upon  this  great  victory  to  the 
squadron  under  your  command,  and  am  glad  that  I had  an  opportunity  to 
contribute  in  the  least  to  a victory  that  seems  big  enough  for  all  of  us.” 

I have  treated  the  subject  of  the  battle  more  fully  in  the  accompany- 
ing detailed  statement. 

The  department  has  done  me  the  honor  to  refer  to  my  despatch  of 
July  10th  (p.  135),  wherein  I say:  “Victory  was  secured  by  the  force  under 
command  of  commander-in-chief  North  Atlantic  Station,  and  to  him  the 
honor  is  due,”  etc. 

I am  quite  willing,  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  to  have  you  contrast 
the  spirit  of  this  with  the  spirit  that  breathes  through  the  letter  begin- 
ning, “My  Dear  Mr.  Secretary,”  at  the  close  of  the  same  page,  wherein  the 
commander-in-chief  speaks  of  me. 

As  to  all  this  criticism  of  my  course  prior  to  the  discovery  by  me  on 
May  29th  of  Cervera’s  fleet,  whether  from  Admiral  Sampson  or  the  depart- 
ment, none  of  it  has  ever  been  made  by  either  to  me;  and  I never  heard 
a word  of  it  from  any  one  until  after  the  battle  with  that  fleet,  although 
more  than  five  weeks  had  passed  since  the  alleged  “reprehensible  conduct” 


380 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


had  occurred.  Although  Rear  Admiral  Sampson  used  this  language  to 
the  secretary  concerning  me  on  the  10th  of  July  (just  one  week  after  the 
battle),  he  has  never  to  this  day,  in  any  manner  or  to  any  extent,  inti- 
mated to  me  any  disapprobation  or  made  to  me  any  criticism  of  my  conduct 
of  the  Flying  Squadron. 

In  conclusion,  I ask  the  attention  of  your  honorable  committee  to  the 
detailed  statement  herewith  submitted,  and 

I have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N. 

DETAILED  STATEMENT 

The  E\t:rett,  1730  H Street, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  February  18,  1899. 

Sir:  In  compliance  with  your  letter  dated  February  16,  1899,  I have 
the  honor  to  state  that  on  May  19,  1898,  at  8 o’clock  a,  m.,  the  Flying 
Squadron  sailed  from  Key  West  for  Cienfuegos,  with  orders  to  blockade 
that  port,  and  consisted  of  the  Brooklyn,  the  Massachusetts,  the  Texas, 
and  the  auxiliary  Scorpion.  At  this  time,  owing  to  the  press  of  orders 
and  the  difficulty  of  coaling  off  Sand  Key  anchorage,  the  Massachusetts 
and  Brooklyn  left  lacking  about  100  tons  or  more  of  coal  to  fill  their 
bunkers.  Admiral  Sampson  informed  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  Fly- 
ing Squadron  that  he  would  send  the  Iowa  and  a collier  to  follow  the 
Flying  Squadron  the  next  day.  The  Iowa  did  reach  the  Flying  Squadron 
off  Cienfuegos  on  May  22d,  the  day  following  the  arrival  of  the  Flying 
Squadron,  and  reported  for  duty.  The  Scorpion  was  sent  east  with  de- 
spatches for  scouting  squadron  off  Santiago. 

Lieutenant  Commander  Rodgers  reported  on  board,  as  Captain  Evans 
was  slightly  unwell,  and  stated  that  owing  to  the  press  of  orders  to  get 
away  from  Key  West,  and  the  distance  of  the  anchorage  there  from  Key 
West,  the  Iowa  had  to  sail  to  join  me  before  she  could  entirely  fill  her 
bunkers,  but  that  with  reasonably  fair  weather  his  ship’s  companj^  a 
most  excellent  one,  could  take  on  board  about  260  tons  during  the  day- 
light from  a collier  expected  to  arrive.  On  the  morning  of  May  23d  the 
Castine  arrived,  convoying  the  collier  Merrimac ; and  the  Iowa,  Castine 
and  Dupont  took  some  coal  from  this  collier.  On  May  24th  the  Marble- 
head, Vixen  and  Eagle  joined  the  squadron  off  Cienfuegos.  During  the 
night  of  May  23d  there  were  displayed  at  a point  six  or  eight  miles  east 
and  west  of  the  port  three  horizontal  white  lights,  placed  equidistant  on 
the  hill,  but  as  I had  not  been  informed  before  leaving  Key  West  that  the 
insurgents  were  in  the  vicinity,  or  that  any  arrangements  had  been  made 
to  communicate  with  them,  though  I asked  the  question,  it  was  thought 
that  these  lights  were  signal  lights  of  the  enemy.  The  nature  of  these 
signals  was  not  understood  until  the  arrival  of  tlie  Marblehead  on  the 
morning  of  May  24th,  when  Commander  McCalla  was  sent  at  once  with 
the  Marblehead  and  the  Eagle  to  the  westward,  some  twelve  miles  or  more, 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


381 


to  communicate  with  the  insurgents  for  information  and  to  supply  tliem 
with  dynamite,  clothing,  arms,  etc.  He  returned  about  4 p,  m.  to  Cien- 
fuegos  with  the  information,  obtained  from  the  insurgents,  that  Cervera’s 
fleet  was  not  at  Cienfuegos.  On  the  morning  of  May  23d  the  following 
communications  were  received  from  Rear  Admiral  Sampson: 

United  States  Flagship  'New  York  (1st  Rate), 

Key  West,  Fla.,  May  19,  1898. 

SiB:  I enclose  a copy  of  a memorandum  from  Commander  McCalla. 

You  will  take  steps  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  continuing  work  on 
the  new  fortifications  mentioned  therein. 

There  is  a rumor  by  way  of  Havana  that  the  Spanish  squadron  has 
put  into  Santiago. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rea/r  Admiral,  U.  S.  N., 

Commander -in-Chief  United  States  'Naval  Forces,  North  Atlantic  Station. 

The  Commanding  Officer,  United  States  Flying  Squadron. 

Accompanying  these  instructions  was  the  following  letter,  which  con- 
fused the  situation  and  threw  grave  doubts  over  the  location  of  the  Spanish 
fleet: 

[No.  7.]  U.  S.  Flagship  New  York, 

Key  West,  Fla.,  May  20,  1898. 

Dear  Schley:  The  Iowa  leaves  this  morning  at  11  o’clock  bound  for 
Cienfuegos.  The  Marblehead  and  the  Eagle  will  both  be  ready  to  depart 
to-night  to  join  you.  Enclosed  is  a telegram  received  at  Key  West  May 
19th,  marked  “A.”  After  duly  considering  this  telegram  I have  decided  to 
make  no  change  in  the  present  plans;  that  is,  that  you  should  hold  your 
squadron  off  Cienfuegos.  If  the  Spanish  ships  have  put  into  Santiago  they 
must  come  either  to  Havana  or  Cienfuegos  to  deliver  the  munitions  of  war 
which  they  are  said  to  bring  for  use  in  Cuba.  I therefore  am  of  opinion 
that  our  best  chance  of  success  in  capturing  their  ships  will  be  to  hold  the 
two  points,  Cienfuegos  and  Havana,  with  all  the  force  we  can  muster.  If 
later  it  should  develop  that  these  vessels  are  at  Santiago  we  could  then 
assemble  off  that  port  the  ships  best  suited  for  the  purpose  and  completely 
blockade  it.  Until  we,  then,  receive  more  positive  information  we  shall 
continue  to  hold  Havana  and  Santiago.  (This  evidently  should  be  Cien- 
fuegos.—W.  S.  S.) 

I enclose  a telegram  received  at  Key  West,  dated  May  19th,  marked 
“B.”  With  regard  to  this  second  telegram,  in  which  the  consul  at  Cape 
Haitien  says  that  a telegram  from  Port  de  Paix  on  May  17th  “reports  two 
ships,”  etc.,  it  is  probably  of  no  importance,  and  the  vessels  referred  to  may 
have  been  our  own  ships. 

The  statement  made  by  the  United  States  minister  to  Venezuela,  con- 
tained in  a cablegram  of  the  same  date,  is  probably  not  true,  because  these 


382 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


ships  are  reported  to  have  left  Curagoa  at  6 p.  m.  on  the  Kith.  If  they 
were  seen  on  the  17th,  apparently  headed  for  the  French  West  Indies,  they 
could  not  possibly  be  at  Santiago  de  Cuba  as  early  as  the  18th,  as  is 
reported. 

From  the  first  cablegram,  marked  “A,”  it  will  be  seen  that  the  depart- 
ment has  ordered  the  cruiser  Minneapolis  and  Auxiliary  No.  461  to  pro- 
ceed to  Santiago  de  Cuba  to  join  you.  Please  send  the  Scorpion  to  com- 
municate with  these  vessels  at  Santiago,  and  direct  one  of  them  to  report 
to  the  department  from  Nicholas  Mole  or  Cape  Haitien  the  change  which 
I have  made  in  the  plan  “strongly  advised”  by  the  department.  As  soon 
as  this  vessel  has  communicated  with  the  department,  at  her  return  to  the 
vicinity  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  learn  the  condition  of  affairs  and  imme- 
diately report  at  Havana  or  Cienfuegos,  as  he  may  think  most  advantageous. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  V., 

Commander -in-Chief  United  States  Raval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station. 

Commodore  Schley, 

United  States  Navy,  Commanding  Flying  Squadron. 


Enclosl^e  a. 

Translation  of  cipher  telegram  received  at  12.30  a.  m.  May  20th. 

“The  report  of  the  Spanish  fleet  being  at  Santiago  de  Cuba  might  very 
well  be  correct,  so  the  department  strongly  advises  that  you  send  word 
immediately  by  the  Iowa  to  Schley  to  proceed  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  with 
his  whole  command,  leaving  one  small  vessel  off  Cienfuegos.  And  mean- 
while the  department  will  send  the  Minneapolis,  now  at  St.  Thomas,  West 
Indies,  Auxiliary  No.  461,  proceed  at  once  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  to  join 
Schley,  who  would  keep  up  communication  via  Mole  Haiti,  or  Cape  Hai- 
tien. If  Iowa  (has  not  left  yet)  had  gone,  send  orders  Schley  by  your 
fastest  despatch  vessel. 

“Long.” 

Also  enclosed  and  received  IMay  23d: 

United  States  Flagship  New  York, 

Key  West,  Fla.,  May  21,  1898. 

Sir:  Spanish  squadron  probablj*^  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Four  ships  and 
three  torpedo-boat  destroyers.  If  you  are  satisfied  that  they  are  not  at 
Cienfuegos,  proceed  with  all  despatch,  but  cautiously,  to  Santiago  de  Cuba, 
and  if  the  enemy  is  there  blockade  him  in  port.  You  will  probably  find  it 
necessary  to  establish  communication  with  some  of  the  inhabitants,  fisher- 
men or  others,  to  learn  definitely  that  the  ships  are  in  that  port,  it  being 
impossible  to  see  into  it  from  outside. 

When  the  instructions  sent  by  Iowa  and  Duj)ont  (duplicates)  were 
written,  I supposed  that  two  fast  scouts  would  be  in  the  vicinity  of 
Jamaica,  but  I have  since  learned  that  they  have  been  ordered  by  the 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


388 


department  to  get  in  touch  with  the  Spanish  fleet  on  the  north  coast  of 
Venezuela.  I have  just  telegraphed  them  to  report  for  orders  at  Nicholas 
Mole. 

Report  from  Nicholas  Mole. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  'Navy, 

Commander -in-Chief  United  States  Naval  Force,  North  Atlantic  Station. 
The  Commodore,  United  States  IPlying  Squadron, 

Attached  to  this  order  were: 

COPIES  OF  LATE  TELEGRAMS 

Washington,  D.  C.,  May  18,  1898. 

Sampson,  Key  West,  Fla.: 

Owing  to  absence  of  your  armored  vessels.  Flying  Squadron  will  coal 
and  sent  off  Havana,  Cuba.  Therefore  you  will  coal  your  ships  and  carry 
out  the  department’s  telegraphic  instructions  of  17th,  addressed  to  naval 
station.  Key  West,  and  beginning  with  the  cipher  words  apporcam  econom- 
ical. Leave  a suitable  defense  for  Key  West,  and  use  utmost  despatch  to 
get  force  off  Cienfuegos,  Cuba.  Oregon  arrived  to-day  at  Barbados,  West 
Indies. 

Washington,  D.  C.,  May  19,  1898. 

Sampson,  Key  West,  Fla.: 

United  States  consul  at  Cape  Haitien  says  that  telegram  from  Port  de 
Paix,  Haiti,  on  May  17th,  reports  the  Spanish  ships  cruising  off  Mole 
every  night  two  weeks.  The  United  States  minister  to  Venezuela  says  that 
cable  employee  reports  confidentially  the  Spanish  men-of-war  were  May 
17th  apparently  headed  for  French  West  Indies. 

Long. 


Attached  to  a duplicate  order  of  the  same  date  was  this: 

United  States  Flagship  New  York  (1st  Rate), 

Off  Havana,  Cuba,  May  21,  1898. 

MEMORANDUM 

It  is  thought  that  the  enclosed  instruction  will  reach  you  by  2 a.  m. 
May  23d.  This  will  enable  you  to  leave  before  daylight  (regarded  as  very 
important),  so  that  your  direction  will  not  be  noticed,  and  be  at  Santiago 
A.  M.  24th. 

It  is  thought  that  the  Spanish  squadron  will  probably  be  still  at  San- 
tiago, as  they  must  have  some  repairs  to  make  and  coal  to  take. 

The  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis  have  been  telegraphed  to  scout  off  San- 
tiago, and  if  the  Spanish  squadron  goes  westward  one  is  to  go  west  and 


384 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


attempt  to  reach  you.  If  the  squadron  goes  east,  one  will  keep  in  touch 
and  the  other  go  into  Nicholas  Mole  to  telegraph  me  at  Key  West.  If  you 
arrive  off  Santiago  and  a scout  meets  you,  send  a vessel  to  cable  at  Nicholas 
Mole  and  get  information  to  be  left  there  by  scouts  as  to  direction  taken  by 
Spanish  in  case  they  have  left  Santiago  de  Cuba. 

The  Yale  has  been  ordered  to  cruise  in  Bahama  Channel  until  May 
24th.  It  is  thought  possible  that  the  Spanish,  hearing  of  your  departure 
from  Cienfuegos,  may  attempt  to  go  there. 

If  this  word  does  not  reach  you  before  daylight,  it  is  suggested  to  mask 
your  real  direction  as  much  as  possible.  Follow  the  Spanish  squadron 
whichever  direction  they  take. 

W.  T.  Sampson, 

Rear  Admiral, 

Commander -in-CMef  United  States  Naval  Force  on  North  Atlantic  Station. 

The  Commodore  Flying  Squadron. 

Written  in  ink  on  the  border  is  the  following: 

“Our  experience  has  been  that  ships  can  be  traced  by  their  smoke  from 
twenty  to  thirty  miles,  and  it  is  suggested  in  case  you  leave  in  the  day- 
time to  stand  a good  distance  to  the  westward  before  turning  to  the 
southward.” 

Coincident  with  the  receipt  of  these  orders  on  May  23d  a British 
steamer,  Adula,  arrived  off  the  port  with  duly  authentic  papers  from  the 
United  States  consul.  Dent,  from  the  State  Department,  authorizing  her  to 
carry  out  neutrals  wishing  to  leave  Cienfuegos.  She  was  carefully  searched 
for  any  contraband  matter,  and  finding  nothing  on  board  she  was  per- 
mitted to  go  in.  Her  captain  informed  me  that  a war  bulletin,  published 
at  Kingston,  announced  the  arrival  of  Cervera’s  fleet  at  Santiago  May  19th, 
and  that  his  squadron  had  sailed  on  May  20th  from  Santiago. 

It  was  a curious  coincidence  that  being  on  the  forward  bridge  of  the 
Brooklyn  on  the  afternoon  about  6 o’clock  of  May  21st,  as  we  approached 
Cienfuegos,  and  distant  perhaps  some  thirty  miles  from  the  harbor,  a num- 
ber of  heavy  guns  were  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  port  and  fired  with 
the  regularity  of  a salute.  Not  knowing  the  whereabouts  of  the  Spanish 
fleet,  it  was  thought  that  this  firing  might  indicate  their  arrival  at  Cien- 
fuegos, and  this  opinion  was  on  May  22d  signaled  to  the  squadron  for  their 
information.  (See  p.  29,  Confidential  Ex.  Doc.  C.)  This  view  was  the 
stronger  from  the  generally  accepted  theory  that  this  fleet  was  bound  for 
Cienfuegos  with  guns,  ammunition,  etc.,  to  be  run  by  rail  to  Havana,  as 
Cienfuegos  was  in  railroad  communication  with  Havana.  This  information 
of  the  Adula  directly  from  Jamaica  strengthened  my  belief  of  Cervera’s 
presence  in  Cienfuegos,  and  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  delay  to  satisfy 
myself,  until  the  evening  of  the  24th,  when  it  was  definitely  decided, 
through  information  of  Commander  McCalla,  that  the  Spanish  fleet  was  not 
at  Cienfuegos. 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


385 


The  Dupont  arrived  at  Cienfuegos  the  morning  of  May  22d,  and,  being 
without  sufficient  coal  to  return  to  Key  West,  the  flagship  undertook  to 
coal  her  with  boats,  but  there  was  so  much  motion  that  it  was  not  possible 
to  put  more  than  ten  or  twelve  tons  on  board  in  bags  during  the  day.  It 
was  not  until  the  arrival  of  the  collier,  the  day  following,  that  coal  suffi- 
cient to  enable  her  to  get  back  to  Key  West  could  be  put  on  board.  During 
this  time  the  heavy  surf  on  the  beach  made  communication  impossible 
until  the  24th,  when  Commander  McCalla  joined  the  squadron. 

Commander  McCalla  reported  on  board  on  his  arrival  on  May  24th, 
asking  me  if  we  had  seen  any  signals  on  the  shore.  I informed  him  that  on 
the  night  of  May  23d  lights  were  seen  on  the  hills  east  and  west  of  the 
harbor.  He  stated  then  that  they  were  signals  from  insurgents  for  commu- 
nication. This  was  the  first  intimation  I had  ever  received  that  any 
arrangements  of  any  kind  had  been  agreed  upon.  Commander  McCalla 
was  sent  immediately  westward  with  instructions  to  ascertain,  if  possible, 
if  Cervera’s  fleet  was  in  Cienfuegos,  and  reported  about  4 p.  m.  that  it  was 
not.  That  fact  established,  the  Flying  Squadron  moved  at  dusk  eastward 
for  Santiago,  leaving  the  Castine  off  Cienfuegos,  as  directed. 

The  squadron,  consisting  of  the  Brooklyn,  the  Massachusetts,  the  Iowa, 
the  Texas,  Marblehead,  Vixen,  Eagle,  and  collier  Merrimac,  left  Cienfuegos 
at  dusk  May  24th  for  Santiago  at  a speed  of  nine  knots,  that  being  the 
best  the  smaller  vessels  could  make  in  starting  out.  For  the  two  days  the 
squadron  was  off  Cienfuegos  the  winds  were  fresh,  with  rolling  seas;  but 
as  the  sea  was  gained,  after  leaving,  the  winds  freshened  up,  with  rain, 
and  the  sea  became  so  rough  that  the  small  craft  could  not  keep  up  with 
the  larger  vessels,  but  were  tossed  about  to  such  extent  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  slow  down,  so  that  they  might  hold  position.  At  least  two  or 
three  times  the  squadron  had  to  stop  to  make  minor  repairs  to  the  steer- 
ing gear  of  the  collier  and  to  allow  the  Eagle  and  Vixen  to  gain  and  hold 
their  positions.  The  weather  continued  varied  by  wind  squalls  and  occa- 
sioned much  delay,  as  the  squadron  had  to  be  slowed  do\vn  at  times  to  four 
or  five  knots.  On  the  26th  the  Eagle  reported  about  a day’s  coal,  more  or 
less,  on  board,  and  there  being  no  prospects  of  being  able  to  coal  her,  as 
the  sea  was  too  rough,  she  was  sent  to  Port  Antonio,  some  seventy  miles 
away,  with  orders,  after  coaling  there,  to  return  to  Key  West,  so  as  to 
avoid  any  complications  about  the  neutrality  of  the  port — the  regulations 
governing  such  supply  in  neutral  ports  confining  the  amount  of  coal  given 
to  enough  only  to  make  the  nearest  home  port,  which  was  Key  West. 

The  squadron,  after  these  various  delays,  arrived  off  Santiago  de  Cuba 
about  4.30  P.  m.  of  May  26th,  and  sighted  several  vessels  to  the  northward 
and  eastward,  which  proved  to  be  the  scouts  8t.  Paul,  Yale  and  Minneapo- 
lis. Not  knowing  definitely  of  their  presence,  the  squadron  was  cleared  for 
action,  and  closed  in  with  these  vessels  should  they  have  proved  enemies. 

Shortly  after  coming  up  with  these  scouts  the  machinery  of  the  Mer- 
rimac was  disabled  by  breaking  of  her  intermediate  pressure  valve  and  the 
cracking  of  the  stuffing  box.  This  unfortunate  accident  to  the  Merrimac 
embarrassed  the  squadron’s  movements,  and  as  she  was  the  only  collier  at 


386 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


hand,  it  was  necessary  to  have  her  taken  in  tow,  and  this  proved  to  be 
very  difficult  on  account  of  the  wind  and  sea.  In  her  disabled  state  no 
thought  of  abandoning  her  or  the  scouts  could  be  entertained.  Indeed,  it 
required  some  fifteen  to  twenty  hours  to  get  a line  to  her  that  would  stand 
the  great  strain  of  towing,  and  no  end  of  hard  work  all  night  and  part  of 
the  next  day,  27th,  during  which  the  squadron  drifted  with  the  wind  and 
sea  to  the  westward  of  port.  It  was  during  this  operation  that  the  Har- 
vard brought  the  department  despatch,  as  follows: 

“Cotton,  Harvard,  Nicholas  Mole.  (Received  at  Nicholas  Mole  8.30 
A.  M.  and  delivered  May  27,  1898.)  Proceed  at  once  and  inform  Schley 
and  also  the  senior  officer  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  as  follows: 

“All  department’s  information  indicates  the  Spanish  division  is  still 
at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  department  looks  to  you  to  ascertain  the  fact 
and  that  the  enemy,  if  therein,  does  not  leave  without  a decisive  action. 
Cubans  familiar  with  Santiago  de  Cuba  say  there  is  a landing-place  five 
nautical  miles  west,  or  six  from  mouth  of  harbor,  and  that  there  probably 
insurgents  will  be  found  and  not  Spanish.  From  surrounding  heights  can 
see  every  vessel  in  port.  As  soon  as  ascertained,  notify  the  department 
whether  enemy  is  there.  Could  not  squadron  and  also  Harvard  coal  from 
Merrimac  leeward  Cape  Cruz,  Cuba;  Gonaives,  Haiti  Channel;  or  Mole, 
Haiti?  Report  without  delay  situation  Santiago  de  Cuba.” 

Captain  Sigsbee  stated  verbally  that  he  had  been  close  into  the  port 
several  times  and  there  were  no  indications  of  any  kind  that  the  enemy 
was  present,  and,  indeed,  he  doubted  his  presence.  Pilot  Nunez,  an  experi- 
enced Santiago  pilot,  who  was  sent  on  board  the  Brooklyn  by  Sigsbee,  was 
emphatic  in  his  belief  that  the  squadron  was  not  able  to  enter,  on  account 
of  their  size,  without  the  assistance  of  tugs.  He  stated  that  owing  to  the 
narrowness  of  the  channel  such  large  ships  could  not  enter  the  port. 
Sigsbee  also  confirms  this.  (Appendix  to  Report  Bureau  Navigation, 
p.  413.) 

The  commanding  officer  of  the  Harvard  reported  that  he  did  not  have 
coal  enough  to  reach  any  home  base  and  could  not  steam  beyond  twenty- 
four  or  thirty  hours,  which  forced  me  to  send  him  to  Kingston.  The  com- 
manding officer  of  the  Yale  reported  that  he  could  reach  Key  West,  with 
some  margin  for  bad  weather.  The  Minneapolis  reported  his  engine  in 
bad  order  and  his  coal  supply  about  enough  to  reach  Key  West.  The  com- 
manding officer  of  the  8t.  Paul  reported  that  he  could  remain  at  most  off 
the  port  some  two  days,  when  he  ought  in  prudence  to  start  for  his  base. 

The  Brooklyn,  Jowa  and  Massachusetts  were  fairly  well  off  with  coal, 
but  the  Texas,  Marblehead  and  Vixen  were  very  considerably  reduced, 
owing  to  the  difficulty  of  coaling  the  Texas  in  the  swell  off  Cienfuegos,  and 
the  arrival  of  the  two  latter,  both  short  of  coal,  at  Cienfuegos  on  May  24th, 
the  squadron  sailing  therefrom  on  the  evening  of  that  date.  The  project- 
ing sponsons  of  the  Texans  and  Marblehead  made  it  dangerous  to  coal  them 
alongside  the  collier  with  any  swell  in  the  open  sea. 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


387' 


It  was  this  situation,  coupled  with  the  conclusion  that  the  Spanish 
squadron  might  have  touched  and  then  moved  west,  as  reported  at  Cien- 
fuegos,  and  reinforced  by  the  fact  that  Sigsbee  had  not  seen  them,  and 
that  the  pilot  Nunez,  an  experienced  Santiago  pilot,  was  strongly  impressed 
with  the  doubt  that  this  squadron  could  enter  the  port,  which  occasioned 
my  telegram  of  May  27th.  The  chief  engineer  of  the  collier,  after  much 
hard  work,  disconnected  the  broken  engine  while  being  taken  in  tow.  The 
weather  and  sea  having  moderated  considerably  and  the  commanding  officer 
of  the  collier  reporting  that  he  could  make  six  or  seven  knots  in  moderate 
sea  and  weather,  orders  were  given  to  cast  off  the  tow  lines  after  about 
three  hours’  steaming  west. 

As  to  the  difficulty  of  coaling  off  Santiago  at  that  time,  the  following 
extract  from  the  report  of  Captain  Sigsbee  of  May  31,  1898  (p.  414,  Ap- 
pendix Bureau’s  Report),  is  pertinent.  He  says:  “Just  before  leaving 
Santiago  I told  Commodore  Schley  that  the  weather  then  prevailing  (May 
29th)  was  far  more  favorable  for  coaling  outside  than  any  I had  observed 
in  my  eight  days’  continuous  cruise  off  the  entrance.” 

The  Texas,  Marblehead  and  Vixen  having  taken  coal  enough  to  equalize 
the  squadron’s  working  efficiency,  I decided,  before  going  farther  west,  to 
satisfy  myself  by  close  examination  of  the  port  of  Santiago.  If  it  should 
be  discovered  that  the  enemy  was  not  in  that  port,  the  squadron,  being 
equal  in  steaming  radius  (with  the  Texas,  Marblehead  and  Vixen  coaled), 
could  then  make  the  best  speed  towards  Key  West  via  Yucatan  Passage. 

By  the  Yale  my  despatch  of  May  28th  was  sent  to  the  department  and 
to  Admiral  Sampson  to  inform  them  that,  collier  having  been  repaired,  I 
would  endeavor  to  coal  Texas  and  Marblehead  in  open  sea  and  hold  my 
position  off  Santiago. 

The  squadron  then  turned  east  and  took  up  position  in  the  afternoon 
about  5.30  of  May  28th,  and  invested  Santiago  de  Cuba.  Forming  the 
squadron  in  line  of  battle,  with  the  Marblehead  and  Vixen  on  the  flanks  as 
pickets,  the  squadron  in  column  steamed  slowly  east  and  west  before  the 
harbor  in  line  of  battle,  ready  for  any  emergency,  about  six  miles  offshore, 
as  shown  by  report  of  Captain  Evans  dated  July  4th  (p.  419,  Appendix), 
wherein  he  says:  “Works  at  entrance  to  Santiago  de  Cuba  in  plain  sight 
latter  part  first  dogwatch”  (4  to  6 p.  m.).  On  May  29th,  the  day  follow- 
ing, shortly  after  daybreak,  on  steaming  closer  in  past  the  harbor  we  dis- 
covered the  Cristobal  Colon,  with  another  of  the  enemy’s  vessels  and  two 
torpedo-boats,  moored  well  inside  the  Morro  and  partially  concealed,  except 
the  Colon,  which  was  lying  well  inside  of  Cay  Smith  and  towards  Punta 
Gorda  and  head  on. 

The  St.  Paul  rejoined  the  squadron  from  the  eastward  on  May  29th 
about  8 o’clock  A.  m.,  and  was  despatched  with  cablegram  announcing  the 
discovery  of  several  vessels  of  the  enemy’s  -fleet  in  port  to  the  department 
and  Rear  Admiral  Sampson. 

The  telegram  of  May  29th  to  the  department  and  Admiral  Sampson 
was  sent  by  8t.  Paul  to  Nicholas  Mole. 

26 


388 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


“Enemy  in  port.  Recognized  Cristobal  Colon  and  Infanta  Maria 
Teresa,  with  two  torpedo-boats,  moored  inside  Morro,  behind  point.  Doubt- 
less others  are  here.  We  are  short  of  coal,  using  every  elfort  to  get  coal 
in.  Vixen  blew  out  manhole  gasket.  Have  sent  boiler  maker  to  repair. 
Collier  repaired,  machinery  being  put  together.  Have  about  3,000  tons  of 
coal  in  collier  left.  Not  easy  to  get  on  board  here.  If  no  engagement  the 
next  two  or  three  days,  Sampson’s  squadron  could  relieve  this  one  to  coal 
at  Gonaives  or  vicinity  Port  au  Prince.  Hasten  me  despatch  boats  for 
picket  work.  Brooklyn,  Iowa,  Massachusetts,-  Texas,  Marblehead,  Vixen, 
and  collier  compose  squadron  here.  Am  sending  the  8t.  Paul  to  commu- 
nicate with  Sampson.” 

On  May  31st,  leaving  Brooklyn  and  Texas  coaling  in  offing,  I made  a 
reconnaissance  in  afternoon  with  the  Massachusetts,  Iowa,  Neia  Orleans 
and  Vixen  to  develop  the  enemy’s  position,  and  incidentally  to  injure  or 
destroy,  if  possible,  the  Colon,  moored  well  iip  in  the  harbor.  The  result 
of  the  reconnaissance  determined  without  question  the  presence  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  in  the  harbor.  That  question  decided,  it  would  have  been 
unwise  to  risk,  until  reinforced,  any  chance  of  serious  disablement  of  the 
ships  that  would  have  rendered  the  squadron  numerically  inferior  to  the 
enemy.  This,  my  judgment,  was  in  line  with  the  judgment  of  the  Navy 
Department,  set  out  on  page  171,  Appendix  to  Bureau’s  Report,  in  Secre- 
tary Long’s  instructions  to  Rear  Admiral  Sampson,  in  these  words: 


“The  department  does  not  wish  the  vessels  of  your  squadron  to  be 
exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  batteries  at  Havana,  Santiago  de  Cuba  or  other 
strongly  fortified  ports  in  Cuba  unless  the  more  formidable  Spanish  vessels 
should  take  refuge  within  those  harbors.  Even  in  this  case  the  depart- 
ment would  suggest  that  a rigid  blockade  and  employment  of  our  torpedo- 
boats  might  accomplish  this — the  destruction  of  the  enemy’s  vessels — with- 
out subjecting  unnecessarily  our  men-of-war  to  the  fire  of  the  land  bat- 
teries;” and  gives  the  reason  that  lack  of  docking  facilities  made  it  par- 
ticularly desirable  that  our  vessels  should  not  be  crippled.  This  was  sub- 
stantially repeated  on  April  26,  1898  (p.  177,  Appendix),  and  May  5th 
(366,  Appendix),  as  to  “not  risking  or  crippling  the  vessels  against  forti- 
fications.” 

The  Harvard  joined  the  squadron  May  31st  from  Kingston,  with  fol- 
lowing despatches: 

“Cotton,  Z7.  S.  8.  Harvard,  Kingston,  Jamaica: 

“Return  to  Schley  with  this  message:  Hold  on  at  all  hazards.  Kew 
York,  Oregon  and  Hew  Orleans  are  on  way.  St.  Louis  and  Yankee  are 
leaving  New  York  for  Santiago  via  Nicholas  Mole.  Two  more  colliers  en 
route;  torpedo-boat  destroyer  reported  at  San  Juan  said  to  be  damaged. 

“Long.” 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


389 


The  Earva/rd  was  sent  on  the  same  evening  to  Nicholas  Mole  with  the 
following  telegram  to  the  secretary; 

“Made  reconnaissance  this  afternoon.  May  31st,  with  the  Massachu- 
setts, Iowa,  New  Orleans,  to  develop  fortifications  with  their  character. 
The  range  was  7,000  yards.  Reconnaissance  was  intended  (to)  principally 
injure  (or)  to  destroy  Colon.  Fire  was  returned  without  delay  by  heavy 
batteries  to  the  east  and  to  the  west  (of)  entrance,  large  caliber  and  long 
range.  Reconnaissance  developed  satisfactorily  the  presence  of  Spanish 
squadron  lying  beyond  island  near  inner  forts,  as  they  fired  over  the  hill 
at  random.  Quite  satisfied  that  Spanish  fleet  is  there.  I shall  send  pilot 
to-morrow  morning  in  Vixen  to  ascertain  fully,  and  I shall  report.  In 
great  need  of  smaller  vessels  for  picket  duty.  I would  suggest  that  it  is 
most  important  to  send  with  collier  a large  number  of  coaling  bags  hold- 
ing about  600  pounds,  as  all  coaling  must  be  done  in  such  a manner.  Can 
you  send  Solace  here  in  order  to  give  relief  to  exhausted  and  injured  in  any 
operation?  Owing  to  extreme  heat  the  suffering  for  all  hands  is  great, 
particularly  (in  the)  engineers’  department.  We  are  coaling  squadron  in 
the  face  of  the  enemy  every  good  day.  United  States  ships  were  not 
struck  this  afternoon.” 

During  the  early  morning  of  June  1st,  the  Colon  changed  her  position 
into  the  harbor  behind  the  land,  preventing  any  further  operations  against 
her,  had  they  been  deemed  wise. 

On  May  31st  I wrote  the  following  note: 

Flying  Squadron,  United  States  Flagship  Brooklyn, 

Off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  May  31,  1898. 

Sir;  I send  to  communicate  with  you  Pilot  Nunez,  to  arrange  a sys- 
tem of  signals  to  indicate  your  desire  to  communicate  with  me.  I would 
suggest  three  lights  at  night,  equidistant  and  horizontal;  and  during  day 
three  white  flags,  moved  to  right  three  times  simultaneously.  Please 
inform  Nunez  of  your  acquiescence,  and  oblige. 

Yours  truly, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Commodore,  U.  S.  Navy,  Commander-in-Chief  Flying  Squadron. 

To  General  Minuet  or  General  Cebereco. 

A note  was  sent  the  morning  following  by  the  Vixen  with  Pilot  Eduardo 
Nunez  to  General  Cebereco  to  arrange  a general  system  of  signals  for  com- 
munication by  day  or  night.  Pilot  Nunez  was  landed  by  Vixen  some  fifteen 
miles  west  of  the  port  to  communicate  with  Cuban  general  some  thirty 
miles  in  the  interior.  The  Vixen  returned  to  the  squadron  after  landing 
Nunez  and  went  back  for  him  the  next  afternoon.  The  insurgents  con- 
firmed the  fact  that  the  Spanish  fleet  was  in  Santiago,  as  my  telegrams  of 
May  29th  and  31st  had  reported. 


390 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


On  June  1st,  about  6.30  a.  m.,  the  New  York,  with  Rear  Admiral 
Sampson,  arrived  off  the  port,  and  he  assumed  command. 

The  contents  of  the  despatches  which  follow  were  all  communicated  by 
me  to  Admiral  Sampson  during  my  visit. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  telegrams  to  Cotton  at  Kingston  reached  me 
at  Santiago  May  31st,  three  days,  nearly,  after  the  port  had  been 
blockaded,  and  on  the  same  day  and  at  the  same  hour  the  following  was 
received,  through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Wright,  of  the  Associated  Press,  on 
board  the  press  boat  Dandy,  from  Port  Antonio: 

(1)  “Deliver  following  to  next  American  war  vessel  to  arrive:  Pro- 
ceed immediately  and  deliver  the  following  to  Schley  as  soon  as  possible; 
the  utmost  urgency. 

“Unless  it  is  unsafe  for  your  (our)  squadron,  the  department  wishes 
you  remain  off  Santiago  de  Cuba.  So  can  not  you  take  possession  of 
Guantanamo,  Cuba,  occupying  as  coaling  station?  If  you  must  leave,  are 
authorized  to  sink  collier  in  the  mouth  of  harbor  off  Santiago  de  Cuba  if 
you  obstruct  thereby.  But  if  not  so  used,  and  if  not  necessary  to  you,  it 
would  be  very  desirable  to  leave  her  at  Mole  Haiti  or  vicinity.  You  must 
not  leave  the  vicinity  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  unless  it  is  unsafe  for  your 
squadron,  or  unless  Spanish  division  is  not  there.” 

Also  received  May  31,  1898: 

(2)  “The  following  was  sent  to  you  27th  to  Nicholas  Mole: 

“The  most  absolutely  urgent  thing  now  is  to  know  positively  whether 
the  Spanish  division  is  in  Santiago  de  Cuba  Harbor,  as,  if  so,  immediate 
movements  against  it  and  the  town  if  it  has  not  been  made  by  the  navy 
and  division  of  about  10,000  United  States  troops,  which  are  ready  to 
embark.  You  must  surmount  difficulty  regarding  coaling  by  your  ingenu- 
ity and  perseverance.  This  is  a crucial  time,  and  the  department  relies 
upon  you  to  give  information  quickly  as  to  the  presence  of  Cervera  and  to 
be  ready  for  concerted  action  with  the  army.  Two  colliers  have  been 
ordered  to  Mole  Nicholas.  Your  vessels  may  coal  singly  there  or  in 
Gonaives,  Haiti  Channel,  or  leeward  Cape  Cruz,  Cuba.  Sampson  will  con- 
voy army  transports,  probably  around  by  Windward  Passage,  Cuba.  Orders 
have  been  issued  to  commander  Auxiliary  No.  592  (8t.  Louis),  and  the 
Minneapolis  will  go  north.  Cervera  must  not  be  allowed  to  escape. 

“Long.” 

Received  June  1st,  off  Santiago  de  Cuba,  by  tug  Triton,  from  Port 
Antonio,  forwarded  from  United  States  consul : 

“Schley,  Port  Antonio,  Jamaica: 

“It  is  your  duty  to  ascertain  immediately  if  the  Spanish  fleet  be  at 
Santiago  de  Cuba  and  report.  Would  be  discreditable  to  the  navy  if  that 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


391 


fact  was  not  ascertained  immediately, 
depend  upon  that  point. 


All  naval  and  military  movements 
“Long.” 


Received  by  Harvard  from  Kingston  31st  May: 

“Deliver  Schley  following:  Where  are  other  two  armored  cruisers  (of) 
Spanish  fleet  when  discovered?  Please  report  promptly.  Commander-in- 
Chief  North  Atlantic  Squadron  has  started  to  join  you. 

“Long.” 


Received  June  1,  1898: 

[Translation  of  telegram.] 

“General  Miles  states  that  if  you  can  communicate  with  Cuban  insur- 
gents, request  Garcia  to  assemble  force  at  the  rear  of  Santiago  de  Cuba 
and  our  army  division  will  take  with  them  to  Santiago  de  Cuba  5,000  stand 
of  arms  and  ammunition  for  Cubans. 

“Long.” 

Received  on  June  1,  1898: 

“It  has  been  suggested  that  an  alternate  line  of  communication  could 
be  opened  with  General  Garcia,  as  follows:  Landing  Maceo  Inlet,  about 
thirty  nautical  miles  west  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  not  far  from  Jucaro 
anchorage.  A messenger  would  find  the  neighboring  country  in  possession 
of  insurgents,  and  Garcia  would  probably  be  found  at  Daire,  thirty-three 
miles  to  the  north  over  the  mountains.  An  outpost  of  Garcia’s  force  will 
probably  be  found  at  the  northern  foot  of  the  mountains  and  about  half- 
way from  the  sea  to  Daire.  The  highest  point  of  the  road  is  Naranjo, 
from  where  there  are  two  paths  over  to  Matias  Auras,  Fors  Negros,  the 
other  by  Banas  Calientes  and  Ojo  de  Agua.  Our  army  wishes  Garcia  to 
close  down  on  land  side  of  Santiago  de  Cuba,  as  previously  telegraphed. 

“Long.” 

Received  on  J une  1 : 

“The  New  Orleans  will  meet  you  at  Santiago  de  Cuba  May  29th  with 
important  despatches.  The  Spanish  squadron  must  be  blockaded  in  San- 
tiago de  Cuba  at  all  hazards.  Immediate  communication  with  persons  on 
shore  must  be  entered  upon.  You  must  be  sure  of  the  Spanish  squadron 
being  in  port.  I suggest  communication  with  Spanish- American  Company 
pier  at  Daiquiri  Bay,  at  a distance  of  fifteen  miles  east  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba.  One  collier  for  you  left  Tuesday.  Shall  send  another  as  soon  as 
possible.  If  Spanish  squadron  has  left  Santiago  immediate  pursuit  must 
be  made. 


“Sampson,” 


392 


FORTY-FIYE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  'New  Orleans  did  not  arrive  until  May  30th,  and  the  despatch 
announcing  her  coming  only  reached  me  June  1st. 

The  department’s  orders  dated  May  25th  (No.  27,  Executive  Docu- 
ment C),  and  received  by  me  on  May  27th,  were  as  follows: 

“All  department’s  information  indicates  the  Spanish  division  is  still 
at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  The  department  looks  to  you  to  ascertain  fact,  and 
that  the  enemy,  if  therein,  does  not  leave  without  a decisive  action.” 

In  obedience  to  the  above  order,  and  without  any  further  order  or 
instruction  from  any  one,  I did  ascertain  the  fact  that  the  enemy  was  at 
Santiago  de  Cuba,  as  reported  in  my  telegram  of  May  29th  to  the  depart- 
ment, and  the  enemy  did  not  leave  without  a decisive  conflict. 

With  reference  to  the  battle  of  July  3d,  the  Brooklyn's  movements 
are  brought  under  review  by  Secretary  Long  in  Executive  Document  C. 

At  8.45  A.  M.,  July  3d,  Admiral  Sampson  made  signal  from  his  flag- 
ship, “Disregard  movements  of  commander-in-chief,”  and  steamed  east- 
ward to  Siboney. 

This  left  me  the  senior  oflicer  present,  and  necessarily  clothed  me  with 
the  responsibility  of  command. 

The  Brooklyn’s  blockading  position  was  then  about  S.W.  by  W.  from 
the  Morro,  with  her  head  that  day  to  the  eastward.  When  the  enemy’s 
vessels  came  out  the  harbor,  at  9.35  a.  m.,  signal  was  made  from  the 
Brooklyn  to  the  fleet  to  “Clear  ship  for  action,”  then  followed  the  signal, 
“Close  action,”  and  this  was  followed  by  the  signal,  “Enemy  escaping  to 
westward.” 

Following  the  appearance  of  the  Spanish  squadron  coming  out  there 
was  a general  inward  movement  of  the  American  fleet,  closing  in  and 
engaging  it. 

General  firing  began  at  once.  The  tactics  of  the  Spanish  admiral 
soon  made  it  evident  that  he  intended  to  escape  west.  The  rapidity  with 
which  the  Brooklyn  approached  the  head  of  the  Spanish  column  coming 
westward  under  high  speed  and  changing  course  more  to  westward,  brought 
the  Brooklyn  heading  eastward  to  meet  it  into  a position  where  she 
would  have  blanketed  the  fire  of  the  eastern  vessels  of  our  force,  now 
changing  their  courses  to  the  westward,  and  between  them  and  the  Spanish 
vessels.  Instant  'decision  was  therefore  necessary  to  avoid  interfering  in 
any  way  or  cutting  off  any  of  the  fire  of  our  vessels,  as  would  have 
occurred  if  she  had  turned  towards  the  Spanish  fleet,  now  approaching  the 
Brooklyn.  Turning  outward  left  the  enemy’s  ships  unmasked  by  the 
Brooklyn  and  exposed  them  to  the  concentrated  fire  of  our  squadron,  now 
changing  its  course  to  the  west.  The  result  of  this  maneuver  was  that, 
in  thirty  minutes  from  the  opening  of  the  combat,  four  of  the  enemy’s 
vessels  were  on  fire  and  riddled  with  projectiles.  Two  torpedo-boats  were 
destroyed;  one  reached  the. beach  about  three  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor;  the  Teresa  and  Oquendo  were  beached  about  six  miles  from  the 
harbor.  Every  vessel  of  the  enemy’s  fleet  destroyed  and  surrendered  were 


PROMOTION  AND  ADVANCEMENT 


393 


a little  forward  of  the  Brooklyn’s  beam  when  they  turned  towards  the 
beach  on  fire. 

At  the  final  capture  of  the  Colon,  at  1.15  p.  m.,  the  Brooklyn  was 
nearest,  and  the  Oregon  next,  and  then  the  Texas  and  Vixen.  The  Veiy 
York  arrived  at  2.23  P.  M.,  and  the  commander-in-chief  assumed  command 
of  the  forces  present.  Signals  were  made  from  Brooklyn  to  the  squadron 
until  all  signal  halyards  were  shot  away,  then  by  the  Meyers  army  code. 

This  turn  of  the  Brooklyn  in  the  battle  of  July  3d  was  the  crucial 
and  deciding  feature  of  that  combat.  If  the  advantage  gained  by  the 
Brooklyn’s  turn  outward,  to  permit  the  concentrated  fire  of  our  squadron 
upon  the  enemy  without  interruption,  had  been  surrendered  to  a turn 
made  inward  that  would  have  interfered  with  this  fire,  so  imperatively 
necessary  at  this  vital  moment,  the  results  might  have  been  quite  different. 

Viewing  the  situation  from  my  position,  on  a platform  built  around 
the  conning  tower,  with  unobstructed  observation  of  the  ships  of  both 
fleets,  there  was  no  question  in  my  mind  that  the  results  of  the  battle  were 
aided  largely  by  this  maneuver  of  the  Brooklyn  at  that  decisive  moment. 
It  is  a mistake  to  say  that  her  distance  from  the  enemy  was  increased  by 
her  tactical  diameter  800  yards  in  this  movement,  for  the  enemy’s  ships 
were  speeding  westward  at  much  greater  speed  than  the  speed  of  the 
Brooklyn,  which  was  somewhat  retarded  by  the  backing  of  her  starboard 
propeller  to  shorten  this  circle.  Though  this  may  not  be  of  record,  it  is  a 
fact,  nevertheless. 

The  chart  of  the  board  of  navigators  (p.  84,  Ex.  Doc.  C)  shows  that 
the  Brooklyn’s  position  was  nearest  the  enemy  at  the  beginning  of  the 
combat;  she  was  nearest  during  every  stage  of  the  battle,  as  shown  in  the 
various  points  of  it  on  this  chart,  and  was  closest  to  the  Colon  when  she 
surrendered  at  1.15  p.  M.,  when  the  battle  ended  which  practically  de- 
stroyed the  sea  power  of  Spain  this  side  of  the  Atlantic. 

The  report  of  the  board  of  executive  officers  (p.  573,  Appendix)  indi- 
cates that  every  ship  of  the  enemy  examined  by  them  showed  the  marks 
of  eight-inch,  five-inch  and  six-pound  guns.  All  these  guns  were  in  the 
battery  of  the  Brooklyn.  She  was  the  only  vessel  in  our  fleet  which  car- 
ried five-inch  guns,  and  it  is  only  fair  to  assume  that  the  five-inch  gun- 
marks  on  these  vessels  favored  the  belief  that  the  eight-inch  marks  and 
the  six-pounder  marks,  in  fair  proportion,  were  made  by  the  Brooklyn’s 
guns  also. 

The  Brooklyn  was  struck  some  twenty-six  times  (p.  98,  Ex.  Doc.  6), 
and  bore  some  forty  odd  wounds  from  the  enemy’s  projectiles.  We  lost 
the  only  man  killed  in  our  fleet  in  the  action,  and  had  two  of  our  crew 
wounded  ; one  seriously,  the  other  less  gravely. 

In  my  official  report  of  the  combat,  dated  July  6th,  I make  no  mention 
of  this  maneuver,  as  its  effect  upon  the  battle  was  never  a question  with 
me.  I regarded  it  only  as  an  incident  of  the  action  which  had  achieved  an 
advantage;  but  as  the  results  flowing  from  it  were  so  brilliantly  successful 
for  our  forces,  I did  not  imagine  it  needed,  or  could  need,  any  explanation, 
as  might  have  been  required  if  defeat  had  occurred  from  the  maneuver. 


394 


FORTY-FIVE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


T 


On  May  31st  I received  a telegram  from  the  commander-in-chief  con- 
gratulating me  upon  success  in  locating  and  blockading  the  enemy’s  fleet 
at  Santiago.  If  it  was  worthy  of  commendation  at  that  time,  I am  at  a 
loss  to  understand  how  it  could  have  grown  into  reprehensible  conduct,  as 
suggested  by  Admiral  Sampson  in  his  letter  of  July  10,  1898,  some  six 
weeks  later. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral,  U S.  N. 

Hon.  Eugene  Hale,  Chairman,  etc.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

The  further  answer  to  this  letter  by  Mr.  Long  was  not  sub- 
mitted to  the  writer,  but  it  dealt  in  the  main  with  excuses  about 
letter  No.  7,  which  somebody  had  suppressed.  Mr.  Long’s  reply 
sought  by  insinuation  to  convey  the  impression  that  it  had  been 
withheld  by  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron,  when  he 
knew,  or  ought  to  have  known,  that  the  naval  regulations  require 
copies  of  all  orders  issued  by  the  commander-in-chief  to  be  for- 
warded to  the  department  when  issued,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
cruise  all  official  papers  received  by  subordinate  officers  are  re- 
quired to  be  sent  likewise.  This  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron  did.  If  the  officer  who  wrote  it  failed  to  transmit  a 
copy  it  was  unfortunate.  If  the  officials  who  compiled  the  docu- 
ments failed  to  include  it,  there  can  be  no  doubt  it  was  a grave 
blunder. 


CHAPTEE  XXXIV 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON 
1899-1901 

Notwithstanding  the  communication  from  Mr.  Long,  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  did  not  confirm  the  promotions  as 
sent  in,  giving  precedence  to  Admiral  Sampson.  This  was 
clearly  and  distinctly  a vindication  of  the  commander  of  the 
Second  Squadron,  whose  friends  had ‘insisted  that,  if  his  conduct 
on  July  3,  1898^  had  been  such  as  to  justify  his  advancement  and 
promotion  for  ‘‘eminent  and  conspicuous  conduct  in  battle,” 
as  had  been  done  by  the  President,  he  deserved  equally  to  hold 
his  original  place  on  the  navy  list.  Furthermore,  they  con- 
tended that,  to  advance  over  him  an  officer  who  had  not  shared 
the  dangers  of  that  day,  or  who  had  not  contributed  one  single 
blow  to  achieve  that  great  victory,  would  in  effect  degrade  the 
officer  who  had  been  recommended  for  promotion  because  of  his 
conspicuous  conduct  in  the  battle.  These  friends  maintained, 
still  further,  that  to  advance  another  over  the  head  of  the  com- 
mander of  the  Second  Squadron,  when  it  had  been  admitted  that 
his  conduct  had  been  so  conspicuous  in  battle,  would  be  unfair, 
and  that  he  ought  of  right  to  maintain  his  place  in  the  navy,  as 
he  had  held  it  for  forty-two  years,  as  the  senior  in  rank  to  Rear 
Admiral  Sampson,  and  that  he  should  not  be  forced  to  surrender 
it  to  any  officer,  however  able  he  might  have  been,  who  was  not 
even  in  signal  distance  of  any  ship  of  the  squadron  while  the  bat- 
tle was  in  progress. 

Whatever  the  reasons  may  have  been  which  influenced  the 
action  of  the  Senate  on  these  nominations  as  submitted,  the  advice 
and  consent  of  that  body  was  withheld  and  the  specious  sophis- 
tries of  Mr.  Long  were  disregarded. 

In  the  meanwhile  Congress  had  passed  a bill  known  at  the 
time  as  the  Personnel  Bill,  wherein  certain  rearrangements  in  the 
grades  of  officers  were  authorized.  It  abolished  the  time-honored 
grade  of  commodore  and  merged  those  officers  holding  that  grade 

395 


39G 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


into  an  enlarged  list  of  rear  admirals,  comprising  two  classes,  one 
with  the  assimilated  rank  of  brigadier  general,  the  other  with 
that  of  major  general;  both  these  grades  to  receive  the  pay  and 
allowances  of  the  army  grades  with  which  they  took  assimilated 
rank.  This  bill  was  approved  by  the  President  in  March,  1899, 
and  its  provisions  were  immediately  carried  into  effect  by  the 
nomination  of  the  officers  affected  in  their  regular  order  of  rank 
as  shown  in  the  Naval  Register  of  January,  1898.  This  action 
shows  incontestably  that  the  President  had  accepted  the  situa- 
tion as  viewed  in  the  Senate  and  had  agreed  with  its  conclusions 
in  the  nominations  he  had  submitted  in  their  regular  order.  The 
nominations  thus  submitted  were  confirmed  at  once  without 
sacrifice  of  lineal  seniority  by  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron. 

Before  the  officers  so  confirmed  could  receive  their  commis- 
sions it  was  necessary  to  appear  before  the  Statutory  Board,  cre- 
ated years  before,  in  order  to  establish  their  mental,  moral,  pro- 
fessional and  physical  fitness  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  higher 
grade. 

Acting  Rear  Admiral  Sampson,  who  in  lineal  rank  was  still 
a commodore  in  command  of  the  North  Atlantic  Squadron,  was 
directed  to  convene  a board  to  examine  and  pass  upon  himself 
and  the  officers  of  his  squadron  affected  by  the  provisions  of 
the  new  law.  The  commander  of  the  late  Second  Squadron,  who 
had  been  placed  on  waiting  orders  on  his  return  from  his  duties 
as  commissioner  in  Porto  Rico,  was  ordered  to  appear  before 
the  Regular  Statutory  Board,  at  Washington,  where  he  under- 
went careful  scrutiny  successfully  and  qualified  for  the  higher 
rank. 

On  the  14th  of  April,  1899,  he  was  commissioned  a rear 
admiral,  ranking  with  major  general,  and  awaited  orders  in  the 
new  grade  until  April  26th,  when  he  was  appointed  president 
of  the  Retiring  Board  in  Washington. 

The  fact  that  the  Examining  Board  which  Congress  had  cre- 
ated did  examine  into  the  professional,  moral,  mental  and  physi- 
cal fitness  of  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  to  perfonn 
the  duties  of  the  next  higher  grade,  rear  admiral,  and  did  pro- 
nounce him  qualified;  the  fact  of  the  receipt  of  his  commission 
as  a rear  admiral  to  take  rank  from  March  3,  1899,  confirmed 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON 


397 


by  the  Senate;  and  the  further  fact  of  the  assignment  to  duty 
on  April  26th,  must  be  conclusive  evidence  that  Mr.  Long  stood 
upon  untenable  ground  in  his  confidential  communication  to  the 
Senate,  as  already  given.  When  it  is  further  stated  that  the  data 
used  in  preparing  that  communication  were  furnished  in  the 
main  by  officers  junior  in  rank  to  the  writer,  and  who  would 
profit  by  any  adverse  action  in  the  Senate,  Mr.  Long  neglected  to 
protect  the  writer  against  the  influence  of  such  motives. 

During  the  summer  of  1899  Admiral  Dewey  returned  to  New 
York  in  his  flagship  Olympia.  He  was  received  with  every  mark 
of  honor  and  respect  by  the  Mayor,  the  city  authorities  and  the 
people  of  the  great  metropolis.  The  ceremony  of  reception  em- 
braced a parade  on  the  river,  and  on  the  day  following  a grand 
civic  parade,  beginning  on  Riverside  Park,  at  the  tomb  of  Gen- 
eral Grant,  thence  through  Seventy-second  Street  to  Eighth  Ave- 
nue, thence  to  Fifth  Avenue  and  south  as  far  as  Washington 
Square.  At  the  junction  of  Broadway  and  Fifth  Avenue  a 
grand  triumphal  arch  had  been  erected  in  honor  of  the  event. 
There,  upon  a grand-stand.  Admiral  Dewey  was  received  by  the 
city  officials,  with  whom  he  reviewed  the  great  pageant  prepared 
in  his  honor. 

Upon  invitation  of  the  municipal  authorities  of  the  metropolis 
the  writer  assisted  them  in  doing  honor  to  that  great  American 
commander,  who  had  been  for  over  forty  years  his  comrade  in 
arms. 

The  route  followed  by  this  imposing  parade,  was  literally 
packed  with  people  from  all  parts  of  our  country,  who  occupied 
every  available  foot  of  the  pavements,  steps,  windows,  and  plat- 
forms erected  at  a number  of  points  along  this  route.  Those 
who  were  in  this  vast  procession  as  it  moved  on  to  its  destination 
appeared  to  be  passing  through  a canon  of  humanity. 

The  tumultuous  enthusiasm  which  distinguished  the  occasion 
as  this  cortege  passed  onward  found  expression  in  almost  deaf- 
ening applause.  The  shower  of  flowers  from  fair  hands,  begin- 
ning on  Riverside  Park,  ended  only  at  Washington  Square. 

From  Thirty-fifth  Street  and  Fifth  Avenue  to  Madison 
Square  a bombardment  of  flowers  from  housetops  and  windows, 
from  doorsteps  and  pavements,  was  kept  up.  How  many  of 
these  fell  in  Dewey’s  carriage  the  writer  could  not  know,  but 


398 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


those  which  reached  his  own  carriage  literally  filled  it,  almost 
snowing  him  under,  as  it  were.  The  air  seemed  to  be  filled  with 
flowers,  as  if  they  were  being  rained  down  upon  this  vast  pro- 
cession. 

Along  the  route  the  thought  of  other-day  pageants  offered  to 
men  who  had  returned  in  triumph  from  fields  of  duty  would 
arise.  The  millions  who  had  gathered  to  honor  the  great  Dewey 
with  their  tribute  of  affection  could  find  no  grander  protot>T>e 
in  the  days  of  Imperial  Rome,  for  no  such  pageant  had  wel- 
comed even  the  Caesars. 

It  was  greater,  grander,  more  imposing  than  others,  for  it 
meant  to  every  one  an  offering  of  love  from  a nation  of  free- 
men to  all  who  had  wrought  well  for  the  honor  of  home  and  for 
the  glory  of  country.  It  was  a red-letter  day  in  their  lives.  And 
their  hearts  will  never  forget  it. 

An  event  which  took  place  after^wards,  was  when  the  com- 
mander of  the  late  Second  Squadron,  then  a rear  admiral,  was 
assigned  in  November,  1899,  to  command  an  important  foreign 
station,  for  the  reason,  as  stated  to  his  friends,  that  an  officer  of 
tact  and  judgment  was  needed  to  command  the  South  Atlantic 
Station,  the  territory  in  South  Africa  where  war  was  being  waged 
by  the  English  against  the  Boers  being  included  in  its  limits. 
Then  every  vestige  of  the  arraignment  in  Mr.  Long ’s  confidential 
communication  was  swept  away. 

And  when  the  nomination  of  the  commander  of  the  late  Sec- 
ond Squadron  for  advancement  and  promotion  for  ‘ ‘ eminent  and 
conspicuous  conduct  in  battle”  was  submitted  again  by  the  Presi- 
dent, in  February,  1901,  that  act  virtually  ignored  and  re- 
nounced every  expression  of  Mr.  Long’s  disapprobation,  pre- 
viously expressed  in  whatever  form. 

When  the  flag  of  rear  admiral  was  broken  at  the  main  of  the 
flagship  Chicago,  on  November  18,  1899,  off  Tompkinsville,  N.  Y., 
in  conformity  with  the  department’s  orders,  it  was  an  official 
indorsement  that  the  professional  record  of  the  rear  admiral  was 
approved  and  stood  unblemished  and  unblameworthy.  This  in- 
cident is  recalled  merely  that  it  may  be  contrasted  with  ]\Ir. 
Long’s  subsequent  action  in  the  court  of  inquiry  in  1901. 

Between  the  date  of  hoisting  the  flag  on  the  Chicago  and  that 
of  the  sailing  on  November  25,  1899,  the  Hon.  Garrett  J.  Hobart, 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON  399 

Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  died.  In  order  to  pay  the 
proper  respect  to  this  distinguished  citizen,  the  Chicago's  sail- 
ing was  delayed  in  order  to  fire  a salute  of  twenty-one  minute 
guns  at  noon  on  the  day  of  his  funeral.  This  ceremony  of  honor 
to  his  memory  being  completed,  the  Chicago  sailed  for  her  sta- 
tion in  South  American  waters. 

The  voyage  outward  included  a stop  for  coal  at  St.  Lucia  in 
the  windward  group  of  the  Antilles,  and  also  at  Bahia  in  Brazil. 
Good  weather  and  smooth  seas  prevailed  throughout  the  passage. 
The  flagship  arrived  in  the  roads  off  Buenos  Aires  on  the  morn- 
ing of  December  24th,  after  a pleasant  passage  from  New  York 
of  twenty-two  steaming  days  under  little  more  than  half-boiler 
power.  She  was  placed  in  quarantine  for  five  days,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  regulations  of  the  health  authorities  of  the  port, 
the  restrictions  against  Brazilian  ports  being  rigidly  in  force 
during  the  summer  months. 

It  was  only  necessary  to  address  a note  to  the  senior  Ameri- 
can naval  officer,  then  in  the  docks  at  Buenos  Aires,  explaining 
that  there  had  been  no  communication  with  the  shore  at  Bahia ; 
that  the  coal  taken  on  board  had  been  received  from  hulks  in 
that  harbor;  that  there  was  no  infectious  disease  at  Bahia;  and 
that  the  flagship  was  entirely  free  from  sickness  of  any  kind  or 
character.  The  health  authorities  recognized  these  facts  imme- 
diately by  releasing  the  Chicago  from  quarantine  the  following 
morning. 

This  prompt  consideration  of  the  health  authorities  permitted 
many  of  the  officers  and  men  to  spend  their  Christmas  Day  with 
friends  on  shore.  The  day  was  bright,  with  warm,  balmy  tem- 
perature, and  the  novelty  of  a Christmas  dinner  with  fresh 
vegetables  and  tropical  fruits,  which  abounded  in  the  markets, 
gave  a relish  much  enjoyed  after  the  diet  of  shipboard  for  the 
weeks  passed  on  the  passage. 

Our  wives  and  sweethearts  had  sent  on  board,  before  the  ship 
sailed,  packages  carefully  marked  with  the  injunction,  “Not  to 
be  opened  until  Christmas,”  and  it  would  be  needless  to  add 
that  this  injunction  was  carefully  observed  by  all.  When  the 
day  came  these  packages  were  opened  with  all  the  delightful  sen- 
sations and  anticipations  of  the  days  of  our  youth  at  home,  when 
the  happy  illusion  of  Santa  Claus  filled  the  mind  and  heart. 


400 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


The  happy  association  with  the  loved  ones  at  home  was  missing, 
but,  though  absent  in  the  flesh,  our  thoughts  went  back  to  them 
and  all  that  this  happy  season  meant  there  in  ‘‘Peace  on  earth 
and  good  will  towards  men/’ 

Between  the  two  great  American  republics  the  most  cordial 
relations  of  friendship ' then  existed.  This  gave  to  the  inter- 
change of  the  usual  civilities  observed  between  the  official  rep- 
resentatives of  both  a cordiality  that  was  marked  by  a sincere 
welcome  extended  to  the  commander-in-chief  and  his  officers. 

To  our  countrymen  residing  in  the  republic  the  visit  of  the 
flagship  was  especially  gratifying,  and  in  many  ways  their  pleas- 
ure was  expressed  in  their  courteous  reception  and  attentions. 
It  is  certain  that  all  who  had  the  opportunity  to  enjoy  these 
courtesies  and  hospitalities  will  recall  pleasant  memories  that 
lapse  of  time  and  change  of  circumstances  can  never  efface. 

Not  long  after  the  Chicago  arrived  the  commander-in-chief 
was  waited  upon  by  a committee  of  his  countrymen  to  ascertain 
the  date  when  he  could  be  present  at  a reception  to  be  given 
to  him  and  his  officers  by  their  fellow  countr^unen  resident  in 
the  Argentine  capital.  January  23,  1900,  was  named,  for  the 
reason  that,  after  an  official  inspection  had  been  made  of  the 
vessels  of  the  squadron,  it  was  found  necessary  to  proceed  to 
Montevideo  for  consultation  with  the  American  Minister  with 
respect  to  some  unrest  in  the  republic  of  Uruguay,  due  to  the 
prevailing  rumors  of  a revolutionary  force  being  assembled  to 
overthrow  the  Government  of  that  country.  A few  days  were 
spent  at  Llontevideo,  and  during  this  interval  the  usual  cere- 
monious interchange  of  civilities  took  place,  including  a call 
upon  and  presentation  to  President  Cuestas  and  his  Cabinet. 
Here,  as  at  Buenos  Aires,  the  commander-in-chief  and  his  officers 
were  received  with  marked  courtesy  and  deference  from  every 
one,  from  the  greatest  to  the  least  of  the  inhabitants.  The 
entente  inaugurated  on  this  occasion  widened  as  our  sojourn 
lengthened  on  the  station.  The  commander-in-chief  and  his 
officers  were  made  as  welcome  in  the  homes  of  the  executive  as 
in  those  of  the  citizens,  while  the  men  of  the  squadron  were  made 
to  feel  at  home  whenever  on  leave,  which  was  granted  almost 
daily. 

With  the  situation  there  in  better  hand,  the  flagship  returned 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADllON 


401 


to  La  Plata,  in  easy  railroad  communication  with  Buenos  Aires, 
on  January  20th,  when  the  commander-in-chief  with  his  stalf 
proceeded  to  Buenos  Aires  to  call  upon  President  Boca  and  to 
be  present  at  the  reception  tendered  by  his  fellow  countrymen 
on  the  evening  of  January  23d,  at  St.  George’s  Hall.  A large 
company,  composed  of  Americans,  foreigners  and  natives,  had 
assembled  to  meet,  greet  and  welcome  the  officers  of  the  squad- 
ron. The  occasion  was  emphasized  by  the  presentation  of  an 
exquisitely  bound  album  containing  beautiful  views  of  the  city 
with  its  entourage  and  bearing  the  autographs  of  the  American 
residents.  The  outer  cover  of  this  beautiful  album  Was  sur- 
mounted by  a magnificent  coat  of  arms  of  the  United  States 
in  solid  silver  graven  with  the  inscription  following: 

To 

Rear  Admiral  Winfield  Scott  Schley,  U.  S.  N., 
from  his  countrymen  in  Buenos  Aires, 

January  23,  1900. 

Until  the  ceremony  of  presenting  this  beautiful  album  had 
begun,  there  was  no  idea  in  the  mind  of  the  recipient  that  the 
charming  reception  and  banquet  tendered  by  his  countrymen 
had  other  purpose  than  to  greet  and  welcome  himself  and  the 
officers  of  his  squadron.  The  surprise  was  so  complete,  the  honor 
so  unexpected,  the  testimonial  so  beautiful,  that  it  was  not  easy 
on  the  moment  to  frame  a reply  that  should  suitably  convey  to 
his  countrymen  how  deeply  this  souvenir  of  their  affection  had 
touched  the  recipient.  The  occasion  formed  an  epoch  in  the 
recipient’s  life  that  will  live  and  last  among  its  precious  mem- 
ories. 

During  the  short  stay  at  Buenos  Aires  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Chicago's  first  visit  the  President  of  the  republic.  Lieutenant 
General  Julio  A.  Roea,  entertained  the  commander-in-chief  and 
his  staff  at  dinner  in  the  executive  mansion  to  meet  the  mem- 
bers of  his  Cabinet  and  other  distinguished  citizens  of  the  city. 
The  cordiality  of  the  reception  by  the  President  on  that  occasion 
was  further  shown  in  the  high  regard,  admiration  and  good-will 
he  expressed  on  behalf  of  himself  and  the  citizens  of  Argentina 
towards  our  country  and  our  countrymen.  He  embraced  the 
occasion  to  extend  every  use  of  the  docks,  machine  shops,  store- 


402 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


houses  and  supplies  which  the  ships  of  the  American  squadron 
might  need  when  visiting  the  ports  of  the  republic. 

On  the  25th  of  January  President  Roca  visited  the  flagship 
Chicago,  being  received  with  the  honors  accorded  to  the  chiefs 
of  nations^  and  was  entertained  at  luncheon  by  the  commander- 
in-chief,  after  which  the  officers  of  the  squadron  were  presented 
to  his  excellency  on  the  quarter-deck,  the  crew  being  paraded 
in  his  honor. 

During  the  cruise,  lasting  until  April  of  1901,  the  kindest 
attentions  and  courtesies  were  met  everywhere,  from  Para  on 
the  Amazon  River  to  Puerto  Militar  in  Argentina.  At  Bahia 
and  Rio  de  Janeiro,  where  the  squadron  spent  more  time  than 
at  other  ports  in  Brazil,  the  manifestations  of  welcome  to  the 
officers  of  the  squadron,  as  expressed  by  receptions  and  enter- 
tainments, evinced  a feeling  of  friendship  for  our  country  most 
gratifying  to  its  naval  representatives,  as  well  as  to  our  coun- 
trymen domiciled  there. 

To  meet  this  kindly  feeling  the  custom  was  established  to 
entertain  and  return  courtesies  by  receptions  and  dances  on 
board  the  flagship  from  time  to  time,  which  brought  the  officers 
and  these  kind  people  often  together  for  two  or  three  hours.  It 
was  a means  to  much  reciprocal  pleasure  for  our  friends  and 
the  officers  of  the  squadron  in  the  several  ports  on  the  station, 
and  surely  it  promoted  good  feeling  and  a better  acquaintance 
between  the  residents  and  the  squadron  officers. 

In  the  month  of  March,  1900,  while  on  a cruise  to  visit  ports 
on  the  northern  part  of  the  station,  we  had  reached  a point  be- 
tween the  Abrolhos  Reef  and  Bahia  when  the  flagship  Chicago 
fell  in  with  the  French  steamer  Bretagne,  disabled  by  a broken 
shaft.  For  a week  or  more  this  large  steamer  had  been  drift- 
ing helplessly  at  sea,  a little  outside  the  usual  track  of  steamers 
plying  along  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  when  fallen  in  with  was 
under  short  sail  and  making  poor  progress.  The  Chicago’s  ar- 
rival occurred  at  a moment  when  provisions  were  exhausting 
and  considerable  discontent  was  being  manifested  by  the  steerage 
passengers. 

In  compliance  with  the  captain’s  request,  the  steamer  was 
taken  in  tow  by  the  Chicago  and  conveyed  to  Bahia,  where  she 
was  delivered  over  to  the  agent  of  the  line.  Very  naturally,  her 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON 


403 


rescue  was  assumed  by  the  agent  to  involve  a question  of  salvage, 
and  his  visit  to  the  Chicago  to  arrange  the  amount  followed 
within  a few  hours  the  anchoring  of  the  ships.  When  he  was 
informed  that  there  were  no  charges  for  the  service  rendered, 
and  that  it  had  been  a pleasure  to  have  been  able  to  perform 
this  service  for  a vessel  bearing  the  flag  of  France,  between  whose 
Government  and  our  own  there  was  cordial  friendship  and  sym- 
pathy, he  asked  if  there  would  be  any  objection  to  bringing  this 
valuable  service  to  the  attention  of  his  company  at  Marseilles. 

Very  soon  after  the  agent’s  departure  for  shore  the  French 
Consul  came  on  board  to  extend  his  thanks  for  the  service  ren- 
dered and  to  make  known  his  purpose  to  bring  this  friendly 
assistance  to  a French  vessel  in  distress  on  the  high  seas  to  the 
attention  of  his  Government. 

A few  months  later,  while  the  Chicago  was  at  Montevideo, 
the  commander-in-chief  was  notified  that  a large  box  had  been 
received  by  the  Custom  House  authorities  addressed  to  him  and 
requested  to  be  informed  when  and  where  it  should  be  delivered. 
This  box  contained  a magnificent  statue  in  bronze  from  Barba- 
dienne’s  atelier  representing  a helmeted  warrior  of  the  Middle 
Ages  clad  in  the  habiliments  of  war  of  that  period  and  bearing 
on  the  base  an  inscription  as  follows : 

La  Societe  Generale  de  Transports 
Maritimes  a Vapeur  a Monsieur 
TAdmiral  Schley,  Commandant 
le  Croiseur  Chicago 
Souvenir  Reconnaissant 
Mars  1900 

Accompanying  the  statue  the  president  of  the  company  trans- 
mitted a letter  of  acknowledgment  phrased  in  graceful  compli- 
mentary expressions.  And,  still  later,  an  official  letter  was  for- 
warded through  the  regular  diplomatic  channels  from  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  French  republic  expressing  the  thanks  of  his  Gov- 
ernment to  the  commander-in-chief  for  the  friendly  help  given 
to  a vessel  of  the  merchant  marine  of  his  country.  This  letter 
was  transmitted  to  the  commander-in-chief  by  the  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  Mr.  Long. 

In  the  month  of  July,  1900,  the  commander-in-chief  shifted 
27 


404 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


his  flag  to  the  cruiser  Wilmington  for  the  purpose  of  visiting 
Asuncion,  the  capital  of  Paraguay.  At  Rosario,  where  a short 
stop  was  made,  the  officers  of  the  ship  were  received  with  much 
courtesy  by  their  countrymen  and  the  people  of  the  city.  The 
river  channel  beyond  Rosario  was  unmarked  by  lights  or  other 
aids  to  navigation;  therefore  it  was  necessary  to  run  during 
daylight  and  to  anchor  at  night  to  avoid  the  risk  of  grounding 
upon  bars  or  other  obstructions.  The  season  chosen  for  the  trip 
was  that  of  the  highest  water.  The  day  following  the  Wilming- 
ton^ s departure  from  Rosario  in  some  unaccountable  way  she 
lost  one  of  the  blades  of  her  starboard  propeller,  so  that  the 
vibrations  of  the  ship  under  way  became  disagreeable  and  made 
her  most  uncomfortable.  Notwithstanding  this,  she  continued 
onw^ard  until  a point  had  been  reached  about  two  hundred  miles 
from  Asuncion,  where  two  or  three  dangerous  bars  had  to  be 
crossed,  when  the  river  fell  suddenly  and  rapidly,  leaving  less 
w^ater  on  them  than  the  ship  drew.  The  first  of  these  bars  was 
approached  as  near  as  the  pilot  thought  safe  and  there  the  ship 
was  anchored  for  a day  or  two  to  watch  the  changes  which 
should  occur,  but  only  to  be  disappointed,  as  the  river  continued 
to  fall  until  it  would  have  been  impossible  with  safety  to  have 
attempted  a crossing. 

As  the  visit  was  merely  one  of  ceremony  and  not  one  of  neces- 
sary duty,  it  was  thought  unwise  to  risk  injury  to  the  ship  or, 
still  worse,  to  put  her  in  such  position  that  the  falling  water 
would  cut  off  her  return  for  six  months  with  the  loss  of  her 
services  until  the  rise  of  the  next  season  should  release  her.  Re- 
luctantly, she  was  forced  to  abandon  the  trip,  and  returned  to 
Montevideo,  where,  a few  weeks  afterwards,  orders  were  received 
to  send  her  to  Manila. 

While  in  Rio  de  Janerio  in  the  fall  of  1900  an  invitation  was 
accepted  from  several  members  of  the  Brazilian  Congress  to  visit 
San  Paulo  and  the  coffee  district  of  Brazil.  This  visit  was  made 
under  the  most  pleasant  auspices  and  with  much  profit  and  in- 
struction to  the  officers  of  the  squadron.  At  San  Paulo  they 
were  the  recipients  of  marked  courtesy  from  the  officers  and 
management  of  the  Light  and  Power  Company,  composed  mainly 
of  intelligent,  industrious  and  progressive  Americans,  who  were 
worthy  representatives  of  the  push  and  purpose  so  characteristic 


COMMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON 


405 


of  our  people  everywhere.  There  was  great  need  for  better  and 
quicker  transit  and  traffic  in  that  thriving,  growing  interior  city, 
which  this  enterprising  company  seized,  improved  and  developed 
to  great  advantage. 

The  coffee  district  adjacent  to  San  Paulo  was  interesting  as 
the  region  from  which  the  largest  percentage  of  the  coffee  con- 
sumed in  the  United  States  comes,  and  it  was  most  instructive 
to  learn  there  on  the  spot  that  all  grades  of  coffee  grow  on  the 
same  tree,  and  that  its  separation  into  Java,  Mocha,  White  Rio 
and  Santos  results  from  a mechanical  separator  constructed  in 
the  United  States.  This  region  lies  at  an  altitude  of  2,500  or 
2,600  feet  above  the  sea  level,  and  when  modern  up-to-date  facili- 
ties for  reaching  the  coast  markets  are  provided,  the  region  will 
be  capable  of  almost  indefinite  extension,  so  vast  is  the  area  avail- 
able for  this  important  industry. 

Again,  during  the  month  of  February,  1901,  the  squadron 
visited  Puerto  Militar,  or,  as  it  is  better  known  geographically, 
Bahia  Blanca,  about  four  hundred  miles  to  the  south  of  the  Rio 
de  la  Plata  River,  where  the  Argentine  Government  had  estab- 
lished a great  military  arsenal,  with  large  repair  shops  and  store- 
houses, for  the  use,  care  and  repair  of  its  fleet.  At  this  point 
there  was  in  course  of  construction,  but  since  completed,  under 
the  direction  of  Sehor  Luis  Luigi — an  eminent  and  distinguished 
Italian  engineer — one  of  the  largest  dry  docks  on  the  American 
continent  and  capable  of  accommodating  the  largest  ships  afloat. 
The  harbor  defenses,  which  included  a carefully  planned  system 
of  mines,  had  been  practically  completed  at  the  time  of  the  squad- 
ron ’s  visit,  and  were  so'  formidable  as  to  challenge  the  stoutest 
assault  from  an  enemy  and  calculated  to  stand  off  successfully 
the  most  stubborn  challenge  of  an  attacking  squadron. 

The  most  modern  high-powered  guns  of  large  caliber  were 
installed  in  emplacements  constructed  in  conformity  with  the 
most  modern  systems  of  Europe  and  North  America.  Every 
artifice  was  resorted  to  to  conceal  their  location  and  to  secure  the 
guns  and  gunners  against  the  shell  fire  of  modern  artillery. 
These  formidable  batteries  were  so  located  as  to  cover  and  com- 
mand every  part  of  the  narrow  channel  leading  from  the  sea 
to  the  port  beyond.  Sehor  Luigi  took  great  pleasure  in  con- 
ducting the  officers  over  these  works,  to  inspect  and  explain  their 


406 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


construction,  zones  of  fire,  methods  of  construction  and  range 
of  action.  His  work  had  been  so  carefully  thought  out  and  ap- 
peared so  complete  as  to  leave  nothing  to  be  suggested.  This 
visit,  not  without  interest,  afforded  a field  for  much  thought 
along  professional  lines  and  was  regarded  of  such  value  as  to 
be  made  the  subject  of  an  interesting  report  afterwards  to  the 
Navy  Department. 

Returning  to  Montevideo,  application  w^as  made  to  be  relieved 
from  command,  as  the  commander-in-chief  was  to  retire  from 
active  service  in  the  fall  of  1901,  by  reason  of  then  reaching  the 
age  limit  fixed  by  statute  for  service  on  the  active  list.  The 
repairs  needed  by  the  Chicago  were  of  such  nature  as  in  the 
judgment  of  her  officers  could  be  more  expeditiously  and  econom- 
ically made  at  home,  particularly  as  the  facilities  on  the  station 
were  limited  and  uncertain.  Authority  was  asked  to  return 
home  with  her,  but  this  was  promptly  declined  by  the  depart- 
ment in  the  authority  granted  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  re- 
turn, which  contained  directions  to  make  the  repairs  on  the 
station. 

Complying  with  these  instructions  to  return,  the  commander- 
in-chief  hauled  down  his  flag  in  April  and  took  passage  on  the 
Royal  Mail  steamer  Clyde  for  Southampton  and  thence  to  the 
United  States  in  the  magnificent  steamer  Kaiser  Wilhelm  der 
Grosse,  arriving  in  New  York  in  the  latter  part  of  IMay.  Hardly 
had  the  commander-in-chief  reached  home  when  the  Chicago 
was  transferred  to  the  European  station  to  reestablish  that 
squadron,  which  had  been  discontinued  during  the  war  with 
Spain. 

While  in  London,  where  a short  stay  had  been  contemplated, 
an  urgent  telegram  summoned  the  commander-in-chief  to  the 
bedside  of  his  son,  who  had  undergone  a serious  operation  on 
account  of  having  been  infected  accidentally  during  an  opera- 
tion he  had  performed  on  a patient  under  his  professional  care. 

The  dreadful  anxiety  of  the  week  passed  in  crossing  the  ocean 
on  board  the  transatlantic  liner  Kaiser  Wilhelm  der  Grosse  could 
hardly  be  related  in  words.  Not  knowing  the  nature  of  the 
operation  or  its  extent,  there  was  grave  apprehension  lest  on 
arrival  the  worst  news  might  be  met. 

There  were  kind  friends,  however,  whose  interest  had  seen 


COJNIMAND  SOUTH  ATLANTIC  SQUADRON 


407 


to  it  that  the  latest  bulletin  of  the  patient’s  condition  should 
be  received  on  reaching  the  quarantine  station.  The  writer  will 
never  forget  Mr.  W.  R.  Hearst’s  thoughtful  kindness  in  antici- 
pating the  steamer’s  arrival  at  Quarantine  by  sending  one  of 
the  staff  of  the  American  there  to  bear  the  latest  report  to  him. 

The  customs  officers  in  the  port  did  everything  in  their 
power  after  the  steamer  had  docked  to  expedite  the  examina- 
tion of  the  writer’s  baggage  that  he  might  hasten  to  the  hos- 
pital. There  were  many  warm  hand  grasps,  many  whispered 
greetings  of  good  wishes  for  the  patient’s  recovery  that  reached 
the  writer  from  those  assembled  on  the  dock  to  meet  returning 
friends. 


CHAPTER  XXXV 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 
1901 

During  the  months  of  June  and  July,  1901,  while  the  writer 
was  watching  for  some  hope  at  the  bedside  of  a beloved  son,  who 
was  desperately  ill  with  blood-poisoning,  resulting  in  a mysteri- 
ous way  from  an  accident  during  an  operation  to  relieve  a 
patient  under  his  professional  care,  and  with  mind  and  heart 
under  that  strain  of  anxiety  known  only  to  those  who  have  gone 
through  similar  experience,  a large  number  of  press  clippings 
were  transmitted  to  the  writer  from  all  parts  of  the  country. 
These  clippings  were  reviews  of  a so-called  History  of  the  Navy, 
published  by  the  Appletons,  and  written  by  one  Maclay,  who  it 
appeared  was  at  that  time  a per  diem  laborer  on  the  pay- 
rolls of  the  New  York  Navy-Yard. 

All  these  reviews  were  savage  criticisms  of  this  unknown 
author  of  this  so-called  history  and  a severe  arraignment  of  his 
utter  disregard  of  truth  in  that  part  of  his  book  which  related 
to  the  battle  of  Santiago.  In  many  of  these  reviews  the  charge 
was  squarely  made  that  this  unknown  slanderous  author  had 
been  inspired  in  this  task,  and  that  he  had  had  assistance  from  a 
small  coterie  of  official  partisans.  This,  whether  true  or  not, 
never  has  been  denied  to  this  day. 

In  view  of  the  summary  action  taken  by  Mr.  Long  in  the 
case  of  Chaplain  McIntyre,  who  in  a lecture  had  severely  re- 
flected upon  the  conduct  of  Captain  Evans  during  the  battle  of 
July  3,  1898,  off  Santiago,  when  Mr.  Long  promptly  ordered  the 
chaplain  before  a court-martial,  which  dismissed  him  from  the 
navy,  there  was  widespread  wonder  expressed  in  many  articles 
afterwards  that  Mr.  Long  had  not  officially  rebuked  this  libelous 
employee  by  dismissing  him  likewise. 

The  reasons  attributed  to  Mr.  Long,  and  promulgated  in  his 
408 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 


409 


defense,  for  retaining  this  person  on  Government  pay  after  his 
offense  were  flimsy  in  the  extreme.  The  fact  that  he  was  so 
retained  until  President  Koosevelt’s  accession,  when  he  was 
peremptorily  dropped,  gave  ample  pretext  to  many  writers  for 
the  suspicion  widely  entertained  that  Mr.  Long  himself  was  in 
sympathy  with  the  sentiments  as  published  in  the  libelous  pages 
of  this  so-called  history.  However  this  may  be,  the  writer  has 
no  knowledge,  but  the  retention  of  this  employee,  who  had  sought 
to  inject  into  history  what  was  in  reality  only  a scurrilous  para- 
phrase of  the  gossip  of  envious  partisans,  was  a wrong  that 
ought  to  have  been  righted  at  once  by  a fair  judge. 

Up  to  this  time  the  controversy  had  grown  in  bitterness  from 
day  to  day,  and  it  was  promoted  by  irresponsible  and  cowardly 
innuendo,  which  the  writer  could  not  with  dignity  or  self-respect 
notice  any  more  than  a Royal  Dane  could  heed  the  snarls  of 
the  little  cur  at  his  heels.  Though  convinced  that  history  in 
its  truest  sense  is  never  written  except  by  those  who  bring  to 
the  task  a nicety  of  judicial  fairness,  a refinement  of  judgment 
which  eliminates  hearsay,  a fairness  which  expels  prejudice  and 
discounts  falsehood,  malice  or  envy,  it  was  deemed  proper  now 
to  appeal  to  the  secretary.  Not  that  a court  of  inquiry  was 
necessary,  or  that  any  scrutiny  of  official  conduct  during  the 
operations  leading  up  to  the  destruction  of  Cervera’s  fleet  was 
necessary,  as  these  had  culminated  in  so  much  honor  for  the 
nation,  but  rather  as  an  appeal  to  the  protection  of  the  secre- 
tary against  the  low  flings  of  an  employee  under  the  department. 
With  this  in  view,  the  letter  which  follows  was  addressed  to  Mr. 
Long: 

Great  Neck,  Long  Island,  N.  Y.,  July  22,  1901. 

Sir:  Within  the  past  few  days  a series  of  press  comments  have  been 
sent  to  me  from  various  parts  of  the  country  of  a book  entitled  “The  His- 
tory of  the  Navy,”  written  by  one  Edgar  Stanton  Maclay.  From  these 
reviews  it  appears  that  this  edition  is  the  third  volume  of  the  said  history, 
extended  to  include  the  late  war  with  Spain,  which  the  two  first  volumes 
did  not  contain  and  were  in  use  as  text-books  at  the  Naval  Academy. 

1.  From  excerpts  quoted  in  some  reviews,  in  which  the  page  and 
paragraph  are  given,  there  is  such  perversion  of  facts,  misconstruction  of 
intention,  such  intemperate  abuse  and  defamation  of  myself  as  subject 
Mr.  Maclay  to  action  in  civil  law.  While  I admit  the  right  of  fair  criti- 
cism of  every  public  officer,  I must  protest  against  the  low  flings  and 


410 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


abusive  language  of  this  violent  partisan  opponent,  who  has  infused  into 
the  pages  of  his  book  so  much  of  the  malice  of  unfairness  as  to  make  it 
unworthy  of  the  name  of  history,  or  of  use  in  any  reputable  institution  of 
the  country. 

2.  I have  refrained  heretofore  from  all  comment  upon  the  innuendos  of 
enemies  muttered  or  uttered  in  secret  and  therefore  with  safety  to  them- 
selves. I think  the  time  has  now  come  to  take  such  action  as  may  bring 
this  entire  matter  under  discussion  under  the  clearer  and  calmer  review  of 
my  brothers  in  arms,  and  to  this  end  I ask  such  action  at  the  hands  of  the 
department  as  it  may  deem  best  to  accomplish  this  purpose. 

3.  But  I would  express  the  request  in  this  connection  that,  whatever 
the  action  may  be,  it  occur  in  Washington,  where  most  of  my  papers  and 
data  are  stored. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral,  TJ.  8.  N, 

The  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Within  four  days  of  the  date  of  the  above  communication 
there  was  forwarded  to  the  applicant  a copy  of  the  precept  con- 
vening a court  of  inquiry  addressed  to  Admiral  George  Dewey, 
U.  S.  N.,  as  given  below : 

To  Admiral  George  Dewey,  TJ.  8.  V.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Upon  the  request  of  Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  S.  N.,  made 
in  a letter  dated  July  22,  1901,  copy  herewith,  a court  of  inquiry,  of 
which  you  are  appointed  president.  Rear  Admirals  Louis  A.  Kimberly  and 
Andrew  E.  K.  Benham,  U.  S.  N.,  members,  and  Captain  Samuel  C.  Lemly, 
U.  S.  N.,  judge  advocate  general,  judge  advocate,  is  hereby  ordered  to 
convene  at  the  Navy  Department,  Washington,  D.  C.,  at  1 o’clock  p.  m. 
on  Thursday,  the  12th  day  of  September,  1901,  or  as  soon  thereafter  as 
may  be  practicable,  for  the  purpose  of  inquiring  into  the  conduct  of  the 
said  Schley,  commodore  in  the  navy,  during  the  recent  war  with  Spain 
and  in  connection  with  the  events  thereof. 

The  court  will  thoroughly  inquire  into  all  the  circumstances  bearing 
upon  the  subject  of  the  investigation  hereby  ordered,  and  to  this  end, 
besides  examining  orally  all  proper  witnesses  whose  attendance  can  be 
secured,  will  call  upon  the  department  for  all  documentary  evidence  in 
relation  thereto  in  its  files. 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  investigation  the  court  will  report  its 
proceedings  and  the  testimony  taken,  with  a full  and  detailed  statement 
of  all  the  pertinent  facts  which  it  may  deem  to  be  established,  together 
with  its  opinion  and  recommendations  in  the  premises.  While  the  depart- 
ment relies  upon  the  discretion  of  the  court  to  make  its  examination  into 
the  matter  full  and  complete,  as  requested  by  the  officer  at  whose  instance 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 


411 


it  is  convened,  the  report  should  show  the  conclusions  reached  upon  certain 
important  points,  to  which  attention  is  specifically  directed,  as  follows: 

1.  The  circumstances  attending,  the  reasons  controlling,  and  the  pro- 
priety of  the  movements  of  the  “Flying  Squadron”  off  Cienfuegos  in  May, 
1898. 

2.  The  conduct  in  connection  with  the  Santiago  campaign. 

3.  The  circumstances  attending,  the  reasons  controlling,  and  the  pro- 
priety of  the  movements  of  the  said  squadron  in  proceeding  from  Cien- 
fuegos to  Santiago. 

4.  The  circumstances  attending  the  arrival  of  the  “Flying  Squadron” 
off  Santiago,  the  reasons  for  its  retrograde  turn  westward  and  departure 
from  off  Santiago,  and  the  propriety  thereof. 

5.  The  circumstances  attending,  and  the  reasons  for,  the  disobedience 
by  Commodore  Schley  of  the  orders  of  the  department  contained  in  its 
despatch  dated  May  25,  1898,  and  the  propriety  of  his  conduct  in  the 
premises. 

6.  The  condition  of  the  coal  supply  of  the  “Flying  Squadron”  on  or 
about  May  27,  1898;  its  coaling  facilities;  the  necessity,  if  any,  for,  or 
advisability  of,  the  return  of  the  squadron  to  Key  West  to  coal;  and  the 
accuracy  and  propriety  of  the  official  reports  made  by  Commodore  Schley 
with  respect  to  this  matter. 

7.  Whether  or  not  every  effort  incumbent  upon  the  commanding  officer 
of  a fieet  under  such  circumstances  was  made  to  capture  or  destroy  the 
Spanish  cruiser  Colon  as  she  lay  at  anchor  in  the  entrance  to  Santiago 
Harbor  May  27th  to  31st,  inclusive,  and  the  necessity  for,  or  advisability 
of,  engaging  the  batteries  at  the  entrance  to  said  harbor,  and  the  Spanish 
vessels  at  anchor  within  the  entrance  to  said  harbor,  at  the  ranges  used, 
and  the  propriety  of  Commodore  Schley’s  conduct  in  the  premises. 

8.  The  necessity,  if  any,  for,  and  advisability  of,  withdrawing  at  night 
the  “Flying  Squadron”  from  the  entrance  to  Santiago  Harbor  to  a dis- 
tance at  sea,  if  such  shall  be  found  to  be  the  case;  the  extent  and  character 
of  such  withdrawal;  and  whether  or  not  a close  or  adequate  blockade  of 
said  harbor,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  enemy’s  vessels  therefrom,  was 
established,  and  the  propriety  of  Commodore  Schley’s  conduct  in  the 
premises. 

9.  The  position  of  the  Brooklyn  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  1898,  at 
the  time  of  the  exit  of  the  Spanish  vessels  from  the  harbor  of  Santiago; 
the  circumstances  attending,  the  reasons  for,  and  the  incidents  resulting 
from  the  turning  of  the  Brooklyn  in  the  direction  in  which  she  turned  at 
or  about  the  beginning  of  the  action  with  said  Spanish  vessels,  and  the 
possibility  of  thereby  colliding  with  or  endangering  any  other  of  the  vessels 
of  the  United  States  fieet,  and  the  propriety  of  Commodore  Schley’s  conduct 
in  the  premises. 

10.  The  circumstances  leading  to,  and  the  incidents  and  results  of,  a 
controversy  with  Lieutenant  Albon  C.  Hodgson,  U.  S.  N.,  who  on  July  3, 
1898,  during  the  battle  of  Santiago,  was  navigator  of  the  Brooklyn,  in 
relation  to  the  turning  of  the  Brooklyn;  also  the  colloquy  at  that  time 


412 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


between  Commodore  Schley  and  Lieutenant  Hodgson  and  the  ensuing  cor- 
respondence between  them  on  the  subject  thereof,  and  the  propriety  of  the 
conduct  of  Admiral  Schley  in  the  premises. 

The  foregoing  specific  directions  are  given  primarily  for  the  informa- 
tion and  guidance  of  the  court,  but  do  not  limit  or  restrict  the  scope  of 
its  inquiry  into  the  entire  matter,  the  investigation  of  which  is  asked  by 
the  officer  concerned. 

Rear  Admiral  Schley  has  been  informed  of  his  right  to  be  present, 
either  in  person  or  by  counsel,  during  the  investigation,  to  cross-examine 
witnesses  and  to  offer  evidence  before  the  court,  should  he  so  desire.  The 
court  may  at  any  time  grant  to  others  interested  and  entitled  thereto  like 
privileges. 

The  investigation  will  be  held  in  open  court. 

This  employment  on  shore  duty  is  required  by  the  public  interests. 

Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  Navy  Department,  Washington,  this 
twenty-sixth  day  of  July,  1901. 

John  D.  Long, 

. Secretary. 

Rear  Admiral  Kimberly,  named  in  the  precept,  was  too  ill  to 
be  able  to  serve  and  was  replaced  by  Rear  Admiral  H.  L.  Howi- 
son,  U.  S.  N.,  to  whom  there  was  manifest  objection,  as  the  said 
Howison  had  expressed  publicly  opinions  upon  the  subject  mat- 
ter to  be  investigated  indicating  a prejudgment  of  the  case,  and 
therefore  w^as  disqualified  to  sit  in  the  case.  Howison  was  ob- 
jected to  and  was  excused  from  service,  and  his  place  was  filled 
by  Rear  Admiral  F.  M.  Ramsay,  U.  S.  N. 

In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  precept  of  the  court 
exception  was  taken  to  the  fifth  paragraph,  in  which  the  depart- 
ment had  expressed  its  opinion,  as  the  correspondence  following 
indicates : 


Great  Neck,  N.  Y.,  July  27,  1901. 

Sir:  I have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  receipt  of  the  department’s 
communication  of  July  26th  instant  enclosing  copy  of  an  order  “Con- 
vening, pursuant  to  the  request  contained  in  (my)  communication  of  the 
22d  instant,  a court  of  inquiry.” 

Inasmuch  as  the  court  is  directed  to  “investigate,  and,  after  such 
investigation,  report  a full  and  detailed  statement  of  all  the  pertinent 
facts  which  it  may  deem  to  be  established,  together  with  its  opinion  and 
recommendations  in  the  premises,”  I would  respectfully  suggest  to  the 
department  that  paragraph  5 of  the  department’s  precept,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows, viz.:  “5.  The  circumstances  attending  and  the  reasons  for  the  disobe- 
dience by  Commodore  Schley  of  the  orders  of  the  department  contained  in 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 


413 


its  despatch  dated  May  25,  1898,  and  the  propriety  of  his  conduct  in  the 
premises,”  be  modified  so  as  to  omit  the  department’s  expression  of  opinion, 
and  thus  leave  the  court  free  to  express  its  own  opinion  in  that  matter. 

Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral. 

To  this  communication  the  department  replied  on  Au^st  1, 
1901,  declining  to  modify  or  change  the  plan  originally  mapped 
out,  but  to  give  to  the  public  an  impression  of  perfect  fairness 
all  letters  to  the  applicant  were  published  in  the  press  before 
reaching  him.  It  sought  to  explain  the  reasons  for  inserting 
in  the  precept  certain  matters  as  established  when  the  very  pur- 
pose in  convening  the  court  was  that  it  was  to  find  or  not  on 
these  very  things.  If  any  one  follows  the  judge  advocate’s  con- 
tentions in  the  court  of  inquiry  in  1901,  whenever  the  applicant’s 
counsel  attempted  to  widen  the  scope  of  the  inquiry  to  include 
every  fact  of  the  campaign,  it  becomes  apparent  that  he  resisted 
every  attempt  to  inquire  into  any  matter  outside  the  specified 
precept.  There  was  no  purpose  to  allow  any  latitude  in  the 
inquiry,  except  where  it  might  concern  the  motives  or  instruc- 
tions of  the  applicant,  and  to  this  narrow  view  the  judge  advo- 
cate devoted  all  his  energy  and  quoted  all  the  legal  precedents 
he  knew. 

The  letter  following,  in  accordance  with  the  custom,  ap- 
peared in  the  press  columns  before  it  reached  the  applicant,  and 
its  perusal  will  show  why  this  course  was  taken: 

Navy  Department, 
Washington,  D.  C.,  August  1,  1901. 

Sir:  The  department  has  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  ultimo,  in 
which  you  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a copy  of  the  order  convening,  at 
your  request,  a court  of  inquiry  to  investigate  your  conduct  during  the 
war  with  Spain,  and  suggest  that  paragraph  5 of  said  order  directing  the 
court  to  inquire  into  the  circumstances  attending  and  the  reasons  for  the 
disobedience  by  Commodore  Schley  of  the  orders  of  the  department,  etc., 
“be  so  modified  as  to  omit  the  department’s  expression  of  opinion  and  thus 
leave  the  court  free  to  express  its  own  opinion  in  the  matter.” 

In  reply,  you  are  advised  that  the  precept  calls  for  an  inquiry  by  the 
court  and  the  ascertainment  of  pertinent  facts.  For  the  purpose  of  setting 
on  foot  this  inquiry  the  precept  treats  certain  matters  as  established, 
such,  for  instance,  as  the  arrival  of  the  “Flying  Squadron”  off  Cienfuegos 


414 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  off  Santiago,  the  retrograde  movement  westward,  the  turn  of  the 
Brooklyn  on  July  3,  1898,  and  the  fact  that  you  disobeyed  orders  as 
reported  by  you  in  your  telegram  dated  May  28,  1898,  in  which  you  say: 
“Much  to  be  regretted,  can  not  obey  orders  of  the  department.” 

Inasmuch,  however,  as  it  is  the  department’s  purpose  that  the  court 
shall  be  absolutely  free  to  report,  if  such  shall  be  found  to  be  the  case, 
that  you  did  not  willfully  disobey  the  orders,  or  that  you  were  justified 
in  disobeying  them,  and  that  this  may  be  clearly  understood,  your  letter 
of  the  27th  ultimo,  with  copy  of  this  reply,  will  be  duly  forwarded  to 
the  court. 

Very  respectfully, 

F.  W.  Hackett, 

Acting  Secretary. 

Rear  Admiral  Winfield  S.  Schley,  U.  8.  V., 

Great  'Neck,  N.  Y. 


Comparing  the  several  paragraphs  of  this  precept  with  the 
many  scurrilous  attacks  which  occurred  in  one  of  the  daily  news- 
papers, it  is  almost  impossible  to  resist  the  inference  that  there 
was  sympathy  with,  and  inspiration  from,  Washington.  The 
arraignment  in  the  newspaper  and  the  indictment  in  the  precept 
cover  the  same  ground  identically  and  are  singularly  alike  in 
character. 

The  court  as  composed  contained  one  member.  Rear  Admiral 
Benham,  who  had  served  as  a member  of  a board  on  the  subject 
of  medals  voted  by  Congress  for  the  campaign  against  Cervera’s 
squadron.  This  board  was  to  decide  the  design  of  this  medal, 
though  it  is  not  quite  clear  that  it  was  to  decide  upon  whom  it 
was  to  be  bestowed,  but  in  one  of  the  reports,  made  on  ]\Iay  29, 
1901,  Admiral  Benham  recommended  that  if  the  medal  was  to 
bear  the  effigy  of  any  one  it  should  be  Admiral  Sampson.  But 
he  was  really  not  in  the  battle  of  July  3,  1898,  at  all ! As  the 
writer  was  on  foreign  service  away  from  the  United  States,  he 
did  not  know  that  such  a board  had  been  created,  or  the  names 
of  its  members,  until  his  return  near  the  time  its  report  was  made. 
The  exception  is  believed  to  be  fair  that  Admiral  Benham  would 
have  been  ruled  off  any  civil  jury  for  expressing  official  opinion 
upon  any  matters  he  was  called  upon  to  try.  As  the  question  of 
temporary  command  on  July  3,  1898,  was  in  issue,  owing  to 
Sampson’s  absence  under  orders  from  the  department/^  the 
opinion  expressed  in  the  report  of  May  29th  raises  a question  as 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 


415 


to  his  competency  as  a juror.  Had  the  nature  of  Benham’s 
recommendation  been  known  in  September,  1901,  objection  to 
him  would  have  been  entered  as  a member  of  the  court. 

While  the  writer  did  not  expect  to  have  a court  composed 
of  those  entirely  in  accord  with  his  views  of  the  questions  to 
be  passed  upon,  he  surely  had  the  right  to  protection  against 
those  whose  bias  had  been  already  officially  expressed — a right 
as  old  and  as  time-honored  as  practice  in  courts  of  law ! 

Although  the  request  for  any  action  the  department  might 
deem  necessary  was  made  in  the  broadest  terms,  and  invited  an 
exhaustive  examination  that  might  include  every  hour  of  the 
official  association  of  the  two  flag  officers  from  May  19  to  July 
17,  1898,  when  the  flnal  surrender  of  the  Spanish  forces  took 
place,  the  construction  given  to  it  by  Mr.  Long  limited  the  in- 
quiry to  the  official  conduct  of  the  commander  of  the  Second 
Squadron  alone.  The  precept  as  drawn  was  so  framed  as  to 
justify  the  judge  advocate  general  in  bringing  under  inquiry 
every  official  signal  made,  every  official  report,  every  official  action 
and  every  official  or  private  conversation  had  or  overheard,  during 
the  campaign ; but  where  anything  referred  to  the  other  flag  offi- 
cer the  judge  advocate  general  rigidly  excluded  that  from  the  in- 
quiry. He  did  in  effect  actually  shut  out  everything  which  proxi- 
mately  or  remotely  touched  the  other  flag  officer,  and  it  was 
impossible  not  to  do  this  at  every  point  of  the  inquiry,  owing  to 
the  closeness  of  the  official  connection  of  the  two  officers.  When- 
ever the  applicant’s  counsel  referred  in  the  examination  of  wit- 
nesses during  the  trial,  for  it  was  really  nothing  more  or  less, 
to  any  matter  affecting  the  other  flag  officer.  Judge  Advocate 
General  Lemly  interposed  immediate  objection  on  the  ground 
that  Admiral  Sampson’s  conduct  was  in  no  way  under  review! 

The  applicant’s  counsel  were  Hon.  Jeremiah  M.  Wilson,  Hon. 
Isador  Rayner  and  Captain  James  Parker,  assisted  by  Mr.  Mer- 
rill A.  Teague.  While  the  examination  was  in  progress  Hon. 
Jeremiah  M.  Wilson  was  stricken  down  by  sudden  death  on  the 
twelfth  day  of  the  inquiry.  No  advocate  possessed  higher  accom- 
plishments or  a more  unblemished  character  than  this  distin- 
guished friend  of  many  years’  standing.  His  loss  was  a deep 
grief  to  the  applicant.  His  mastery  of  every  detail  of  the  issue 
made  his  loss  to  his  associates  at  the  outset  a grave  misfortune. 


41G 


FORTY-FI^TE  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


though  the  cause  suffered  in  no  sense  in  the  able  hands  of  the 
two  distinguished  counselors  who  were  left  to  conduct  the  case 
to  the  end.  Their  able  services,  advice  and  conduct  of  the  in- 
quiry afterwards  merited  endorsement  from  lawyers  everywhere, 
who  gave  them  distinct  and  manifest  approval  and  praise. 

During  a session  lasting  over  forty  days  the  judge  advocate 
general  and  his  assistant  examined  witnesses  of  every  grade  from 
rear  admiral  to  seaman,  with  the  apparent  purpose  of  impeach- 
ing every  motive,  every  movement  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  every 
signal,  and,  indeed,  every  action  of  the  applicant.  Throughout 
the  entire  procedure  his  purpose  was  manifest  to  spread  upon  the 
records  of  the  court  every  conversation  had  with,  or  overheard 
by,  any  witnesses  during  the  entire  campaign.  At  the  same  time 
so  much  ill-temper  was  shown  by  this  officer  whenever  the  court 
decided  certain  points  in  the  case  against  him  that  the  inquiry, 
as  conducted  by  him,  soon  lost  all  semblance  of  a purpose  to 
elicit  facts  in  a manifest  morbid  desire  to  enforce  his  own  mis- 
constructions of  intentions  in  the  actions,  movements,  signals  or 
purposes  of  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron. 

On  December  13,  1901,  the  court  submitted  a divided  opinion, 
one  representing  the  majority,  the  other  representing  the  minor- 
ity, each  signed  by  the  president  of  the  court,  Admiral  George 
Dewey.  The  opinions  of  the  majority  and  minority  are  given 
below ; 

OPINION 

Commodore  Schley,  in  command  of  the  Flying  Squadron,  should  have 
proceeded  with  utmost  despatch  off  Cienfuegos  and  should  have  maintained 
a close  blockade  of  that  port. 

He  should  have  endeavored  on  May  23d,  at  Cienfuegos,  to  obtain  infor- 
mation regarding  the  Spanish  squadron  by  communicating  with  the  insur- 
gents at  the  place  designated  in  the  memorandum  delivered  to  him  at 
9.35  A.  M.  of  that  date. 

He  should  have  proceeded  from  Cienfuegos  to  Santiago  de  Cuba  with 
all  despatch,  and  should  have  disposed  his  vessels  with  a view  of  inter- 
cepting the  enemy  in  any  attempt  to  pass  the  Flying  Squadron. 

He  should  not  have  delayed  the  squadron  for  the  Eagle. 

He  should  not  have  made  the  retrograde  turn  westward  with  his 
squadron. 

He  should  have  promptly  obeyed  the  Na\y  Department’s  order  of 
May  25th. 


THE  COURT  OF  INQUIRY 


417 


He  should  have  endeavored  to  capture  or  destroy  the  Spanish  vessels 
at  anchor  near  the  entrance  of  Santiago  Harbor  on  May  29th  and  30th. 

He  did  not  do  the  utmost  with  the  force  under  his  command  to  capture 
or  destroy  the  Colon  and  other  vessels  of  the  enemy  which  he  attacked  on 
May  31st. 

By  commencing  the  engagement  on  July  3d  with  the  port  battery  and 
turning  the  Brooklyn  around  with  port  helm  Commodore  Schley  caused 
her  to  lose  distance  and  position  with  the  Spanish  vessels,  especially  with 
the  Viscaya  and  Colon. 

The  turn  of  the  Brooklyn  to  the  westward  was  made  to  avoid  getting 
her  into  dangerous  proximity  to  the  Spanish  vessels.  The  turn  was  made 
towards  the  Texas,  and  caused  that  vessel  to  stop  and  to  back  her  engines 
to  avoid  possible  collision. 

Admiral  Schley  did  injustice  to  Lieutenant  Commander  A.  C.  Hodgson 
in  publishing  only  a portion  of  the  correspondence  which  passed  between 
them. 

Commodore  Schley’s  conduct  in  connection  with  the  events  of  the 
Santiago  campaign  prior  to  June  1,  1898,  was  characterized  by  vacilla- 
tion, dilatoriness,  and  lack  of  enterprise. 

His  official  reports  regarding  the  coal  supply  and  the  coaling  facilities 
of  the  Flying  Squadron  were  inaccurate  and  misleading. 

His  conduct  during  the  battle  of  July  3d  was  self-possessed,  and  he 
encouraged,  in  his  own  person,  his  subordinate  officers  and  men  to  fight 
courageously. 

Geo.  Dewey, 

Admiral,  U.  8.  N.,  President. 

Sam.  C.  Lemly,  Judge  Advocate  General,  U.  8.  N.,  Judge  Advocate. 


MINORITY  REPORT 


In  the  opinion  of  the  undersigned  the  passage  from  Key  West  to 
Cienfuegos  was  made  by  the  Flying  Squadron  with  all  possible  despatch. 
Commodore  Schley  having  in  view  the  importance  of  arriving  oft'  Cien- 
fuegos with  as  much  coal  as  possible  in  the  ships’  bunkers. 

The  blockade  of  Cienfuegos  was  effective.  Commodore  Schley  in  per- 
mitting the  steamer  Adula  to  enter  the  port  of  Cienfuegos  expected  to 
obtain  information  concerning  the  Spanish  squadron  from  her  when  she 
came  out. 

The  passage  from  Cienfuegos  to  a point  twenty-two  miles  south  of 
Santiago  was  made  with  as  much  despatch  as  was  possible  while  keeping 
the  squadron  a unit. 

The  blockade  of  Santiago  was  effective.  Commodore  Schley  was  the 
senior  officer  of  the  squadron  off  Santiago  when  the  Spanish  squadron 
attempted  to  escape  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  1898.  He  was  in  absolute 
command,  and  is  entitled  to  the  credit  due  to  such  commanding  officer  for 


418 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


the  glorious  victory  which  resulted  in  the  total  destruction  of  the  Spanish 
ships. 

George  DE^VEY, 

Admiral,  U.  8.  N.,  President. 

Sam.  C.  Lemly,  Judge  Advocate  General,  Judge  Advocate. 


RECOMMENDATION 

In  view  of  the  length  of  time  which  has  elapsed  since  the  occurrence 
of  the  events  of  the  Santiago  campaign,  the  court  recommends  no  further 
proceedings  be  had  in  the  premises. 

George  Dewey, 

Admiral,  U.  8.  V.,  President. 

Sam.  C.  Lemly,  Judge  Advocate  General,  U.  8.  V.,  Judge  Advocate. 

The  specification  of  the  indictment  contained  ten  (10)  counts ! 
The  verdict  of  the  majority  report  was  that  that  number  was 
not  sufficient,  so  they  found  thirteen  had  been  violated ! 

The  President  of  a Court  of  Inquiry  is  compelled  by  Regula- 
tions to  sign  the  opinion  reached  by  a majority  of  the  court  even 
though  he  should  not  agree  to  one  word  of  such  conclusion ; his 
remedy  is  a minority  report  as  in  this  instance.  In  fact  the  dis- 
agreement recorded  in  this  issue  proceeded  from  the  highest 
naval  authority  of  the  land! 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 


THE  APPEAL  FROM  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  MAJORITY 

1901 

Following  this  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court,  a state- 
ment of  exceptions  to  the  findings  was  addressed  to  Mr.  Long, 
Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  had  organized  the  court ; that 
he  had  directed  the  judge  advocate  general  of  the  Navy  to  con- 
duct its  proceedings;  that  he  had  caused  the  judge  advocate 
general  to  review  the  record ; that  he  had  approved  the  unfavor- 
able findings  of  the  majority,  and  had  disapproved  the  favorable 
findings  of  the  minority,  it  was  believed  to  be  within  the  military 
rights  of  the  commander  of  the  Second  Squadron  to  file  an  ap- 
peal from  such  flagrant  disregard  of  unimpeached  testimony 
given  by  a score  or  more  favorable  witnesses  as  had  been  shown 
in  the  majority  report. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  it  was  not  done  with  any  idea  or 
hope  that  Mr.  Long  would  or  could  review  favorably  the  appeal 
from  the  action  he  had  caused  to  be  taken  in  a matter  where  his 
views,  as  set  forth  in  his  confidential  communication  to  the  Sen- 
ate and  his  interviews  in  the  press,  had  shown  him  to  be  influ- 
enced by  his  departmental  surroundings,  but  to  reserve  the  right 
to  appeal  later  to  higher  and  superior  authority. 

What  a travesty  of  the  rights  of  justice  it  would  be  if  in 
civil  procedure  the  judge  could  indict,  could  appoint  the  jury, 
could  really  try  the  case,  could  review  his  own  proceedings  on 
appeal,  and  could  execute  judgment;  and  yet  the  case  under 
consideration  presents  these  very  anomalies.  It  is  not  difficult, 
therefore,  to  understand,  where  such  power  is  possessed,  how 
futile  would  be  an  appeal  for  relief  from  its  operation. 

As  Mr,  Long  has  set  forth  his  views  upon  the  question  in 
a book  recently  published,  and  has  reproduced  the  originally 
formulated  errors,  it  is  within  the  rights  of  the  writer  to  show 
wherein,  to  say  the  least,  he  has  been  inconsistent.  And  to  do 
28  419 


420 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


SO  the  writer  does  not  propose  to  be  harsh  or  undignified  in  his 
use  of  words.  The  following  statement  of  exceptions  to  the 
majority  report  w^as  transmitted  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy : 

The  Richmond, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  December  18,  1901. 

The  Eonorahle,  the  Secretary  of  the  Xavy: 

Winfield  Scott  Schley,  Rear  Admiral,  U.  S.  N.  (retired),  the  applicant 
before  the  Court  of  Inquiry,  of  which  Admiral  George  Dewey,  U.  S.  N.,  is 
president,  and  Rear  Admirals  Andrew  E.  K.  Benham  and  Francis  M. 
Ramsay,  U.  S.  N.,  members,  and  Captain  Samuel  C.  Lemly,  U.  S.  N., 
Judge  Advocate  General,  Judge  Advocate,  objects  to  the  approval  of  the 
findings  of  the  court  upon  the  ground  that  the  opinion  rendered  and  the 
report  of  facts  made  by  the  majority  of  the  court  are  in  conflict  with  the 
overwhelming  weight  of  evidence,  and  that  the  majority  of  the  court  in 
their  said  opinion  have  ignored  the  testimony  of  the  applicant  and  of  the 
whole  of  the  applicant’s  witnesses  and  all  that  portion  of  the  evidence 
given  by  witnesses  for  the  Government  which  was  favorable  to  the  appli- 
cant, and  have  thus  deprived  him  of  rights  guaranteed  to  him  by  the  laws 
of  the  land  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States;  and  the  applicant 
now  assigns  the  following  ground  in  support  of  his  said  objection: 

1.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  given  their  opinion  that  Commo- 
dore Schle}"  should  have  proceeded  with  the  utmost  despatch  off  Cien- 
fuegos  when  there  was  no  specification  covering  this  subject,  and  when  the 
applicant  did  not  have  sufficient  opportunity  to  bring  in  proper  and  con- 
vincing evidence  in  reference  thereto,  and  when  the  only  evidence  taken  by 
the  court  on  this  subject  was  directly  contrary  to  the  opinion  rendered. 

2.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  held  that  the  applicant  should  have 
endeavored  to  open  communication  with  the  insurgents  at  the  place  desig- 
nated in  the  memorandum  by  Commander  IMcCalla,  delivered  to  him  on  the 
morning  of  the  23d  of  May,  when  in  fact  there  was  no  place  mentioned  in 
said  memorandum  as  being  a place  at  which  a camp  of  insurgents  was 
located. 

3.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  arrived  at  the  opinion  stated  in  the 
foregoing  paragraph  without  regard  to  the  fact,  which  was  proven  by  an 
overwhelming  weight  of  testimony,  that  the  said  McCalla  memorandum 
was  sent  to  Commodore  Schley  only  for  use  in  connection  with  the  infor- 
mation it  contained  relative  to  certain  batteries  at  or  being  constructed  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  Cienfuegos  as  is  attested  by 
the  Order  No.  0,  dated  May  19,  1898,  and  sent  to  Commodore  Schley  by 
Admiral  Sampson. 

4.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  hold  that  Com- 
modore Schley  should  have  maintained  a close  blockade  of  Cienfuegos, 
when  by  overwhelming  testimony  it  was  proven  that  a close  and  effective 
blockade  of  that  port  was  maintained,  the  judge  advocate  having  substan- 
tially abandoned  any  charge  to  the  contrary. 


APPEAL  FROM  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  MAJORITY  421 


5.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  have  entirely 
ignored  the  uncontradicted  testimony  proving  that  the  British  steamer 
Adiila  was  permitted  to  go  into  the  harbor  of  Cienfuegos  in  order  that 
information  might  be  obtained  through  her  as  to  whether  the  Spanish 
fleet  was  then  in  that  port,  it  having  been  clearly  established  that  the 
captain  of  the  said  British  steamer  Adula  promised  and  agreed,  before 
permission  was  given  him  to  enter  the  port,  that  he  would  bring  his  ship 
out  in  fewer  than  twenty-four  hours  and  furnish  the  information  desired. 

6.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  have  entirely 
failed  to  refer  to  Despatch  No.  7,  admitted  to  have  been  sent  by  Admiral 
Sampson  to  Commodore  Schley,  the  construction  of  which  was  agreed  upon 
in  the  argument  of  the  case,  to  wit:  That  it  was  an  imperative  order  for 
Commodore  Schley  to  hold  his  squadron  off  Cienfuegos  whether  the  Spanish 
fleet  was  or  was  not  in  that  port. 

7.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  have  entirely 
ignored  the  admitted  fact  that  the  commander  of  the  Eagle  failed  to  com- 
municate the  situation  at  Cienfuegos  to  Commodore  Schley. 

8.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  have  entirely 
ignored  the  uncontradicted  evidence  in  the  case  that  Captain  Robley  D. 
Evans,  knowing  the  meaning  of  the  signal  lights  on  shore  at  Cienfuegos, 
failed  to  communicate  his  information  concerning  them  to  Commodore 
Schley. 

9.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  report  of  facts  submitted,  declares 
that  the  signal  lights  on  shore  near  Cienfuegos  were  seen  by  Commodore 
Schley  on  the  night  of  May  22,  1898,  when,  in  fact,  the  overwhelming 
weight  of  both  oral  and  documentary  evidence  proved  that  Commodore 
Schley  saw  and  had  knowledge  of  these  lights  only  on  the  night  of  May 
23d,  and  at  no  other  time. 

10.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  the  opinion  rendered,  are  silent  on 
the  subject  of  the  following  charge  preferred  by  the  judge  advocate  against 
Commodore  Schley  during  the  progress  of  the  investigation,  namely,  that 
he  did  not  mask  his  movements  in  operating  from  in  front  of  the  port  of 
Cienfuegos,  but  by  using  Ardois  signals  he  revealed  the  destination  of  his 
squadron  to  the  enemy  on  shore,  despite  the  fact  that  by  overwhelming 
weight  of  testimony  this  charge  was  entirely  disproved. 

11.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  based  their  opinion  in  reference 
to  the  retrograde  movement  upon  a statement  made  in  their  report  of 
facts  that  Commodore  Schley,  before  sailing  from  Cienfuegos,  received 
reliable  information  that  ships  could  be  coaled  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape 
Cruz  and  Gonoives  Channel,  and  it  is  now  respectfully  denied  that  there 
was  any  such  positive  testimony  in  this  case.  Every  witness,  with  one 
exception,  who  was  examined  on  the  subject  disavowed  all  knowledge  in 
reference  thereto,  and  the  uncontradicted  testimony  of  Captain  F.  A.  Cook 
establishes  the  fact  that  the  official  charts  with  which  the  Flagship  Brook- 
lyn was  supplied,  and  upon  which  Commodore  Schley  was  compelled  to 
rely  for  information,  showed  coaling  at  Cape  Cruz  to  be  neither  feasible 
nor  practicable,  and  the  records  clearly  show  that  not  until  the  27th  of 


422 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


May,  three  days  after  leaving  Cienfuegos,  when  Captain  Charles  S.  Cotton 
visited  the  Flagship  Brooklyn,  did  Commodore  Schley  receive  any  definite 
information  concerning  the  feasibility  or  practicability  of  coaling  his  ships 
from  a collier  in  Gonoives  Channel,  all  of  which  facts  have  been  wholly 
ignored  by  the  majority  of  the  court  in  formulating  their  said  report  of 
facts. 

12.  The  majority  of  the  court,  in  stating  in  its  report  of  facts  that 
Commodore  Schley  received  no  positive  information  from  the  scout  ships 
as  to  the  presence  of  the  enemy’s  fleet  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago,  utterly 
ignores  the  overwhelming  testimony  in  proof  of  the  fact  that  Captain 
C.  D.  Sigsbee  did  actually  report  to  Commodore  Schley  and  to  others  that 
the  Spanish  fleet  was  not  in  the  harbor  of  Santiago. 

13.  The  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court  and  the  report  of  facts 
is  entirely  silent  on  the  subject  of  the  proven  and  admitted  failure  of 
Captains  Wise  and  Jewell  to  communicate  the  information  they  had  re- 
ceived in  reference  to  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  fleet  in  the  harbor  of 
Santiago  to  Commodore  Schley. 

14.  That  the  report  of  facts  submitted  by  the  court  stated  that  the 
conditions  of  wind,  sea  and  weather  from  noon  on  May  26th  to  June  1st 
were  favorable  for  taking  coal  from  a collier  at  sea  off  Santiago,  when 
this  statement  has  been  directly  controverted  by  the  evidence  of  the  wit- 
nesses for  the  Government. 

15.  The  letters  prepared  by  Government  experts  and  submitted  in  evi- 
dence before  the  court  showing  the  coal  supply  of  the  vessels  of  the  Flying 
Squadron  with  reference  to  their  chasing  capacity,  proceeding  with  full 
speed  with  forced  draft,  have  not  even  been  adverted  to  in  the  report  of 
facts. 

16.  There  has  not  been  the  slightest  reference  made  by  the  majority 
of  the  court  to  the  orders  of  the  honorable  Secretary  of  the  Xa\’y,  offered 
and  proved  in  evidence,  forbidding  the  hazarding  of  American  ships 
against  those  batteries,  and  the  court  has  decided  against  the  applicant 
upon  the  seventh  speciflcation  of  the  precept  without  in  the  slightest 
degree  referring  to  this  important  evidence. 

17.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  entirely  failed  to  give  any  opinion 
as  to  the  character  of  the  blockade,  although  the  same  was  included  in  the 
eighth  speciflcation  of  the  precept,  and  by  specific  direction  the  court  was 
obligated  to  give  an  opinion  thereon. 

18.  The  majority  opinion  of  the  court  that  Commodore  Schley  should 
have  endeavored  to  capture  or  destroy  the  Spanish  vessels  at  anchor  near 
the  entrance  of  Santiago  Harbor  on  May  29th  and  30th,  and  that  he  did 
not  do  his  utmost  with  the  force  under  his  command  to  capture  or  destroy 
the  Colon  and  other  vessels  of  the  enemy  on  May  31st,  is  wholly  at  vari- 
ance with  the  orders  under  which  Commodore  Schley  was  acting  before 
Santiago,  said  orders,  as  is  attested  by  No.  8,  dated  May  21,  1898,  and 
sent  by  Admiral  Sampson  to  Commodore  Schley,  restricting  his  operation 
to  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a blockade  of  the  port  of  San- 
tiago, if  the  enemy  should  be  found  therein;  and  also  said  opinion  is 


APPEAL  FROM  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  MAJORITY  423 


utterly  and  absolutely  at  varianee  with  the  overwhelming  weight  of  tes- 
timony, which  clearly  established  the  fact  that  the  affair  of  May  31st 
was  predetermined  upon  and  executed  as  a reconnaissance,  and  not  as  a 
formal  attack  upon  the  Spanish  vessels,  nor  upon  the  land  batteries  at 
the  entrance  to  the  harbor  of  Santiago. 

19.  The  majority  opinion  of  the  court  is  ambiguous  and  indeterminate 
in  that  the  court  holds  the  turn  of  the  Brooklyn  to  the  w^estward  was 
made  to  avoid  getting  her  into  dangerous  proximity  to  the  Spanish  vessels 
without  stating  whether  evasion  of  such  dangerous  proximity  was  due  to 
personal  fears  of  Commodore  Schley,  or  to  a desire  on  his  part  to  pre- 
serve the  ship  intact  and  ready  for  further  work  in  the  effort  to  win  a 
victory  from  the  enemy. 

20.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  entirely  ignored  the  overwhelm- 
ing testimony  submitted  in  the  case  in  arriving  at  the  opinion  that  Com- 
modore Schley  erred  in  commencing  the  engagement  on  July  3d  with  the 
port  battery,  the  evidence  in  the  case  already  establishing  the  fact  that 
in  the  execution  of  the  standing  order  to  “close  in  and  attack  in  harbor 
entrance,”  it  was  impossible  for  the  Brooklyn,  without  turning  away  from 
the  enemy,  to  open  the  engagement  except  with  her  port  battery;  and  the 
evidence  also  clearly  establishes  the  fact  that  the  turning  of  the  Brooklyn 
in  the  manner  and  direction  in  which  she  did  turn  did  not  cause  her  to 
lose  either  distance  or  position  with  the  Spanish  vessels,  the  contrary 
opinion  of  the  court  upon  this  subject  being  arrived  at  only  by  disre- 
garding all  of  the  evidence  offered  in  behalf  of  Commodore  Schley. 

21.  The  majority  opinion  of  the  court  is  ambiguous  and  indeterminate 
in  that,  while  stating  that  the  Brooklyn’s  turning  caused  the  Texas  to 
stop  and  “back  her  engines  to  avoid  possible  collision,”  said  opinion  does 
not  state  whether  the  danger  of  such  collision  as  comprehended  by  the 
ninth  specification  of  the  precept  was  real  or  imaginary,  whereas  the 
overwhelming  weight  of  testimony  clearly  established  the  fact  that  at  no 
time  was  there  danger  of  collision  between  the  Brooklyn  and  the  Texas. 

22.  The  testimony  of  Captain  F.  A.  Cook,  a witness  called  by  the 
judge  advocate,  in  reference  to  the  proximity  of  the  Brooklyn  to  the 
Texas  at  the  time  of  the  Brooklyn’s  turning,  has  been  ignored  and  not 
even  adverted  to  in  the  statement  of  pertinent  facts. 

23.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  assumed  that  the  testimony  of 
Lieutenant  Commander  A.  C.  Hodgson,  notwithstanding  its  repeated  con- 
tradiction, in  reference  to  the  alleged  conversation  regarding  the  prox- 
imity of  the  Texas  at  the  time  of  the  Brooklyn’s  turning,  is  true,  and 
have  entirely  ignored  the  testimony  of  Commodore  Schley  and  Captain  F.  A. 
Cook  to  the  contrary,  without  even  referring  to  it  in  their  statement  of 
pertinent  facts. 

24.  The  majority  opinion  of  the  court  that  Commodore  Schley’s  con- 
duct in  connection  with  the  events  of  the  Santiago  campaign  prior  to 
June  1,  1898,  was  characterized  by  “vacillation,  dilatoriness  and  lack  of 
enterprise,”  is  in  no  wise  justified  by  the  evidence  submitted  in  the  case. 


424 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


and  could  only  have  been  arrived  at  by  the  action  of  the  court  in  wholly 
ignoring  all  of  the  evidence  of  Commodore  Schley,  all  of  the  evidence  of 
witnesses  summoned  in  his  behalf,  and  all  that  portion  of  the  evidence  of 
the  witnesses  called  by  the  judge  advocate  which  was  favorable  to  the 
said  Commodore  Schley. 

25.  The  majority  opinion  of  the  court  is  inconclusive  in  that  it  is 
entirely  silent  upon  a charge  preferred  by  the  judge  advocate  during  the 
course  of  the  public  investigation  and  claimed  by  him  to  come  within  the 
province  of  the  first  specification,  to  wit,  that  the  said  Commodore  Schley 
was  derelict  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty  and  unmindful  of  the  regula- 
tions for  the  government  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States  in  that  he  did 
not  prescribe  and  promulgate  anticipatory  orders  of  battle. 

26.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  entirely  failed  to  determine  as 
to  who  was  in  command  of  the  American  naval  forces  engaged  in  the 
battle  of  Santiago,  the  finding  of  which  fact  was  absolutely  necessary  in 
order  to  determine  properly  the  first  specification  of  the  precept  as  to  the 
conduct  of  Commodore  Schley  in  connection  with  the  events  of  the  San- 
tiago campaign. 

27.  The  majority  of  the  court  have  rejected  the  whole  testimony 
offered  in  behalf  of  the  applicant,  and  have  not  adverted  to  such  testi- 
mony, and  have  entirely  ignored  the  testimony  of  the  applicant  himself, 
who  was  on  the  stand  for  many  hours  and  subjected  to  the  most  search- 
ing examination,  and  by  so  doing  they  have  perverted  the  ends  of  justice. 
That  if  this  testimony  was  all  false  they  should  have  so  announced;  and 
if  all  or  any  part  of  it  was  true,  the  said  applicant  was  entitled  to  the 
benefit  of  it,  and  by  declining  to  consider  or  pass  upon  it  they  have  de- 
prived him  of  his  common-law  and  constitutional  rights. 

28.  That  the  majority  of  the  court  have  found  the  applicant  guilty 
upon  specifications  which  were  substantially  abandoned  by  the  Judge 
Advocate,  as  will  appear  from  the  argument  in  the  case. 

29.  That  the  whole  proceedings  show  that  the  majority  of  the  court, 
in  the  opinion  and  report  of  facts  rendered,  have  selected  the  testimony 
of  a few  hostile  witnesses,  and  upon  that  testimony  have  based  the  said 
opinion  and  report  of  facts,  discarding  all  the  other  testimony  in  the  case 
without  making  the  slightest  reference  to  it,  as  they  were  directed  by  the 
precept  to  do. 

30.  The  applicant,  besides  the  reasons  herein  given,  hopes  to  be  able 
during  the  further  investigation  of  this  inquiry  to  adduce  other  serious 
and  important  reasons  why  the  majority  opinion  of  the  court  should  not 
be  approved. 

31.  The  applicant  is  prepared  to  show  that  the  whole  proceedings 
upon  the  part  of  the  majority  of  the  court  have  been  entirely  irregular; 
that  his  rights  have  been  prejudiced  and  ignored;  that  his  testimony  in 
many  more  particulars  than  have  been  herein  cited  has  not  been  consid- 
ered, and  that  the  evidence  is  absolutely  insufiicient  to  sustain  the  opin- 
ion which  has  been  rendered  by  the  majority  of  the  court;  that  a grave 
injustice  has  been  committed,  which  would  become  irreparable  and  be 


APPExVI.  FROM  THE  REPORT  OF  THE  MAJORITY  425 


perpetuated  unless  this  opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court  should  be 
disapproved. 

Wherefore  the  said  applicant  most  respectfully  prays  that  approval 
of  the  opinion  of  the  majority  of  said  Court  of  Inquiry  be  withheld  and 
that  said  opinion  be  disapproved,  and  that  he  may  be  afforded  the  oppor- 
tunity to  have  the  testimony  of  record  of  himself  and  his  witnesses  prop- 
erly considered  and  passed  upon,  and  that  the  proceedings  be  remitted  to 
the  court  for  that  purpose,  and  that  he  be  given  such  other  and  further 
relief  as  he  is  entitled  to  in  the  premises. 

W.  S.  Schley, 

Rear  Admiral,  U.  8.  N.  {Retired). 

IsADOR  Rayner, 

James  Parker, 

Counsel  for  Applicant. 

This  statement  of  exceptions  taken  to  the  report  and  the 
opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court  were  submitted  by  Mr.  Long 
for  reply  to  the  judge  advocate  general,  who  had  been  the  prose- 
cuting officer  of  the  court.  Very  naturally,  this  officer,  ambi- 
tious to  have  his  view  of  the  proceedings  approved,  reinjected 
much  of  the  essence  of  his  argument  into  his  reply. 

In  view  of  the  animus  of  that  officer  in  his  conduct  of  the 
case,  it  surely  would  have  been  more  in  line  with  a proper  con- 
sideration of  the  evidence  in  this  case  to  have  submitted  the 
proceedings  to  an  entirely  impartial  advocate  whose  legal  train- 
ing would  have  qualified  him  to  give  a nicer  discrimination  in 
dealing  with  the  evidence  offered  by  several  hostile  witnesses. 

But  this  consideration  of  the  matter  was  ignored  entirely, 
and  on  the  20th  day  of  December,  1901,  just  one  week  after  the 
report  of  the  court  had  been  submitted,  and  only  two  days  after 
the  receipt  of  the  applicant’s  statement  of  exceptions,  Mr.  Long 
approved  the  proceedings  in  the  following  letter: 

Navy  Department, 

Washington,  D.  C.,  December  20,  1901. 

The  department  has  read  the  testimony  in  this  case;  the  arguments 
of  counsel  at  the  trial;  the  court’s  findings  of  fact,  opinion  and  recom- 
mendation; the  individual  memorandum  of  the  presiding  member;  the 
statement  of  exceptions  to  the  said  findings  and  opinion  by  the  applicant; 
the  reply  to  said  statement  by  the  judge  advocate  of  the  court  and  his 
assistants,  and  the  brief  this  day  submitted  by  counsel  for  Rear  Admiral 
Sampson  traversing  the  presiding  member’s  view  as  to  who  was  in  com- 
mand at  the  battle  of  Santiago. 


426 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


And  after  careful  consideration,  the  findings  of  fact  and  the  opinion 
of  the  full  court  are  approved. 

As  to  the  points  on  which  the  presiding  member  differs  from  the 
opinion  of  the  majority  of  the  court,  the  opinion  of  the  majority  is 
approved. 

As  to  his  further  expression  of  views  by  the  same  member,  with  regard 
to  the  questions  of  command  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  1898,  and  of  the 
title  to  credit  for  the  ensuing  victory,  the  conduct  of  the  court  in  making 
no  finding  and  rendering  no  opinion  on  these  questions  is  approved — 
indeed,  it  could  with  propriety  take  no  other  course,  evidence  on  these 
questions  during  the  inquiry  having  been  excluded  by  the  court. 

The  department  approves  the  recommendation  of  the  court  that  no 
further  proceedings  be  had  in  the  premises. 

The  department  records  its  appreciation  of  the  arduous  labors  of  the 
whole  court. 

John  D.  Long, 
Secretary  of  the  Navy. 

The  view  taken  by  Mr.  Long  in  approving  what  was  desired 
by  him,  and  disapproving  what  he  did  not  wish,  can  not  be 
squared  with  what  he  said  in  1899  in  the  confidential  communi- 
cation to  the  Senate,  when  he  desired  to  excuse  Sampson’s  ab- 
sence from  the  scene  of  battle,  referred  to  already  as  Senate 
Executive  Document  C.  In  that  document  Mr.  Long  stated  spe- 
cifically that  on  the  morning  of  July  3,  1898,  Admiral  Sampson 
was  proceeding,  under  orders  of  the  department,  to  Siboney  to 
confer  with  General  Shaft er,  leaving  the  inference  that  the  gen- 
eral was  at  that  point.  He  ought  not  to  have  omitted  to  state 
that  the  general  was  at  his  headquarters,  four  or  more  miles  back 
from  Siboney,  at  the  time,  and  that  to  obey  this  order  Admiral 
Sampson  would  have  been  obliged  to  go  on  shore ; in  fact,  horses 
had  been  sent  to  Siboney  and  were  waiting,  saddled,  to  convey 
him  to  the  Army  headquarters.  He  ought  in  all  fairness  to 
have  stated  that  the  practical  effect  of  his  order  was  temporarily 
to  assign  Admiral  Sampson  to  another  duty.  This,  therefore, 
necessarily  obligated  the  court  to  express  an  opinion  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  command  on  the  day  of  battle. 

It  should  be  stated  also  that  Mr.  Long  was  not  correctly  in- 
formed of  the  New  York’s  actual  position  when  the  fight  began 
at  9.35  A.  M.  At  least,  there  is  no  record  in  the  official  log-books 
of  any  vessel  off  Santiago  that  day  to  sustain  the  statement  that 
any  one  saw  the  New  York,  or  that  they  saw,  or  received,  or 


APPEAL  P^ROM  THE  REPORT  OE  THE  MAJORITY  427 


answered  any  signal  made  from  her  until  the  fight  was  practi- 
cally over ! 

The  affidavit  of  Mr.  0 ’Shaughnessy,  given  below,  fixes  the 
actual  whereabouts  of  the  New  York  when  the  battle  began: 

State  of  Illinois,  ^ 

^ V SS  * 

County  of  Cook,  j 

I,  James  O’Shaughnessy,  Jr.,  being  duly  sworn,  doth  depose  and  say 
that  I am  a citizen  of  the  United  States  and  of  Chicago  in  the  county 
and  State  aforesaid,  and  that  in  the  year  of  1898  I was  employed  as  a 
reporter  and  correspondent  of  the  Chicago  Chronicle.  In  that  capacity 
I went  to  Cuba  with  the  military  expedition  which  left  Tampa,  Fla.,  June 
14,  1898.  I landed  at  Daiquiri,  Cuba,  June  22,  1898,  and  remained  in 
Cuba  watching  the  opertions  of  the  army  about  Santiago  until  after  the 
capitulation  of  that  city,  July  17,  1898.  On  July  2d  I was  informed  that 
Admiral  Sampson  was  to  come  on  shore  to  confer  with  General  Shatter. 
On  the  following  day,  July  3d,  I was  at  the  beach  at  Siboney,  Cuba. 
While  waiting  there  that  morning  I saw  the  U.  S.  Cruiser  ~New  York 
approach  from  the  direction  of  Morro  Castle.  It  came  directly  into  the 
bight  of  Siboney  and  approached  nearer  to  the  shore  than  I had  ever 
before  observed  approach  a large  war-ship  in  that  bight.  A launch  was 
let  down  into  the  water  from  the  'New  York  when  it  stopped  and  three 
officers  from  the  New  York  entered  the  launch.  While  the  launch  was 
still  alongside  the  New  York  I heard  the  report  of  a heavy  gun  coming 
from  the  direction  of  Morro  Castle.  Immediately  there  seemed  to  be  a 
commotion  among  those  on  the  decks  of  the  New  York.  The  ladder  was 
quickly  drawn  up  on  the  side  of  the  New  York.  The  officers  in  the  launch 
were  gesticulating  to  somebody  on  the  cruiser.  The  firing  off  towards  the 
mouth  of  Santiago  Harbor  increased,  and  I could  hear  the  heavy  guns 
booming  at  close  intervals.  The  distance  was  too  great  to  hear  any  but 
the  heavier  guns.  I was  afterwards  informed  it  was  the  reports  of  the 
twelve-inch  and  thirteen-inch  guns  only  which  were  audible  at  Siboney. 
After  the  ladder  was  drawn  up  the  New  York  began  to  move.  It  began 
to  swing  around,  moving  slowly,  as  it  had  to  turn  around  in  the  bight,  in 
which  were  a number  of  army  transport  ships.  On  the  western  horizon 
the  smoke  of  the  ships,  which  was  plain  enough  at  first,  was  becoming 
less  distinct,  and  the  sound  of  the  guns  was  fast  becoming  fainter.  A 
torpedo-boat  which  had  accompanied  the  New  York  got  turned  around 
first  and  was  steaming  away  to  the  west.  The  New  York  was  slower  in 
its  movements  as  it  brought  its  bow  around  to  the  west,  but  when  it  was 
headed  towards  Morro  Castle  it  went  away  at  a fast  pace.  The  launch 
with  the  three  officers  in  it  came  to  the  temporary  dock  at  Siboney.  I 
waited  on  the  dock  for  their  coming,  and  talked  with  them  for  some 
time.  Those  officers  who  were  left  in  the  launch  seemed  greatly  chagrined 
when  they  came  on  shore,  and  appeared  as  if  they  were  at  a loss  to  know 
what  to  do.  I questioned  them  about  the  meaning  of  the  fire  and  the 


428 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


precipitate  departure  of  the  ~New  York,  but  they  were  reticent,  although 
at  that  time  those  thereabout  were  evidently  in  no  doubt  that  a consid- 
rable  sea  fight  was  going  on  then  somewhere  below  the  western  sky-line, 
and  later  in  the  day  I learned  of  the  destruction  of  the  ships  of  the 
Spanish  fieet  by  those  of  the  United  States  Navy.  That  was  then  the 
explanation  of  the  failure  of  Admiral  Sampson  to  visit  General  Shatter 
after  having  come  to  Siboney.  My  reason  for  noticing  this  much  was  that 
it  was  my  intention  and  desire  to  talk  with  Admiral  Sampson  when  he 
came  ashore  to  obtain  some  statement  from  him  for  the  benefit  of  the 
paper  I represented. 

James  O’Shaughnessy. 

Subscribed  and  sworn  to  before  me  this  7th  day  of  July,  1899. 

Francis  J.  Houlihan, 

[seal.]  'Notary  Public. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 


VISITS  TO  THE  WEST,  SOUTH  AND  EAST 
1902-1903 

Thanks  to  the  intelligent,  nntrammeled,  free  press  of  the 
country,  there  was  no  fact  connected  with  the  history  of  the 
campaign  against  the  Spanish  fleet  that  was  not  known  to,  or 
that  had  not  been  observed  by,  some  one  of  the  clever  repre- 
sentatives on  the  ground.  It  was  through  their  agency  that  the 
correct  version  of  all  that  took  place  during  the  operations 
against  the  enemy  reached  the  public.  In  many  instances  after- 
wards, in  visiting  the  various  parts  of  our  country,  the  writer 
was  astonished  at  the  complete  acquaintance  shown  by  every 
one  with  every  detail  and  circumstance  of  the  campaign  against 
Cervera’s  squadron. 

If  these  things  proved  any  one  thing  more  than  another,  they 
indicated  that  among  the  people  there  was  a love  of  fair  play 
and  honest  dealing  which  no  perversion  of  truth  or  malicious 
distortion  of  facts  afterwards  could  shake  or  overthrow.  The 
unshakable  facts  that  the  Brooklyn  was  in  the  flght  from  start 
to  finish;  that  she  was  nearest  to  the  enemy  from  the  beginning 
to  the  end  of  the  action  at  every  stage  of  the  battle;  that  she 
was  struck  by  thirty  out  of  the  forty- two  projectiles  which 
struck  the  American  vessels  engaged;  that  she  inflicted  quite 
50  per  cent  of  the  damage  sustained  by  the  ships  of  the  enemy, 
although  she  constituted  but  one-fifth  of  the  attacking  American 
force;  that  she  and  the  Oregon  completed  the  battle  by  captur- 
ing the  Colon;  that  the  only  casualties  on  the  American  side  oc- 
curred on  board  the  Brooklyn — these  facts  were  suflicient  to  fix 
an  unalterable  judgment  of  the  issues. 

The  Senate  of  two  Congresses  had  refused  to  perpetuate  the 
injustice  of  advancing  Admiral  Sampson  over  the  head  of  his 
senior,  and  the  people  everywhere,  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  applauded  with 
great  unanimity  this  decision.  From  all  parts  of  the  country, 

429 


430 


FORTY-FIA^E  YE^VRS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


north,  south,  east  and  west,  thousands  of  letters  and  telegrams 
came  to  the  writer,  expressing  in  affectionate  terms  the  people’s 
approval  of  the  Senate’s  action,  as  well  as  their  assurances  of 
confidence  and  regard.  For  three  years  or  more  following  the 
battle  the  daily  mail  brought  hundreds  and  thousands  of  letters 
that  could  only  be  opened  and  read  in  turn  as  they  came.  It 
was  intended  to  reply  to  every  person  whose  kind  interest  had 
suggested  a line  of  encouraging  assurance,  and  indeed  many  were 
so  answered;  but  it  soon  became  evident  that  it  would  not  be 
possible  to  comply  with  so  pleasant  a task,  and  with  much  re- 
luctance the  purpose  had  to  be  abandoned.  These  matters  are 
mentioned  only  because  of  a desire  to  acknowledge  the  kindnesses 
of  many  thousands  of  friends  whose  expressions  of  confidence 
helped  the  writer  to  feel  that,  in  all  the  vicissitudes  and  trying 
situations  of  his  service  of  forty-five  years  under  the  flag,  he 
had  done  his  whole  duty  to  his  beloved  country  as  a soldier,  sailor 
and  gentleman  should. 

Although  it  may  be  considered  a touch  of  vanity  to  recall  the 
many  manifestations  of  high  regard  and  affection  of  friends 
from  one  end  of  our  country  to  the  other  who  presented  him 
with  many  souvenirs  of  priceless  value  in  testimony  of  their 
affection,  the  writer  feels  that  he  would  be  remiss  in  grateful 
appreciation  if  he  should  fail  to  record  in  these  memoirs  the 
tributes  of  honor  which  his  friends  in  almost  every  State  of  the 
Union  so  generously  and  affectionately  presented  to  him.  The 
pleasure  in  doing  so  transcendently  outweighs  any  apprehension 
that  he  will  be  misunderstood,  or  that  the  proprieties  may  be 
questioned. 

The  wishes  of  the  people  to  testify  to  their  esteem  and  confi- 
dence took  form  in  many  States  almost  coincidentally.  As  the 
form  of  the  testimonials  varied  with  the  taste  or  wishes  of  the  con- 
tributors, more  or  less  time  was  necessary  in  order  to  fashion 
and  finish  them  in  conformity  with  the  designs  finally  selected, 
but  in  all  cases  the  result  was  a masterpiece  of  art,  faultless  in 
taste,  design  and  workmanship. 

These  exquisite  souvenirs,  presented  in  the  name  of  the  people 
from  every  part  of  the  country,  in  Philadelphia,  New  York,  Bal- 
timore, Atlanta,  Chicago,  Louisville,  Nashville,  Knoxville,  Mem- 
phis, Laconia,  Fort  Smith  (Ark.),  Dallas,  Waco,  San  Antonio, 


VISITS  TO  THE  WEST,  SOUTH  AND  EAST  431 

Galveston,  Cincinnati,  Binghamton,  Boston,  and  many  other 
places,  were  graven  with  complimentary  words  expressing  the 
love,  admiration  and  esteem  of  the  people. 

The  joint  resolutions  of  thanks,  or  the  invitations  from  the 
Legislatures  of  a number  of  the  States  to  visit  those  common- 
wealths, were  testimonials  of  honor  that  were  gratifying  and 
complimentary.  More  than  this,  they  bore  the  indorsement  of 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  who  had  chosen  that  method 
to  record  in  the  archives  of  their  great  commonwealths  the  im- 
perishable fact  of  their  confidence  in  one  whom  they  believed 
had  wrought  well  for  his  country  and  theirs. 

The  great  honors  paid  by  the  Governors  and  Legislatures  of 
many  States  formed  the  highest  tributes  of  distinction  that  could 
be  paid  to  a fellow  citizen.  The  writer’s  reception  by  those  ex- 
alted officials  of  States  was  impressive  and  significant.  His  wel- 
come enthusiastically  accorded  on  these  occasions  was  a distinct 
rebuke  to  the  few  who  had  sought  to  minimize  the  credit  for  glory 
honorably  won  on  a day  that  will  be  forever  great  in  the  annals 
of  our  country. 

The  enthusiastic  greetings  of  the  people  from  Bangor,  Me., 
to  San  Francisco,  and  from  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
along  the  routes  of  travel,  with  requests  to  accept  thousands  of 
kind  invitations  from  mayors  and  city  authorities,  chambers  of 
commerce,  boards  of  trade,  various  clubs,  German  and  Swedish 
societies,  and  friends  in  almost  every  city  all  over  the  country, 
were  in  their  nature  ovations  of  love  and  honor  from  a people 
who  revere  justice  and  prize  fair  dealing,  and  it  touched  the 
guest  profoundly.  It  was  these  things  which  brought  to  the 
recipient  satisfaction  that,  in  all  the  trying  experiences  of  a long 
professional  career,  his  conduct  had  stood  approved  by  the  peo- 
ple of  his  country. 

Beginning  his  service  at  a time  when  the  transition  from  sail 
to  steam  had  begun,  he  has  lived  to  see  the  evolution  from  the 
auxiliary  steam  vessel  completed  in  the  mastless  battleship  of  this 
day.  As  step  by  step  has  been  taken  along  this  route  leading  to 
complete  change  from  old  conditions,  he  has  seen  obstacles  that 
were  scattered  over  the  way  by  conservative  opinion  vanish  be- 
fore the  advancing  demand  for  machines  independent  of  wind 
and  weather  at  sea. 


482 


FORTY-FIVE  YEARS  UNDER  THE  FLAG 


From  the  contests  of  old  days  with  wind  and  weather,  when 
the  battle  betw^een  the  elements  and  man  was  always  uncertain, 
he  has  lived  to  see  the  final  triumph  of  man  in  these  high-powered 
vessels  of  to-day,  which  defy  winds  and  weather  and  run  almost 
as  railway  trains  on  schedule  time. 

The  change  from  old  muzzle-loading,  oddly  shaped,  smooth- 
bore guns  to  the  graceful,  modern,  high-power,  breech-loading 
cannon,  and  from  the  black  powder  of  low  initial  velocity  with 
enormous  internal  pressures  to  the  smokeless  powder  of  this  day 
with  a decrease  of  internal  strain  and  a vast  increase  in  the  foot 
ton  energy  of  the  projectile  on  striking — all  this  has  taken  place 
in  the  professional  life  of  the  writer. 

All  those  changes  which  have  led  to  better  ventilation,  more 
perfect  sewerage,  complete  draining,  better  lighting  of  living 
quarters,  and,  therefore,  to  the  improved  sanitation  of  modern 
ships,  have  had  to  force  their  way  against  opposition  of  one  kind 
or  another.  Now  that  they  have  come,  with  all  their  benefits,  the 
wonder  is  how  could  any  one  have  survived  the  discomforts  or 
have  endured  the  life  below  decks  in  the  old  days  when  decks 
w^ere  deluged  daily  with  water,  rooms  lighted  with  tallow  can- 
dles, the  air  vitiated  for  lack  of  proper  ventilation,  the  sunshine 
never  reaching  decks  below. 

It  has  been  a privilege  in  this  long  career  of  public  service 
to  give  youth,  sword  and  honor  to  the  country  in  helping  for  the 
defense  of  the  legacy  of  liberty  bequeathed  by  the  Fathers  of 
the  Republic.  And  throughout  all  there  has  been  one  watch- 
word, one  lodestar,  one  purpose — duty;  whether  in  that  greatest 
of  w’ars,  the  Civil  War,  or  in  the  frozen  fields  of  ice  and  snow 
of  the  Polar  Ocean,  or  amid  the  exposures  to  pestilential  fevers 
of  the  starlit  tropics;  whether  amid  the  threatenings  of  riotous 
crowds  in  the  far-off  Pacific  waters,  defending  the  good  name 
of  his  men,  or  on  the  heights  of  Kang  Hoa  in  the  far-away  Orient, 
side  by  side  with  others  avenging  the  wrongs  of  his  country- 
men; whether  in  the  day  of  battle  on  the  bridge  of  his  flagship 
amid  dangers  that  come  to  only  few  men,  or  in  the  storm  of 
vituperation  so  unnecessary  afterwards — thank  God  there  has 
been  no  thought  of  self,  no  fear  of  consequences,  no  selfish 
desire  to  claim  honors  in  which  others  were  believed  to  share. 

Better  still,  it  is  counted  among  the  privileges  of  a long  ser- 


VISITS  TO  THE  WEST,  SOUTH  AND  EAST  433 

vice  to  have  lived  to  see  the  day  when  all  can  realize  that  the 
gory  fields  contested  for  so  gloriously  in  those  far-off  times  are 
to  be  held  up  to  generations  to  follow  as  legacies  of  American 
manhood  in  its  highest  development,  those  days  when  men  who 
wore  the  blue  and  those  who  wore  the  gray  can  mingle  around 
the  same  camp-fire  in  proud  admiration  of  the  prowess  of  each 
as  Americans.  It  is  but  the  echo  of  every  soul  that  shared  those 
dangers  to  say  in  earnest  thankfulness,  ‘ ‘ God  bless  our  country.  ’ ’ 

And  in  penning  these  memoirs  there  has  been  no  wish  to 
detract  from  the  services  of  others,  no  desire  to  utter  unkind, 
undignified  or  rude  words  of  those  who  may  have  differed  in 
their  views,  but  to  set  forth  the  facts  and  services  of  a life  that 
has  been  clean  in  its  devotion  to  home  and  to  country  and  stead- 
fast in  its  purpose  from  youth  to  its  meridian  in  giving  the 
best  years  to  duty  conscientiously  done  for  all  that  is  near  and 
dear  to  man — honor,  home,  country. 

These  pages  would  be  incomplete  if  the  writer  should  fail  to 
record  in  them  his  acknowledgment  of  the  assistance  he  has  had 
in  every  work  he  has  done  from  officers  and  men  who  served 
with  him  in  the  varied  service  of  his  long  life.  It  was  the  loyal 
help  of  those  who  stood  out  with  him  in  the  storms  of  the  ele- 
ments, or  of  war,  whether  below  behind  the  guns  or  before  the 
furnaces,  that  made  the  accomplishments  of  his  professional  life 
possible.  It  is  to  them  that  the  meed  of  praise  which  has  come 
to  him  is  largely  due,  and  it  is  in  grateful  recognition  that  he 
perpetuates  this  acknowledgment  to  them. 

Neither  the  lapse  of  time  nor  the  change  of  circumstances  has 
wrought  any  change  of  faith  in  the  expression  from  the  heart 
penned  in  those  first  moments  of  the  great  battle  of  July  3,  1898 : 

“I  am  glad  that  I had  an  opportunity  to  contribute  in  the  least  to  a 
victory  that  seems  big  enough  for  all  of  us!” 


THE  END. 


INDEX 


Agnus,  Brig.-Gen.,  at  Port  Hudson, 
49. 

Andes,  railway  building  in  the,  213. 

Annapolis,  Naval  Academy  at,  5, 
G3,  lOG. 

Baltimore,  U.  S.  S.,  192;  chosen  to 
carry  Ericsson’s  remains  to  Swe- 
den, 198;  in  the  Mediterranean, 
20G;  ordered  to  Chile,  209;  oper- 
ations off  Chile,  212;  arrival  at 
Valparaiso,  217;  attack  on  sail- 
ors at  Valparaiso,  222;  inquiry 
at  Mare  Island,  232;  indemnity, 
234,  238. 

Banks,  Maj.-Gen.,  at  Port  Hudson, 
43. 

Batavia,  Java,  the  Niagara -at,  IG. 

Benicia,  U.  S.  S.,  GG ; cruise  to 
China,  G8;  ordered  to  Japan,  75; 
expedition  against  Korea,  7G;  on 
the  Yang-tse-Kiang,  98. 

Brooke,  Maj-Gen.  John  B.,  com- 
missioner to  Porto  Pico,  344 ; 
Military  Governor  of  Porto  Rico, 
351. 

Brooldyn,  Commodore  Schley’s  flag- 
ship in  Spanish-American  War, 
258  seq. 

Brovm,  Rear  Admiral  George,  oper- 
ation off  Chile,  212. 

Bunce,  Rear  Admiral  T.  M.,  24G, 
250. 

Butler,  Gen.  Benjamin  F.,  at  New 
Orleans,  140. 

Cape  Town,  20. 

Capri,  20G. 

Cervera,  Admiral,  at  Santiago,  2G8 ; 
sinking  of  the  Merrimac,  287 ; 

29 


battle  of  Santiago,  297,  298; 
after  the  battle,  315,  322. 

Chile,  the  revolution  in,  209  seq. ; 
indemnity  for  Baltimore  incident, 
234,  238. 

China,  troubles  of  1870  in,  71,  73. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  blockade  of,  24; 
after  the  war,  19G;  naval  evolu- 
tions at,  248. 

Cienfuegos,  blockade  of,  2G8. 

Civil  War,  rumors  of,  20;  begin- 
ning of  the,  22.  See  Schley. 

Court  of  Inquiry  convened,  408;  ap- 
peal from  the  report  of  the  ma- 
jority, 419. 

Cuba,  the  revolution  in,  253;  sym- 
pathy in  the  United  States,  254; 
destruction  of  the  Maine,  25G. 
See  Spanish-American  War. 

Dewey,  Admiral  George,  on  the 
Mississippi,  47 ; Naval  Secretary 
of  Lighthouse  Board,  137 ; Chief 
of  Bureau  of  Equipment,  192; 
return  to  United  States  and  re- 
ception of  fleet  in  New  York,  397 ; 
President  of  Court  of  Inquiry, 
410. 

Dfaz,  Gen.  Porfirio,  made  President 
of  Mexico,  109. 

Dom  Pedro,  Emperor  of  Brazil, 
123;  court  of,  127. 

Drills,  advantage  of,  70,  77. 

Dunlop,  Commodore,  at  Vera  Cruz, 
32.  j 

Egan,  Patrick,  minister  to  Chile, 
209,  222. 

Ericsson,  John,  the  monitor,  106; 
remains  conveyed  to  Sweden,  198. 

435 


436 


INDEX 


Essex,  U.  S.  S.,  at  Port  Hudson,  37, 
44. 

Eugenie,  Empress  of  the  French, 
63. 

Farragut,  Admiral  David  Glasgow, 
in  the  Gulf,  27 ; in  command  of 
West  Gulf  squadron,  34 ; cap- 
ture of  Port  Hudson,  41 ; in  com- 
mand of  European  station,  63 ; 
character  and  personality,  50; 
death,  67. 

Fernando  Po,  the  Essex  at,  115; 
physical  conditions,  116. 

Fort  Pickens,  22. 

Fort  Sumter,  attack  on,  22. 

Franco-German  War,  71,  74. 

Franklin,  U.  S.  S.,  visit  of  Empress 
Eugenie  to  the,  63. 

Frietchie,  Barbara,  3. 

Gabaudan,  E.  C.,  exploit  at  Port 
Hudson,  49. 

General  Parkhill,  capture  of  the,  off 
Charleston,  25. 

General  Sherman,  burned  by  the 
Koreans,  76. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  48. 

Gibraltar,  210. 

Grant,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.,  49;  at  An- 
napolis, 66. 

Great  Eastern,  S.  S.,  first  visit  to 
the  United  States,  13. 

Greely,  Lieut.  A.  W.,  polar  expedi- 
tion of,  140;  first  attempts  to  re- 
lieve it,  144;  relief  expedition, 
146;  survivors  found,  168;  the 
return,  170. 

Guantanamo  Bay,  seizure  of,  291. 

Havana,  destruction  of  the  Maine, 
256;  blockade  of,  261. 

Hayes-Tilden  controversy,  109. 

Hobson,  Richmond  P.,  the  sinking 
of  the  Merrimac  in  Santiago  har- 
bor, 286. 

Inspection,  Board  of,  duties  of,  244. 


Japan,  embassy  of,  to  the  United 
States,  11;  in  1870,  75. 

Jervis,  Sir  John,  and  Battle  of  the 
Nile,  280,  312. 

Korea,  expedition  against,  76;  ar- 
rival of  U.  S.  ships  at  Chemulpo, 
81;  fired  on  by  the  forts,  84;  at- 
tack on  the  forts,  89;  rout  of  the 
Koreans,  93;  withdrawal  of  the 
fleet,  97. 

La  Torre,  General,  President  of 
Uruguay,  125. 

Liberia,  visit  of  the  Essex  to,  112. 

Lighthouse  Board,  236,  241,  251. 

Li  Hung  Chang,  in  1870,  75. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  elected  Presi- 
dent, 20;  assassinated,  57. 

Long,  Secretary  John  D.,  letter  to 
the  Committee  on  Naval  Affairs, 
368. 

McCann,  Rear  Admiral,  in  com- 
mand off  Chile,  212. 

Macedonian,  U.  S.  S.,  65. 

Maclay,  Edgard  Stanton,  “ The 
History  of  the  Na\y,”  408. 

Maine,  U.  S.  S.,  goes  to  Havana, 
256;  destroyed  in  Havana  harbor, 
256. 

Manila,  in  1872,  101. 

Marryat,  Captain,  influence  of  his 
novels  on  Schley,  4. 

Maximilian,  Emperor  of  Mexico, 
34;  executed,  63. 

Merrimac,  sunk  in  Santiago  har- 
bor, 285,  286. 

Monongahela,  U.  S.  S.,  at  Port 
Hudson,  41. 

Naples,  visit  to,  206. 

Napoleon  in  St.  Helena,  121. 

Navigators’  Chart,  The,  how  made, 
353. 

Nelson,  Lord,  Battle  of  the  Nile, 
280,  312. 


INDEX 


437 


Niagara,  U.  S.  S.,  carries  the  U.  S. 
embassy  to  Japan,  11;  arrival  in 
Boston  from  Japan,  21;  off 
Charleston,  24. 

Nile,  Battle  of  the,  280,  312. 

Nimley,  King,  an  African  chief, 
113. 

Peabody,  George,  death  of,  67. 

Perry,  Commodore  M.  C.,  visit  to 
Japan,  11. 

Pompeii,  206. 

Porter,  Admiral  David  Dixon,  mor- 
tar fleet  on  the  Mississippi,  44; 
superintendent  of  Naval  Acad- 
emy, 63;  in  the  Navy  Depart- 
ment, 66. 

Port  Hudson,  the  Winona  at,  37, 
41 ; Farragut’s  attack  on,  41 ; 
capture  of,  45,  47,  49. 

Port  Mahon,  naval  station  at,  205, 
206. 

Porto  Rico,  evacuation  of,  344. 

Potomac,  U.  S.  S.,  officers  of  the,  in 
1861,  26;  sent  to  Vera  Cruz,  31. 

Richfields,  paternal  estate  of  Ad- 
miral Schley,  2. 

Richmond,  U.  S.  S.,  on  the  Missis- 
sippi, 47. 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  the  Essex  at,  122, 
126. 

Ripley,  Colonel,  United  States  rep- 
resentative to  Japan,  18. 

Riviera,  the,  208. 

Rodgers,  Rear  Admiral  C.  R.  P.,  in 
command  at  Naval  Academy,  107. 

Rodgers,  Admiral  John,  in  the  Chi- 
nese rising,  74;  expedition 
against  Korea,  76. 

St.  Helena,  121,  132. 

St.  John’s  College,  Maryland,  school 
days  at,  3. 

St.  Paul  de  Loanda,  naval  station 
at,  13. 

Sampson,  Rear  Admiral  William  T., 
at  Key  West,  261;  orders  to  Fly- 


ing Squadron,  262;  arrival  at 
Santiago,  283;  sinking  of  the 
Merrimac,  285,  286;  bombard- 
ment of  the  forts,  288;  arrival  of 
the  transports,  292;  battle  of 
Santiago,  297,  298,  427 ; reports 
of  the  battle,  318,  322,  335;  sur- 
render of  Santiago,  336;  return 
to  New  York,  341 ; made  rear  ad- 
miral, 367,  395 ; beginning  of  con- 
troversy, 367 ; Schley  Court  of 
Inquiry,  408. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  Spanish  fleet  at, 
268,  273;  blockade  of,  281;  sink- 
ing of  the  Merrimac,  285,  286; 
bombardment  of  the  forts,  288; 
arrival  of  the  transports,  292 ; 
operations  of  the  army  at,  294; 
naval  battle  of,  297,  298;  surren- 
der of  332,  336;  results  of  the 
battle,  322. 

Scott,  Gen.  Winfield,  4. 

Schley,  Annie  Rebecca  (Franklin), 
wife  of  Admiral  Schley,  52. 

Schley,  Capt.  Thomas  Franklin,  son 
of  Admiral  Schley,  52. 

Schley,  Georgiana  Virginia  (Mc- 
Clure), mother  of  Admiral 
Schley,  1 ; death  of,  3. 

Schley,  John  Thomas,  father  of  Ad- 
miral Schley,  1. 

Schley,  Maria  Virginia,  daughter  of 
Admiral  Schley,  52. 

Schley,  Rear  Admiral  Winfield 
Scott,  birth  and  school  days,  1 ; 
ancestry,  1 ; removal  to  Freder- 
ick, Va.,  3;  influence  of  Marry- 
at’s  novels,  4;  appointed  midship- 
man, 4;  admitted  to  Annapolis, 
5;  practise  cruise  on  the  Prehle, 
6;  practise  cruise  on  the  Plym- 
outh, 7;  on  the  Niagara  to  Japan, 
11;  oath  of  allegiance,  23;  on 
the  Niagara  off  Charleston,  24; 
acting  master  and  master,  26;  in 
command  of  the  prize  Oen.  Park- 
hill,  25 ; assigned  to  the  Potomac, 


438 


INDEX 


2C;  at  Pensacola,  28;  off  Mobile, 
29;  at  Vera  Cruz,  32;  Lieu- 
tenant, 34 ; executive  officer  of 
Winona,  35;  on  the  Mississippi, 
39;  at  Port  Hudson,  37,  41;  in 
command  of  the  Monongahela, 
41;  assigned  to  the  Richmond, 
47 ; marriage,  52 ; children,  62 ; 
assigned  to  the  Wateree,  53 ; 
Central  and  South  America,  54; 
at  Naval  Academy,  63;  Lieuten- 
ant Commander,  63;  on  the  Euro- 
pean station,  63 ; on  the  Benicia, 
66;  cruise  to  China,  68;  troubles 
in  China,  71,  73;  in  Japan,  75; 
expedition  against  Korea,  76;  on 
the  Yang-tse-Kiang,  98;  in  Ma- 
nila, 101;  reception  by  the  Japa- 
nese Emperor,  103 ; at  Naval 
Academy,  1872,  106;  Commander, 
107 ; in  command  of  the  Essex, 
107 ; to  Mexico  on  the  Essex, 
109;  visit  to  Liberia  and  other 
African  points,  112  seq.;  sound- 
ings in  the  South  Atlantic,  120; 
at  St.  Helena,  121,  132;  South 
America,  122 ; Lighthouse  Board, 
137 ; Greely  relief  expedition,  140, 
146;*  find  survivors,  168;  Chief  of 
the  Bureau  of  Equipment,  182; 
Captain,  190;  in  command  of 
U.  S.  S.  Baltimore,  192;  trans- 
ports Ericsson’s  remains  to  Swe- 
den, 198 ; visits  to  Kiel,  Copen- 
hagen, etc.,  201 ; in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, 206 ; ordered  to  Chile, 
209;  operations  off  Chile,  212; 
arrival  at  Valparaiso,  217 ; at- 
tack on  sailors  from  the  Balti- 
more, 222 ; inquiry  at  Mare 
Island,  232;  indemnity,  234,  238; 
Lighthouse  Inspector,  235 ; on 
Board  of  Inspection,  244;  ordered 
to  the  Rew  York,  246;  naval  evo- 
lutions at  Charleston,  248;  Chair- 
man of  Lighthouse  Board,  251; 
Commodore,  253;  rumors  of  war 


with  Spain,  255;  in  command  of 
Flying’  Squadron,  257 ; at  Key 
West,  261;  proceeds  to  Cien- 
fuegos,  263;  off  Santiago,  274; 
blockade  of  Santiago,  281;  sink- 
ing of  the  Merrimac,  285,  286; 
bombardment  of  the  forts,  288; 
arrival  of  the  transports,  292; 
battle  of  Santiago,  297,  298;  re- 
ports of  the  battle,  318,  322,  335; 
return  to  New  York,  341 ; Com- 
missioner to  Porto  Rico,  344;  The 
Navigators’  Chart,  353;  correc- 
tions to  Bureau  of  Navigation’s 
report,  360;  signal  record  of  the 
Brooklyn,  365;  Rear  Admiral, 
342,  367,  395;  beginning  of  con- 
troversy, 362;  reply  to  Secretary 
Long’s  letter  to  Committee  on 
Naval  Affairs,  376;  President  of 
Retiring  Board,  396;  in  command 
of  South  Atlantic  station,  398; 
The  Court  of  Inquiry,  408;  the 
appeal  from  the  report  of  the 
majority,  419. 

Schley,  Dr.  Winfield  Scott,  son  of 
Admiral  Schley,  52. 

Self  ridge,  T.  0.,  Jr.,  in  command  of 
the  Macedonian,  65. 

Shatter,  General,  operations  at  San- 
tiago, 332;  surrender  of  Santiago, 
336. 

Shanghai,  the  U.  S.  ships  at,  73. 

Sheridan,  General,  at  battle  of  Five 
Forks,  189. 

Sigsbee,  Capt.  C.  D.,  in  command  of 
U.  S.  S.  St.  Paul  at  Santiago, 
275. 

Spain.  See  Spanish-American 
War. 

Spanish-American  War : revolution 
in  Cuba,  253;  sympathy  in  the 
U.  S.,  254;  preparations  for  war, 
255;  destruction  of  the  ^^aine, 
256;  bombardment  of  San  Juan, 
261;  blockade  of  Cienfuegos,  263; 
Spanish  fleet  in  Santiago  harbor, 


INDEX 


439 


268,  273;  blockade  of  Santiago, 
281;  sinking  of  the  Merrimac, 
285,  286 ; bombardment  of  the 
forts,  288;  seizure  of  Guantana- 
mo Bay,  291 ; operation  of  the 
army  at  Santiago,  292;  results  of 
the  naval  battle  of  Santiago,  322 ; 
land  operations,  332;  peace  pro- 
tocol, 340;  evacuation  of  Porto 
Rico,  344. 

Spezzia,  fortifications  at,  207. 

Suez  Canal  opened,  68. 

Thornton,  Lieut.  Com.  James  S., 
court-martial  of,  35. 

Tien-Sien,  massacre  of  the  French 
nuns  at,  71,  73. 

Tokio,  in  1860,  18. 

Toucey,  Isaac,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  9. 

Tracy,  Gen.  Benj.  F.,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy,  190. 

Tristan  d’Acunha,  128. 

Valparaiso  taken  by  the  insurgents, 
218;  U.  S.  marines  landed  at. 


220;  attack  on  the  sailors  from 
the  Baltimore,  222. 

Vicksburg,  captured  by  Grant,  49. 

Viscaya,  visit  to  New  York,  256. 

Warship,  modern,  evolution  of  the, 
39,  40. 

Wateree,  U.  S.  S.,  53. 

Watson,  Commodore  J.  C.,  in  com- 
mand of  Eastern  squadron,  340. 

Welles,  Gideon,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  53. 

Whitney,  W.  C.,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  184. 

Winona,  Schley’s  command  of  the, 
35. 

Wise,  Lieut.  Henry  A.,  U.  S.  repre- 
sentative to  Japan,  18. 

Worden,  Rear  Admiral  John  L.,  in 
command  of  Naval  Academy,  106. 

Wortley,  Maria  Virginia  (Schley), 
daughter  of  Admiral  Schley,  52. 

Yokohama,  remarkable  growth  of, 
75. 


(1) 


, I 


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service  in  enabling  the  American  people  to  see  Mr.  Roosevelt  as  one 
sincere  and  enlightened  man.” — The  Washington  Post. 

“ It  is  frank,  critical,  straightforward,  yet  gives  a picture  of  Theodore 
Roosevelt  that  will  increase  admiration  of  the  man.  The  book  through- 
out impresses  the  reader  with  its  great  moderation  and  strict  adherence 
to  truth.” — The  San  Francisco  Argo?taut. 

“Mr.  Leupp’s  book  has  an  undeniable  interest  apart  from  the  imme- 
diate appeal  of  his  subject.  His  pen  is  one  long  trained  in  the  art  of 
picturesque  presentation,  and  its  cunning  does  not  fail  him  here.” 

— T/ie  Nation. 

“ A book  of  the  times,  our  own  American  times,  we  should  call  this. 
The  author  has  not  in  any  way  glossed  his  estimate,  but  has  told  the 
brave  truth  about  the  real  President  Roosevelt.” — The  Boston  Courier. 

“ For  the  task  he  has  undertaken  Mr.  Leupp  is  exceptionally  well 
equipped.  He  is  a trained  observer  and  critic,  and  his  book  is  full  of 
passages  which  throw  a novel  and  interesting  light  on  the  President’s 
career  and  character.” — The  New  York  Tribune. 

“A  sane,  well-balanced,  interesting  study  of  Mr.  Roosevelt’s  char- 
acter and  career.  Though  frankly  favorable,  it  is  critical  in  spirit  and 
discriminating  in  its  praise.” — Chicago  Record-Herald. 

“ The  book  is  in  no  sense  a ‘ life  ’ of  the  President ; it  is  an  attempt, 
a successful  attempt,  to  throw  light  upon  Mr.  Roosevelt’s  personality, 
motives,  and  methods.” — Public  Opinion. 

“ A book  well  worth  the  writing  and  publishing,  and  well  worth  the 
reading  by  any  citizen,  whatever  his  political  views.” 

— The  Washington  Star. 

“Mr.  Leupp’s  book,  like  nearly  all  intensely  personal  and  well- 
written  narratives,  is  exceedingly  interesting.” — The  Brooklyn  Citizen. 


D.  APPLETON  AND  COMPANY.  NEW  YORK. 


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